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N
pO
SELECT WORKS
OP THE
REYERENP AND LEAKXED
DAVID CLARK SON, b.d.
r
tj5eiB«l'*f« ^^^^
ESTABLISHED MDCCCXLJV,
?OR REPRINTING A SERIES OF THE MORE SCARCE AND VALUABLE TRACTS
AND TREATISES OF THE EARLY REFORliEEd, PUR1TANS> AND
NONCONFORMIBTS OF GREAT BRITAIN,
I.
V
SELECT WORKS
REVEREND AND LEARNED
DAVID CLAEKSON, B.D.,
AND SOMETIME FELLOW OF CLARE HALL, CAMBRIDGE.
EDITED FOR
BY
THE BEV. BASIL H. COOPER, B.A.,
or THE UKIVERSITT OF LONDOV.
WITH HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF
THE AUTHOR,
BY
THE REV. JOHN BLACKBURN,
CLARXMOKT CHAPEL, KOVDOV.
LONDON:
PRIXTED POR THE SOCIETY BY
BLACKBURN AND PARDON, HATTO^i ,r?ARD.EN.
Mocccxi^yi. ^
~^d6
oo .
ADVERTISEMENT.
The Rev. Richard Baxter has said, that the Rev. David
Clarkson "was a divine of extraordinary worth for sohd
judgment, heaUng, moderate principles, acquaintance
with the Fathers, great ministerial abiUties, and a godly,
upright life.*^* Such a testimony it is presumed will
justify the resolution of the Committee of the Wycliffe
Society, to collect and repubhsh his " Select Works,"
which have too long shared in the concealment of their
venerated and modest author, but which, it is beUeved,
are now destined to take the important place which
belongs to them in the several controversies to which
they respectively belong, as they are imquestionably
written with acuteness and learning, moderation and
charity.
* Reliquis Baxterianae, Part iii. p. 97.
VI ADVERTISEMENT.
The long delay in the publication of this volume has
occasioned the Committee sincere regret; but it was
rendered imavoidable by the extremely defective and
inaccurate state of the posthumous Treatises, which
required much longer time than had been anticipated
by the Editor to prepare them for the press.
Robert Ashton,
John Blackburn,
Sec^tarie,.
Congregational Library^
March, 1846.
CONTENTS.
Page
I. Historical Notices of tHe Life and Writings of the Rev.
David Clarkson, B.D ix
SELECT WORKS.
n. No Evidence fob Diocesan Chubches, &c. ... 1
in. Diocesan Churches not tet discovebkd . . . .59
IV. Pbdotive Episcopact Stated and Cleabzd from the Holt
Scriptures and Ancient Records .... 151
Y. A Discourse coNCERNma Lituboies 245
YI. A Discourse of the Saving Grace of God . . 375
Yn. Miscellaneous Sermons.
1. A Funeral Sermon for Dr. John Owen . 445
2. What must Christians do that the Influence of Ordi-
nances may abide upon them ? . . . . 455
3. The Doctrine of Justification is dangerously oormpted
in the Roman Church 471
Ym. Index 491
52
fflSTOBICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D.
There have been but few men amongst the English Noncon-
formists more eminent for religion and learning than David
Clarkson ; and yet there is less known of his personal history and
public course than perhaps of any of his distinguished associates.
The following notices of his life and writings, though collected
at considerable pains, from various sources, afford but an imperfect
account of him, and indeed do not comprise more facts than might
be recited in his epitaph.
He was a son of Robert Clarkson, and bom in the town of
Bradford, Yorkshire, in the month of February, 1621-22, where
he was baptized on the 3rd of March the same year. His father
was a respectable yeoman in that important town, and possessed
of that moral worth and social influence which caused him to
be ranked amongst its leading inhabitants.^ The names of
three children of his have been recovered : William, who died,
rector of Addle, Yorkshire, in 1660; Mary, who was married
to Mr. John Sharp, of Little Horton Hall, near Bradford;^
* There is decUive evidence of this in the fkct that the Corporation of Lon-
don conveyed, in 1629, the manor of Bradford to John Okell, vicar of Bradford,
WiUiam Lister, of Manningham, gentleman, Robert Chrkton, and Joshua Cooke, of
Bradford, yeomen.
* The Sharp family belonged to the straitest section of the Puritans. Two sons by
this marriage became eminent : Thomas Sharp, educated at Clare Hall, Cambridge,
who succeeded, on the death of his maternal uncle, V^Tilliam Clarkson, to the rectory
of Addle, from which he was removed at the Restoration by the challenge of Dr.
Hitch, rector of Guisley, who claimed it as his right, having been excluded by the
Act of the Long Parliament against pluralities. After his ejectment, he succeeded
Mr. Stretton, at Leeds, where he died, August 27th, 1693, aged 59. Ralph Thoresby
X HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
and David, the subject of this notice. Nothing is known of his
early training ; but as he went to the University of Cambridge
young, 80 it is not unlikely that he received his grammar
learning in the school founded in his native place by the munifi-
cence of Edward VI.
^e enter^ Clare Hall, Cambridge, probably about 1640, where
he distinguished himself as a scholar and a Christian, and secured
the friendship and confidence of his associates in coUege. In Janu-
ary, 1642, the town of Bradford, then occupied for the Parliament
by Sir Thomas Fairfax and his soldiers, suffered an assault from
the royalist forces, commanded by Sir William Saville, who were
compelled to retreat to Leeds. Young Clarkson probably returned
home to visit his family after this alarm, for we find that he was
shut in his native town, when the Earl of Newcastle invested it a
second time in June following, and took it by storm. A curious
piece of contemporaneous biography, written by Joseph Lister, an
apprentice to Mr. John Sharp, the brother-in-law of Mr. David
Clarkson, describes the straitness of the siege, and '' the desperate
adventure" of Sir T. Fairfax and his men to break through the
enemy's army sword in hand. In this attempt they were joined
by Mr. Sharp and his brother-in-law David ; but with what success
the autobiographer recites in the following passage : —
" My master being gone, I sought for my mother, and having found
her, she, and I, and my sister, walked in the street, not knowing what
had the highest regard for him, and has preserved in his diary a very affecting account
of his death. The following impassioned exclamations from Thoreshy's diary, witness
to the intenseness of his attachment : " O Lord 1 O Lord I what a hitter and a
heavy hurden is sin, that has deprived us of the choicest mercy under heaven ; such a
minister of Jesus Christ as very few have equalled in this, or former centuries—an
irreparable loss. Oh, black and dismal day !" &c. The Rev. Olirer Heywood says
that he was " a profound scholar and of excellent refined gifts, and a holy and incom-
parable man.*' [Vide Calamy's Account, ii. p. 818. Walker's Sufferings of the
Clergy, p. 277. Thoreshy's Diary, voL L pp. 236, 244. Thoreshy's Letters, vol. i.
pp. 229, 23a]
The other was Abraham Sharp, the celebrated mathematician, the friend and asso-
ciate of Flamsteed, and the correspondent of Newton, Halley, Wallis, and Hodgson.
He died at Little Horton, where his observatory still stands, on the 18th of July,
1742, in the 91st year of his age. (Encyclop. Brit, seventh edition. Article Sharp,
and private information.) Immediately related to John Sharp, the father of Thomas
and Abraham, was Thomas Sharp, an oilman at Bradford, who was also of the old
puritanical school, the host of Lord Fairfax during the siege of Bradford, and &ther
of John Sharp, who was bom in that town, in 1644, and consecrated Archbishop of
York, in 169L British Biography, vol. vi p. 394.
OF THE BET. DATID CLABSSOS, EJ>.
to do, or which mj to take. And a
a young gentleman, called I>aTid
mother asked him where he had been widi
made an enay to go with n^ iNnather Sbarp^ i
through the enemy's kagoer ; hot dK change '
i^;ain, and now I know not what to dou' Then
' Pray, mother, gire me kaTe to go with David, fix- 1 dunk I (
him a safe way ;' fer being b(»n in diat town, I knew all die by-ways
about it
^ David also desired her to let me go with him, ao die begged a hltm-
ing on me, and sent me away, not knowing where we could be safe. So
away we went, and I led him to a pboe caDed die SOl-bndge, whoe a
foot company was standing; yet I dunk diey £d not see ns, ao we ran oa
the ri^t hand of diem, and then waded over die water, and hearing a
party of horse come down die lane towards die town, we laid as down
in the side of the com, and th^ perea i ed ns not It being about daj-
break, we stayed here as long as we dmst for being discovered, it begin-
ning to be light Well, we got iq>, and went in die shade of die hedge,
and then looking about ns, and hoping to be past the danger of the
leaguer, we took to the hi^wi^, intpnding to go to a little town called
Clayton ; and having waded over the water, we met with two men that
were troopers, and who had left their horses in the town, and hoped to
get away on foot, and now diey and we walked together, and hoped we
had escaped all danger, and all on a sadden a man on horseback from
towards die beacon had eepked us and came riding towards us, and we,
like poor affirighted sheep, seeing him come fost towards us, with a drawn
swoid in his hand, we foolishly kept together, and thought to sare our-
selves by running. Had we scattered from one anodier, he had but got
one of us. We all got into a fidd ; he croased the field and came to us,
and as it pleased God, being running by the hedge-side, I espied a thick
hoUy-tree, and thought periiaps I might hide myself in this tree and
esci^pe, so I crept into it, and pulled the boughs about me, and presently
I heard them cry out for quarter. He wounded one of them, and took
them all prisoners, and said, ' There were four of you ; where is the
other ?* but they knew not, for I, being the last and least of them, was
not missed ; so he never looked after me more : but I have often
thought since how easily we might have knocked him down, had we but
had courage ; but alas ! we had none.^ *
He gives no further information respecting young Clarkson,
bat it is most probable that he was taken to Leeds> and exchanged
* " An Historical NamtiTe of the Life of Joseph Lister, sometime belonging to
the religious society at Kipping, in Bradford-dale, in Yorkshire, &c." pp.18 — 20.
xil HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
for some royalist prisoner, as he returned to Cambridge, and there,
in another scene of that great struggle, was exalted to competency
and honour.
Soon after the civil wars began, the heads of that university
resolved to send their plate to the king to be coined into money
for his military chest. This brought Cromwell, who was the
member for the borough in parliament, to the town, and having
raised a troop of horse in that neighbourhood, he employed his
authority on this occasion in no way to the satisfaction of the
royalist members of the colleges. Their activity attracted the
attention of the Parliament to the state of the university in
general, and the Earl of Manchester, seijeant- major- general to
the associated counties, was appointed to visit it. He, with a
committee, was authorised "to call before them all provosts,
masters, fellows, and students of the university, to hear com-
plaints against such as were scandalous in their lives, ill-affected
to the Parliament, fomentors of the present unnatural war, or
who had deserted the ordinary places of their residence." The
Earl repaired in person to Cambridge, on the 24th of Feb-
ruary, 1648-44, and commenced his work of reformation, which
ended, according to Walker, in the expulsion of "near two
hundred masters and fellows, besides scholars, &c., which probably
might bo as many more."^ The inmates of Clare Hall were sub-
jected to the common inquisition, and Dr. Paske was removed
from the mastersliip, and seven others were ejected from their
fellowsliips. Among these was the celebrated Mr. Peter Gunning,
who, after the Restoration, was elevated to the bishopric of Chi-
chester, and then translated to that of Ely. " On the first of May,"
says he, " I was expelled the University of Cambridge, for preach-
ing a sermon at St. Mary's against the Covenant, as well as
refusing to take the Covenant."* It was to this fellowsliip that
Mr. Clarkson was appointed : and the circumstances connected with
it, appear to have been honourable to all the parties conct»med.
The Earl of Manchester, as described by Clarendon himself,
" was of a genteel and generous nature : his natural civility and
good manners flowed to all men, so that he was never guilty of
any rudeness even to those whom he was obliged to oppress."^
" Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, &c., part i. p. 114.
* Coles' MS. Collections, vol. xlix. British Museum.
' Clarendon's History, &c., hook vi.
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. XUl
The course this amiahle nobleman took for filling up the vacant
fellowships confirms this statement. He directed a paper to the
colleges, stating, that '' his purpose was forthwith to supply the
vacant fellowships, and desiring that if there were any in the
respective colleges, who in regard of degree, learning, and piety,
should be found fit for such preferment, they would upon the
receipt of that paper return him their names, in order to their
being examined by the Assembly of Divines." The eminent
Ralph Cudworth had been previously appointed master of Clare ;
and it was no small honour to David Clarkson to be nominated
by a community over which he presided, and to be approved by
such an Assembly of Divines as then sat at Westminster. " Mr.
Clarkson was the immediate successor of Mr. Gunning, 5th of
May, 1645, by warrant of the Earl of Manchester."*
There were at this time two brothers collegians at Clare HaU,
Henry and Francis Holcroft, sons of Sir Henry Holcroft, Knight
of West Ham, on the border of Essex, near to London, and
who also became fellows of it. These gentlemen were distin-
guished by the fervour of their piety, and were, like ^Ir. Clarkson,
congregational in their views of church government There
subsisted between them and him ** great endearments," which
friendship at a subsequent period was confirmed by his marriage
with their own sister.*
Mr. Clarkson was now a tutor to the coUege, and on the 29th
of April, 1647, he received as his pupil, one whom it was his
honour and happiness to retain as his friend to the end of life —
the celebrated John Tillotson, afterwards Archbishop of Canter-
bury. This able young scholar succeeded Mr. Clark.son when he
resigned liis fellowship, about November, 1651 ; and to his tuition
he also consigned the scholars then under his own care,"^ amongst
whom was his own beloved nephew, Mr. Thomas Shtirp.**
The occasion of his withdrawment from college life, it may be
• Coles* CoUections, voL xlix. — Neal has preserved the form of these warrants,
thus, — " Whereas A. B. has been ejected out of his fellowship in this college ; and
whereas C. D. has been examined and approved by the Assembly of Divines, these
are therefore to require you to receive the said C. D. as fellow in the room of A. B.,
and to give him place according to his seniority in the university, in preference to
all those who are, or shall hereafter be put in by me." — Neal's History, chap, iii
* Calamy's Account, vol. ii. p. 386, 86. ed. 1713.
"- Birch'f Life of TilloUon, p. 381. ' Vide note, pp. ix. x.
XIV HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
presumed, was his marriage with Elizaheth, a daughter of Sir
Henry Hokroft, and sister of his beloved friends akeady men-
tioned. She appears to have been a lady of eminent intelligence
and piety, fitting to be the companion of his leisure, and the
mother of his children.
Whether he possessed any preferment in the church at that
time is not known, but at a subsequent period he held the living
of Mortlake, in the county of Surrey, and from which he was
removed by the Act of Uniformity. The benefice is a perpetual
curacy with a reserved salary of forty pounds per annum, paid
out of the great tithes by the lessee, under the Dean and Chapter
of Westminster. It had been a peculiar of the Archbishop of
Canterbury, but was now included in the classis that had been
set up for that part of Surrey, in which arrangement, however,
Mr. Clarkson's opinions were not likely to permit him to acquiesce.
The commissioners who were appointed in 1658 to inquire into
the state of ecclesiastical benefices, endowed the curacy with the
great tithes, and made it a rectory.
The parishioners of Mortlake, judging from the entries made
in the parish accounts, warmly sympathised with the measures
of the Puritan party, as the Covenant was duly taken, and a copy
purchased and framed for the vestry; and the Common Prayer
books of the parish were delivered up to the committee of the
county sitting at Southwark, to receive them by order of Parlia-
ment. At a later period this agreeable village was the residence
of Sir John Ireton, and Aldermen Pack and Tichboum, who were
amongst Cromwell's chief city friends, and were probably attend-
ants on Mr. Clarkson's ministry there.*
During the civil wars there had been held in the city of London,
public services of extraordinary solemnity and devotion, called
" the Morning Exercises," on behalf of those who were engaged in
the army, or who were exposed to the miseries and perils inse-
parable from a state of intestine warfare. When the struggle at
arms happily terminated, the ministers of the metropolis resolved
to continue these " Exercises," but with a greater regard to pre-
paration and method than had been practicable or expedient
amidst the hurry and alarms of civil conflict.
The second course of these systematic Morning Exercises was
* Lysons' Environs, L 370, 375, 376.
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. XV
fixed at St. Giles's church, Cripplegate, September, 1661, of
which Dr. Annesley was then the minister, and from that pulpit
were delivered twenty-eight discourses on *' several cases of con-
science/' by some of the most eminent ministers. Amongst them
we find David Clarkson, the tutor, discussing *' What Christians
most do, that the influence of the ordinances may abide upon
them ;" and Dr. John Tillotson, the pupil, illustrating " Wherein
lies that exact righteousness which is required between man and
man ;" the former to be cast into obscurity as a despised non-
cx>nformi8t, and the latter to be elevated to the archiepiscopal
palace of Lambeth !
Mr. Clarkson was now in the full maturity of his powers, and
both able and willing to use them for the good of mankind, and
the glory of God ; but the Bestoration had been followed by the
passing of the Act of Uniformity, which came into operation on
Bartholomew's-day, August 24th, 1662, and removed him with
about two thousand of his brethren from the national pulpits.
Whatever may be said in favour of that act as applied to ministers
who had been episcopally ordained, and who had used the Book of
Common Prayer, it was very hard upon men who, like himself,
had entered public life under other auspices, and had adopted
and defended other opinions.
" After his ejectment he gave himself up to reading and medi-
tation, shifting from one place of obscurity to another, till the
times suffered him to appear openly." « That comprised a period
of ten years, as the first Declaration of Indulgence was not pub-
lished until the 15th of March, 1671-2. There is no evidence
that Mr. Clarkson availed himself of the royal ordinance, as
many of his brethren did, to resume his pubhc ministry, but
continued to gratify his native modesty by remaining in retire-
ment, though probably in London, or its environs: for he largely
shared in the controversies of those times, a part it was not then
easy to take far away from the metropohs.
The state of parties at home, and the aspect of foreign affairs,
were regarded by aU earnest Protestants as most threatening to
the interests of the reformed churches, and there was felt a general
anxiety to fortify the public mind against the aggressions of Romish
emissaries. Amongst other methods adopted, the nonconformist
• Neal'8 PiiriUns, vol. ▼. p. 44.
XVI HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
ministers resolved on a fourth course of Morning Exercises
against Popery. These originated with Mr. Nathaniel Vincent,
who had heen ejected from the rectory of Langley Marsh, Bucks.,
but was now the pastor of a large congregation of dissenters
assembling at a meeting-house near the Maze, in the parish of
St. Olave, Southwark. He drew the plan, made the arrangements,
and fixed the services at his own meeting-house. In this service
Mr. Clarkson undertook to show, that " the Doctrine of Justifi-
cation is dangerously corrupted in the Roman Church ;** and no
Protestant can read that discourse without acknowledging the
learning and talent he has displayed, and the success of the whole
argument.*
But Mr. Clarkson was not satisfied with a solitary testimony
against the errors of Rome, and therefore occupied his beloved
leisure in the preparation of a work on the practical divinity of
the Papists, as he thought that " the knowing of it would be a
sufficient dissuasive from it to those who regard God and their
souls." He held " that the danger of Popery in points of faith
had been sufficiently discovered to the world by the divines of
the Reformation; but their doctrine which concerns life and
practice had not been so much insisted on." " And yet," said
he, " there is as much occasion for tliis ; for here the mischief
is as great; an unchristian heart and life being at least as
damning as erroneous belief; and hereby the great apostacy
and degeneracy of the Papal church is as apparent ; and hereiji
they have proceeded with as much disregard of Christ and the
* This discourse, with that preached hy him at Cripplegate, will he found at pages
4t55, 47 1 , in the present volume. Mr. James Nichols, tlie ahle editor of the latest and
the best edition of the Morning Exercises, ascribes a third discourse in that collec-
tion, entitled, " What advantage may we expect from Christ's prayer for union with
himself, and the blessing relating to it ?'' to Mr. Clarkson, viz. the twenty-fifth, in
" A Continuation of Morning Exercise Questions and Cases of Conscience practically
resolved, by Sundry Ministers, in Oct 1 682." This he has done " on the strength
and credit of a List of Preachers, written m an ancient hand, and prefixed to a well-
preserved copy of the volume." In our copy of his original edition there is h printed
Httj headed " The names of the Ministers," and the twenty- fifth discourse stands thus,
*' 25 Mr. N. N." There is a mistake in the numerals towards the close of the
volume, 25 being printed for 23, and 27 for 25. Assuming that the printer of our
list overlooked this fact, and we take No. 27, that is ascribed to Mr. Barker, so that
under either number this discourse is not attributed to our author. Besides which,
Dr. Calamy only names the two sermons we have reprinted, (Account, ii. 667, 668 ;)
and we therefore doubt the correctness of the mamucript list on which Mr. Nichols
has mainly relied.
OF THB R£V. DAVID CLA&KSON, B.D. XTU
souls of men. Their design in this seems to have been, not
the promoting of Christ's interest, for that is manifestly pros-
titated, bat the secoring and greatening of a faction which,
imder the profession of Christianity, might be false to all its
realities. And their role is the corrapt inclinations of depraved
natnie, to which they have thoroughly conformed their practical
divinity ; which easeth it of the duties for which it hath an
aversation, how mnch soever enjoined; and clears its way to
those sins to which it is disposed, as though there was no Deed
to avoid them. This rule ser\'es their design with great advan-
tage, but souls are more endangered hereby, and their principles
become more pernicious, because they are so taking. Persuade
a man, that he may safely neglect the duties which he owes to
God, his own soul, and others ; and may gratify the lusts he is
addicted to ; and give him the maxims of religion, and the author-
ity and conclusions of divines, and the teachers whom he trusts,
for it ; and he will like that religion, because he loves his sin, and
is in danger to follow both, though he perish for it eternally.
And indeed this is it which makes the condition of Papists deplor-
able, for though the principles of their belief, as it is Popish, be
mortally poisonous ; yet there might be some antidote in the prac-
Heals of Christianity, retained and followed, by those who are
unavoidably ignorant of the danger of their more speculative
errors ; and so some hopes of such ; but their practical doctrine
being no less corrupted, the remedy itself becomes poison, and
their condition who freely let it down, hopeless. Whether tlieii
errors in matters otfaithhe directly fundamental, hath been, with
some of their opposers, a question ; but those who will view their
practical doctrine, may discern that it strikes through the heart of
Christianity, casting off the vitals of it as superfluous, and cuts
off those who will believe and follow it from the way of life ; not
only by encouraging them with security to live and die in all sorts
of wickedness ; but also by obliging them to neglect, as needless,
the greatest and most important concerns of Christiaus, without
wbich God cannot be honoured by us, nor salvation attained." ^
To establish this affecting view of the practical influence of
Popery, Mr. Clarkson brought together the results of vast reading
and research, with that fairness, accuracy, and candour, which mark
• The Praetieal Dinnity of the PapisU, &c. pp. 1, 2.
XVlll HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
all his polemical writings. He did not, therefore, avail himself of
the casuistical writings of the Jesuits, which, as Pascal has fully
shown, would supply abundant illustrations of a defective morality;
but he consulted the canonists and divines, secular and regular, of
every sort, their canon law and decrees of councils. Indeed he
does justice to the Jesuits by saying, " I cannot discern that the
practical divinity of the Jesuits is more corrupt than that of other
Bomish writers their contemporaries. I never yet met with any
author of that order so intolerably licentious, but might be
matched, if not out-vied, by others." He, therefore, largely con-
sulted the works of Cardinal Bellarmine, and their more ancient
divines, and the best and strictest of their casuists he could meet
with, the majority of whom were Dominicans, the most opposed
of all the orders to the Jesuits, and the greater part of whom had
written before that order was founded. It is true indeed^ that
he also quoted the voluminous writings of the Spanish Jesuit,
Francis Suavez, "not for the sake of his own opinions indeed,
but because he usually gives an account of the common doctrine
out of unexceptionable autliors."
In the year 1676, this learned treatise appeared in a small
quarto volume, entitled ** The Practical Divinity of the Papists
discovered to be Destructive of Christianity and Men's SouIb."
It is comprised in ten chapters on the following subjects : 1. By
the doctrine of the Bomanists it is not needful to worship God
really in public or private. 2. Christian knowledge is not neces*
sary for Bomanists by their doctrine. 3. Their doctrine makes
it needless to love God. 4. There is no necessity of saving or
justifying faith by the Bomish doctrine. 6. There is no necessity
of true repentance for Bomanists by their doctrine, 6. Their
doctrine leaves no necessity of holiness of life, and the exercise of
Christian virtues. 7. Many heinous crimes are virtues or necessary
duties by the Boman doctrine. 8. Crimes exceeding great and many
are but slight and venial faults by the Popish doctrine. 9. Many
enormous crimes are no sins at all in the Boman account ; and,
10. The Boman doctrine makes good works to be unnecessary.
To those who are not familiar with the casuistry of the Bomish
divines, these heads of chapters will form the counts of a startling
indictment, and they will require abundant evidence before they
will credit such grave charges even against the practical theology
of the Vatican. Our author has fortified every statement by
OF THE BBV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. XIX
citations and references enough to satisfy the most incredolons.
Respecting his quotations, he thus speaks in the advertisement :
" When no other shift will serve, to hinder those from being
nndecdved whom they would delude, it is usual with them to
make loud outcries of fedse citations, and that their doctrine is
miarepresented." *' I have been very caiefril," he adds, " to give
no just occasion for this : being apprehensive that he who doth it^
wrongs not them more than he doth himself and his cause. The
places cited I have viewed again and again, where there might be
any doubt of misconstruction: and set down their own words
where it might seem scarce credible that Christians and divines,
directing conscience, should speak at such a rate ; and where that
would have been too tedious, have I given their sense fiuthfnlly, so
far as I could discern it, and directed the reader wh^re he may
find and judge thereof himself"
The researches necessary to the composition of this " excellent
discourse," as Dr. Calamy justly designates it, prepared Mr. Clark-
son to take part in a controversy that arose in 1679, and which
stirred the spirit of the nation more than any event which had
occurred since the Restoration. It was the firm conviction of the
public at large, that there existed a formidable plot to take away the
life of the king, to subvert the constitution, utterly to extirpate
the Protestant religion, and to restore Popery again in all its
terrors. These apprehensions were strengthened by the myste-
rious murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, a zealous Protestant
magistrate, who had received the depositions of Dr. Oates and
others respecting the alleged conspiracy. London became Uke
a city in a stage of siege. Posts, chains, and barriers were set up,
the trained bands drawn out night after night, well armed, and
watching with as much care, as if a general massacre was expected
before morning.^ A considerable number of Popish lords and
gentlemen, with five Jesuits, were arrested and brought to trial ;
and the latter, with whose conduct these remarks have alone to
do, were tried for high treason, at the Old Bailey, on Friday and
Saturday, idth and 14 th of June, were found guilty, and sen-
tenced to death, and were executed at Tyburn, on the following
Friday, June 20th. They all protested their innocency in very
solemn and affecting terms, which must have produced an astound-
* CaUmy*8 Life and Times, L p. 88.
XX HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
ing eff'ect on those who read their dying declarations, which were
printed in various forms, and widely circulated in town and
country.*
To counteract the impressions of tlieir touching appeals to the
Judge of all respecting their innocency, there appeared several
pamphlets criticising their statements, and amongst others, one in
small folio, appended to a copy of their speeches, entitled " Ani-
madversions on the last Speeches of thi Five Jesuits, viz.,
Thomas White, alias Whitebread, provincial of the Jesuits in
England ; William Harcourt, pretended rector of London ; John
Fenwick, procurator for the Jesuits in England; John Gavan,
alias Gawan, and Anthony Turner, who were all executed at
Tyburn for High Treason," &c. Although this folio tract is
without the name of its author, it is attributed in several quarters
to Mr. Clarkson ; and from the character of its style, the line of its
argument, and the class of authorities cited, in all which it agrees
with his " Practical Divinity of the Papists," it is ittost likely to
have been the product of his learned pen. And though it may
now be wished that he had not been found amongst the approvers
of a transaction which Mr. Fox says, has left " an indelible
disgrace upon the English nation ;*' yet, it must be remembered,
that he adds, " in which king, parliament, judges, juries, wit-
nesses, prosecutors, have all their respective, though certainly
not equal shares," * it cannot be deemed surprising that Pro-
testant dissenters, with their instinctive dread of Popery, should
have largely shared in the universal and unspeakable terror of
the people.
In this state of affairs, it was felt by most of the moderate
nonconformists that an accommodation of differences between
the Church of England and the dissenters would be the most
effectual way to keep out Popery ; and two of their leading
ministers, Mr. John Howe, and Dr. Bates, were invited to con-
fer with Bishop Lloyd, Dr. Tillotson, Dr. Stillingfleet, and
others, upon the subject of a comjyrehension. The Christian
spirit which Dr. Stillingfleet, when rector of Sutton, had displayed
towards differing brethren in his " Irenicum," made him a pro-
mising negociator in such a business. But the influence of
Charles II. was successfully employed with the bishops against the
■ Memoirs of Missionary Priests, &c., part ii. p. 386 — 405.
* J. C. Fox's History, pp. 33, 34.
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. XXI
"Bill of Exclusion," then before parliament, "it was," says Hume,
" on the 15th of November, 1680, thrown out of the Lords by a
considerable majority. All the bishops except three voted against
it Besides the influence of the court over them, the Church of
England, they imagined or pretended, was in greater danger from
the prevalence of Presbyterianism, than of Popery ; which, though
favoured by the duke, and even by the king, was extremely repug-
nant to the genius of the nation." ^
The nonconformists naturally regarded this as a great derelic-
tion of duty on the part of the heads of the church, and they
began to prepare for a battle with the champions of the establish-
ment, which now seemed inevitable. Bishop Burnet says, that
" the clergy stuck up with zeal for the duke's succession ; as if
a Popish king had been a special blessing from heaven, to be
much longed for by a Protestant church. They likewise gave
themselves such a loose against the nonconformists, as if nothing
was so formidable as that party. So that in all their sermons
Popery was quite forgot, and the force of their zeal was turned
almost wholly against the dissenters." ^
The signal for the contest came, however, from an unexpected
quarter. Dean Stillingfleet, the author of Irenicumy and the
advocate for union, was called to preach in his own cathedral of
St. Paul's, before the lord mayor and corporation of London,
on the first day of Easter term (May 2nd, 1680,) and thought
that a fitting occasion to deliver a sermon from Phil. iii. 16,
which he entitled " The Mischiefs of Separation," in which he
charged upon the nonconformists all the blame of separation
from the church, and all the mischiefs which had arisen from
it. This unlooked for attack, in which those who had been
recently called " our dissenting brethren," were represented as
schismatics, as enemies to peace, and dangerous to the church,
&c., roused the spirit of the most temperate of the noncon-
formists, and was repelled by pamphlets from the pens of Howe,
Owen, Baxter, Alsop, Barrett, and others.* The Dean, nothing
daunted, in the following year took up his opponents in a quarto
volume, entitled " Unreasonableness of Separation." This work
consisted of three parts, " 1st, An Historical Account of the
• Hume's History of England, chap. Ixviii.
• Bishop Burnet's Own Times, vol.i. p. 601.
• Calamy's Life of Howe, pp. 78, 75.
C
XXii HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE ANJ) WRITINGS
Rise and Progress of Separation ; 2n(l, Of the Nature of the
Present Separation ; and 8rd, Of the Pleas for the Present
Separation." Although Mr. Clarkson had not taken part in the
first stage of the controversy, yet there were some matters in the
last portion of the present work which led him to take up his
pen. These passages occur in Sections 8 — 1 1 inclusive, in which
Dean Stillingfleet treats of the episcopacy of the ancient 'Oburch,
and also in sections 24, 25, in which the question of the power
of the people in the primitive churches is fully discussed. This
led to the publication of the first treatise in the present volume,
entitled, " No Evidence for Diocesan Churches," &c., which ap-
peared in 1681, and which will speak for itself. It was replied to
at some length by Dr. Henry Maurice, in the preface of what Mr.
Baxter calls " a learned and virulent book," entitled "Vindication
of the Primitive Church against Mr. Baxter's Church History,"
which had been published two years before. Mr. Clarkson imme-
diately wrote an answer, but he laid by the manuscript for many
months, till in 1682 the importunity of some, and the misrepre-
sentations of others, forced him to publish it. This piece was
entitled " Diocesan Churches not yet discovered in Primitive
Times, ' and is the second tractate in this series. Although he did
not publish anything more on this controversy, yet he prosecuted
it in his study, and left behind him two manuscripts on "Primitive
Episcopacy," and "The Use of Liturgies," which were published
after his decease, and which will be noticed with his other posthu-
mous works.
Twenty years had now elapsed since the Act of Uniformity
ejected him from his pastoral charge, and that long period was
mainly spent in privacy, partly the result of persecuting laws and
partly the consequence of his constitutional modesty. The part
which he had recently taken in the Stillingfleet controversy, and
the support he had given to the arguments which Dr. John Owen
had adduced in his pamphlet in reply to the Dean, may be ima-
gined to have brought him under the notice of the church of
which the Doctor was pastor, and who were then seeking for an
able minister to become the co-pastor and successor of that eminent
divine. " This church was collected soon after the black Bartho-
lomew Act, in 1662, by the celebrated Mr. Joseph Caryl, and
consisted of some of his hearers at St. Magnus, London bridge.
After his death his people invited the learned Dr. John Owen,
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARK80N, B.D. xxill
then pastor of another society, at no great distance. Both con-
gregations having agreed to unite, they assembled together the
first time, on June 5th, 1673. At the time of this coalescing the
united church consisted of one hundred and seventy- three members;
amongst whom were Lord Charles Fleetwood, Sir John Hartopp,
Colonel Desborough, Colonel Berry, and other officers of the army ;
also Lady Abney, Lady Hartopp, Lady Vere Wilkinson, Lady
Thompson, Mrs.Bendish, grand-daughter of Oliver Cromwell, &c."«
Although nearly ten years had passed away since then, still the
church was one of high character for the intelligence, wealth,
and station of many of its members. With persons of their piety
and judgment, it was not a valid objection that Mr. Clarkson was
now in his sixtieth year, for they doubtless considered the matu-
rity of his mind, studies, and experience, greatly to compensate
for the absence of youthful fervour and mere rhetorical display.
He was therefore elected as the co-pastor in July, 1682, Dr.
Owen having, in a letter to Lord Charles Fleetwood, intimated that
he should " esteem it a great mercy to have so able a supply as
Mr. C* The Doctor's complicated infirmities, however, rendered
their connexion but brief, as he was called to depcui; to his reward
on the 24th of August, 1683.
Mr. Clarkson preached his funeral sermon on the Lord's-day
after his interment, in which he does not enter at length on his
character, and says nothing of his history. This is explained
by a single sentence in which Mr. Clarkson says, " It was my
unhappiness that I had so little and late acquaintance with him."
Three short years brought the life and labours of the surviving
pastor to a close. His death was unexpected, so that Ids will ^
was only executed the day before he died. Two of the witnesses
« Walter Wilson's Dissenting Churches, vol. I p. 263.
* Orme'R Life of Owen, p. 617.
' Through the kindness of a friend, a copy of this document has been found in
Doctors* Commons ; and though it is singularly brief and hurried, yet it may have
sufficient interest with some readers to justify its publication.
June the ISM, 1686.
I David Clarkson Clerke Doe make this my last Will. The Land that is at Idele
or Eshall wherein I was joynt purchasor with my Father was settled upon my well-
beloved Wife before marry age as parte of a joynture and it is my will it shall soe
continue ; and after her decease it shall be sold and equally divided among the children
unlesse any of them shall prove debauch ; if soe my wife shall dispose of their parte aa
■hee pleases. I give unto my Wife all my Goods, Plate, and Jewells, and make her
c2
XXIV HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
to that document, Henry Sampson and Edward Hulse, were
educated at Cambridge, ejected by the Act of Uniformity, and
applying themselves to the study of medicine, became eminent
physicians in the city of London. Their presence proves that
there was no lack of skilful advice or of godly fellowship in his
dying chamber. Although this mortal seizure was unlocked for,
yet Mr. Clarkson declared it was no surprise, and being entirely
resigned to the Divine will, he peacefully departed this life on the
14th day of June, 1086, to see the salvation of God.
Dr. William Bates preached his funeral sermon on John xiv. 2,
to which is attached, "A Short Character of that Excellent Divine
Mr. David Clarkson, who departed this life 14th of June, 1686,"«
which is as follows : —
" Although the commendation of the dead is often suspected to be
guilty of flattery, either in disguising their real faults, or adorning them
with false virtues ; and such praises are pernicious to the living : yet
of those persons whom God hath chosen to be the singular objects of
his grace, we may declare the praiseworthy qualities and actions which
reflect an honour upon the Giver, and may excite us to imitation. And
such was Mr. David Clarkson, a person worthy of dear memory and
•ole executrix of this my Will. The money that is oweing imto me my Will is that
it be equally divided among the Children unlesse there Mother for their debauchery
shall thinke fitt to abate them : in that case shee shall give unto them as she pleases.
If Robert will prove a scholar I give unto him all my Bookes excepting what English
Bookes his Mother thinks fitt to take to her selfe. And if any controversy shall
arrise aboute any parte of this my Will I leave it to be dissided by my Wife.
D. Clarkson.
Sealed, published, and delivered in the presence of Henry Sampson,
Edward Hulse, Joshua Palmer, Robert Davis.
Probatumfuit, Sfc,
" In Birch's Life of Tillotson this " Short Character," &c. is quoted in a note,
which says it was ** printed without the name of place or year," This suggested that
there was extant a separate account of this estimable man ; and the librar^s at the
British Museum, Sion College, Redcross street, London Institution, and Congrega-
tional Rooms, were searched for it, but in vain. At length a copy of the original
edition of Dr. Bates*s sermon was obtained at the sale of the late Duke of Sussex's
library » and the mystery was explained. That discourse occupies 102 pages, and
closes with ** Finis," but without a word of Mr. Clarkson, then come two pages of the
bookseller's announcements, "Some Books lately printed," &c. ; and these are fol-
lowed by a distinct title-page, " without the name of place or year," containing the
above character, doubtless written by Dr. Bates, but nowhere so stated. It is pos-
sible that Dr. Birch had seen this as a detached tract of 14 pages, and quoted it as he
found it, not knowing that it was from the pen of Dr. Bates, and appended to the
Funeral Discourse.
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. XXV
value, who was fiirnished with all thoee endowments that are requisite
in an accomplished minister of the Gospel.
" He was a man of sincere godliness and tme holiness, which is the
divine part of a minister, without which aU other accomplishments are
not likely US be effectual for the great end of the ministry, that is, to
translate sinners from the kingdom of darkness, into the kingdom of
God's dear Son. Conversion is the special work of Divine grace, and
it is most likely that God will use those as instruments in that blessed
work, who are dear to him and eamestlj desire to glorify him. God
ordinarily works in spiritual things as in natural ; for as in the produc-
tion of a living creature, besides the influence of the universal cause,
there must be an inunediate agent of the same kind for the forming of
it ; so the Divine wisdom orders it, that holy and heavenly ministers
should be the instruments of making others so. I^et a minister be
master of natural and artificial eloquence, let him understand all the
secret springs of persuasion, let him be furnished with learning and
knowledge, yet he is not likely to succeed in his Divine employment
without sanctifying grace. 'Tis that gives him a tender sense of the
worth of souls, that warms his heart with ardent requests to God, and
with zealous affections to men for their salvation. Besides, an unholy
minister unravels in his actions his most accurate discourses in the
pulpit ; and like a carbuncle that seems animated with the light and
heat of fire, but \a\ cold, dead stone ; so, though with apparent earnest-
ness he may urge men's duties upon them, yet he is cold and careless in
his own practice, and his example enervates the efficacy of his sermons.
But this servant of God was a real saint; a living spring of grace in
his heart diffused itself in the veins of his conversation. His life was
a silent repetition of his holy sermons.
" He was a conscientious improver of his time for acquiring of useful
knowledge, that he might be thoroughly furnished for the work of
his Divine calling. And his example upbraids many ministers, who
are strangely careless of their duty, and squander away precious time,
of which no part is despicable and to be neglected. The filings of
gold are to be preserved. We cannot stop the flight of time, nor recall
it when past. VokU irrevocabile tempus. The sun returns to us eyerj
day, and the names of the months every year, but time never returns.
But this servant of God was faithful in improving this talent, being
very sensible, to use his own words, ' that the blood of the soul runs
out in wasted time.' When deprived of his public ministry, he gave
himself wholly to reading and meditation, whereby he obtained an
eminent degree of sacred knowledge, and was conversant in the retired
parts of learning, in which many who are qualified to preach a profit-
able sermon, are unacquainted.
XXVI HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
" His humility and modesty were his distinctive characters wherein
he excelled. What a treasure was concealed imder the veil of humility!
What all illustrious worth was shadowed imder his virtuous modesty I
He was like a picture drawn by an excellent master in painting, but
placed in the dark, so that the exactness of the proportions and the
beauty of the colours do not appear. He would not put his name to
those excellent tracts that are extant, wherein his learning and judg-
ment are very conspicuous. He was well satisfied to serve the church
and illustrate the truth, and to remain in his beloved secrecy.
" In his conversation a comely gravity mixed with an innocent pleasant-
ness, were attractive of respect and love. He was of a calm temper,
not ruffled with passions, but gentle, and kind, and good ; and even in
some contentious writings, he preserved an equal tenor of mind, knovdng
that we are not likely to discover the truth in a mist of passion : his
breast was the temple of peace.
'^ In the discharge of his sacred work, his intellectual abilities and
holy affection were very evident.
" In prayer, his solemnity and reverence were becoming one that saw
Him who is invisible : his tender affections, and suitable expressions,
how melting and moving, that might convey a holy heat and life to
dead hearts, and dissolve obdurate sinners in their frozen tombs.
" In his preaching, how instructive and persuasive to convince and
turn the carnal and worldly from the love of sin to me love of holiness ;
from the love of the earth, to the love of heaven! The matter of his
sermons was clear and deep, and always judiciously derived from the
text ; the language was neither gaudy and vain, with light trimmings,
nor rude and neglected, but suitable to the oracles of Grod. Such were
his chosen acceptable words, as to recommend heavenly truths, to make
them more precious and amiable to the minds and affections of men ;
like the coloul' of the sky that makes the stars to shine with a more
sparkling brightness.
" Briefly, whilst opportunity continued, with alacrity and diligence,
and constant resolution, he served his blessed Master till his languish-
ing distempers, which natural means could not remove, prevailed upon
him. But then the best Physician provided him the true remedy of
patience. His death was unexpected, yet, as he declared, no surprise
to him, for he was entirely resigned to the will of God ; he desired to
live no longer, than to be serviceable : his soul was supported witli the
blessed hope of enjoying God in glory. With holy Simeon, he had
Christ in his arms, and departed in peace to see the salvation of God
above. How great a loss the church has sustained in his death is not
easily valued ; but our comfort is, God never wants instruments to
accomplish his blessed work."
OF THE REV. DAVID CLAAK80N, B.D. XXVU
To this elaborate testimony most be added the following from
the pen of the Eev. John Howe : — " His clear and comprehensive
mind, his excellent learning, his reasoning, argumentatiTe skill,
his solid, most discerning judgment, his indefatigable industry,
his large knowledge, and great moderation in the matters of our
unhappy ecclesiastical differences, his calm dispassionate temper,
his pleasant and most amiable conversation, did carry so great a
lustre with them, as that, notwithstanding his most beloved
retiredness, they could not, in his circumstances, but make him
be much known, and much esteemed and loved by all that had
the happiness to know him, and make the loss of him be much
lamented. But he was, by the things that made his continuance
so desirable in this world, the fitter for a better and more suitable
world. He lived here as one that was more akin to that other
world than this; and who had no other business here but to help
in making this better."*
Dr. Thomas Bidgley, when preaching the funeral sermon for
Mrs. Gertrude Glarkson, a daughter of Mr. C, thus speaks of
him — ** He was well known in this famous city, notwithstanding
all his endeavours to conceal his real worth, under the curtain of
humiUty. So far were his attainments above what are common,
that to attempt to set forth his character, though in the fairest
colours, would be to lessen him. His writings are the most
lively picture of his mind; his labours as a minister of Christ,
I had almost said with the apostle, more than a minister, (2 Cor.
xi. 23,) were refreshing to many, and his course at last finished
with joy."*
The long seclusion of this admirable man from the public
labours of his ministry enabled him to compose several learned
discourses, which his great modesty forbade him to publish, but
which were with his other papers, at the disposal of his executrix
and widow.
Amongst his manuscripts was the treatise entitled ** Primitive
Episcopacy Stated and Cleared from thew Holy Scriptures and
Ancient Eecords," and which contains a great mass of additional
evidence in favour of Congregational episcopacy. This was
printed in 1688, without any preface or advertisement except that
• See Preface, page 380, infra,
* Sermon on the death of Mrs. Gertrude Clarkson. London, 1701.
XXVUl HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
from " the Stationer," Nath. Ponder, who says, *' Though a prefaoe
be a civility due to the following tract, the name of the author is
reckoned much more significant than any preface. Those that
know the calmness of his disposition, and his sincere desire of
contributing all that he could to the composure of those unhappy
differences that have so long troubled the Christian church, will
think this work very suitable to his design ; and being so esteemed
by divers judicious persons of his acquaintance, those in whose
hands his papers are, have been prevailed with to send it abroad
into the world with this assurance, that it is liis whose name it
bears." Tliis treatise, the tliird in the following volume, will be
found to justify the judgment of his friends; and although a
posthumous publication, Dr. Henry Maurice thought it necessary
to reply to it, in an elaborate work which appeared in 1691, entitled
** Defence of Diocesan Episcopacy, in answer to a Book of Mr.
David Clarkson's, lately published, entitled ' Primitive Episco-
pacy.* " Whatever may be thought of the comparative learning
and acuteness of the two disputants, there can be no comparison
between them as to their tone and temper ; Mr. Clarkson always
maintains the bearing of a scholar and a Christian, but the
Doctor descends to false accusations and vulgar personalities.
During the same year there was published another small volume
called **A Discourse of the Saving Grace of God," with a preface
by the Rev. John Howe, in which the doctrines of free will and
free grace are discussed with great ability and force. This forms
the fifth treatise of the present volume.
In 1089 appeared his lost polemical work, a ** Discourse on
Liturgies," which was left by its author in a very imperfect state,
and which unhappily was committed to very incompetent hands
for publication, so that the mistakes, both typographical and
literary, were very gross and numerous. Still it was not a work
to be slighted, for Mr. Clarkson had assailed the principal argu-
ments of previous writers in defence of liturgies. He appears to
have had in view, " Considerations touching Liturgies," by Dr.
John Gauden, the reputed writer of Et*©!^ Bao-tXuq?, or the Por-
traiture of liis Sacred Majesty in his Solitude and Sufferings;"
Sir Hammond L'Estrango's " Alliance of Divine Offices ;" and
Herbert Thomdike's *' Religious Assemblies, und the Service of
God." Dean Comber, therefore, published in 1690, in two suc-
cessive parts, his ** Scholastic History of Liturgies in the Chris-
tian Church ; together with an Answer to Mr. David Clarkson's
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. XXIX
late Discourse concerning Liturgies," in which he follows tlie
chronological course pursued by our author down to the year
1100, and the passages he had cited are strenuously defended
firom his alleged misrepresentations and glosses by the Dean.
These facts are necessary to be known as parts of the history of
these controversies, but a decision on the merits and success of
the respective combatants is designedly avoided.
However learned and able Mr. Clarkson was as a polemic, yet
the sermons and discourses which he wrote out at great length,
are amongst the most valuable memorials of his excellent abilities
and eminent godliness. After his decease, his family delighted
to read them, and there is evidence that two of his daughters
were greatly instructed and consoled by the perusal of several of
these manuscripts. In 1 696, thirty-one of these discourses were
published in a large folio volume of more than a thousand pages.
They treat on the following topics: — 1. Original Sin. 2. Re-
pentance. 3. Faith. 4. Living by Faith. 6. Faith in Prayer.
6. Dying in Faith. 7. Knowledge of Christ. 8. Justification.
9. Sinners unwilling to come to Christ. 10. The Lord the
owner of all, an inducement from earthly-mindedness. 1 1 . Hear-
ing the Word. 12. Taking up the Cross. 13. New Creature.
14. Christ's gracious Invitations. 15. Man's Insufficiency. 16.
Against anxious carefulness, but prayer for everything. 17. God's
End in Afflictions. 18. The Conviction of Hypocrites. 19. Soul
Idolatry. 20. Not partakers in Sin. 21. Unconverted Sinners
in Darkness. 22. Christ seeking Fruit. 23. The Lord rules
over all. 24. Sinners under the Curse. 25. Love of Christ, and
Sacrifice of Christ. 26. Christ Dying for Sinners 27. Christ
touched with Feeling of our Infirmities. 28. Boldness of Access.
29. Christ's Intercession. 30. Fellowship with God. 31. Public
Worship preferred before Private. These able and evangelical
discourses were introduced to the " Christian Reader," by the
following brief advertisement, under the joint names of tlie Rev.
John Howe and the Rev. Matthew Mead :
" The Rev. Mr. Clarkson was so esteemed for his excellent abilities,
that there needs no adorning testimony to those who knew him : and
the following sermons, wherein the signatures of his spirit are very con-
spicuous, will sufficiently recommend his worth to those who did not
know him. They are printed from his original papers, and with the
Diyine blessing will be very useful to instruct and persuade men to be
seriously religious."
XXX HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WBITING&
Besides these, there are only three other printed sermons of his
extant, viz. the Funeral Sermon for Dr. Owen, and two discourses
in the Morning Exercises. It was, therefore, thought preferable
to reprint them in the present volume as " Occasional Sermons,"
rather than make a selection from the folio volume, or leave the
reader without any specimens of his pulpit labours.
A fine print, engraved by White from a portrait by Mrs. Mary
Beale, an eminent portrait painter of that age, gives a very pleas-
ing idea of the person of Mr. Clarkson. He had a round hand-
some face, with an ample forehead, and long flowing hair. An
expression of cheerfulness and good temper, confirms what his
writings suggest, that he was blessed with sweet equanimity of
temper, and a natural gaiety of manners, that contributed much
to his own happiness and to the pleasure of those who were
privileged to be connected with him.
It appears he had four children, one son, Robert, named after
his grandfather, and three daughters, Rebecca, Gertrude, and
Katherine. Rebecca, the eldest, was married to a Mr. Combe,
and lived to a good old age. She died in the faith of Jesus,
November 20th, 1744, aged 79 years, and was buried in BunhiU
Fields cemetery.
The two younger daughters remained unmarried. Gertrude
died in London, April 23, 1701. Her pastor. Dr. Ridgley,
preached her funeral sermon, which ho also published and
inscribed to Mrs. Elizabeth Clarkson, the venerable relict of
Mr. Clarkson, who thus survived her lamented husband at least
fifteen years ; but the time of her decease is not known.
The third daughter, Katharine, was also eminent for her
piety, and died at Hitchin, Herts, Jan. 11, 1767, aged 84 years.*
Nothing is known of his son Robert, to whom his father be-
queathed ** all his books if he would prove a scholar."
In tlie Rev. Samuel James's ** Collection of Remarkable Ex-
periences," there are two papers which Mrs. Combe and her sister
Gertrude gave in, of their religious convictions upon uniting them-
selves with the Independent church assembling at tlie Three Cranes
meeting-house. Fruiterers' alley, Upper Thames street, then under
the pastoral care of the Rev. Thomas Gouge, and Dr. Thomas
Ridgley. As they contain some references to their honoured
father, so they will form an appropriate close to these notices.
* James*8 Collection of Remarkable Experiences, &c., pp. 62 — 66.
OF THB RET. DAVID CIARKSON, B.D. XXxi
The choice experience of Mrs. Rebecca Combe, eldest daughter of the late
Bey. Mr. David Clarkson, delivered by her on her admission into
fellowship tvith the church, late under the care of the late Rev.
Mr. Thomas Gouge.
In giving an account of the dealings of God with my soul, I desire
tmlj and sincerely to represent the state of my case ; I am sensible it
will be in much weakness, but I hope my end is, that God may have
the glory of his own work, which he hath wrought on so mean and
unworthy a creature as myself.
I had the advantage and invaluable blessing of a religious educa-
tion, both my parents being eminent for wisdom and grace. Under the
instructions of my good mother, I had early and frequent convictions,
though these impressions lasted not long, for I wore them off, either by
a formal engaging in some religious duties, or else, by running into
such diversions as were suited to my childhood. But my convictions
being renewed as I grew up, and it being impressed on my mind that
this way of performing duties, by fits and starts, merely to quiet an
accusing conscience, would not satisfy the desires of an immortal soul
capable of higher enjoyments than I took up with ; this put me on
serious thoughtfulness what method to pursue, in order to bind myself
to a more stated performance of those duties, which I was convinced,
the Lord required of me.
Accordingly I made a most solemn resolution, to address myself to God
by prayer, both morning and evening, and never, on any occasion what-
ever, to neglect it, calling the Lord to witness against me, if I broke tliis
solemn engagement. But, alas I I soon saw the vanity of my own
resolutions, for as I was only found in the performance of duty through
fear, and as a task, and, having once omitted it at the set time, I con-
cluded my promise was now broke, and from that time continued in a
total neglect of prayer, till it pleased the Almighty Spirit to return with
his powerful operations, and set my sins in order before me. Then my
unsuitable carriage under former convictions, together with my break-
ing the most solemn engagements to the Lord, woimded me deep.
Indeed, I was tempted to conclude I had sinned the unpardonable sin,
and should never be forgiven.
Yet, in my greatest distress and anguish of spirit, I could not give up
all hope, having some views of the free and sovereign grace of God, as
extended to the vilest and worst of sinners, though I could not take the
comfort of it to myself. My sins appeared exceeding sinful. I even
loathed and abhorred myself on account of them, and was continually
brgging a deeper sense and greater degrees of humiliation. I thought I
XXXU HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
could have been content, yea, I was desirous, to be filled with the
utmost horror and terror of which I was capable, if this might be a
means of bringing me to that degree of sorrow, which I apprehended the
Lord expected, from so vile a creature. The heinous nature of mj
sins, and their offensiveness to the pure ejes of his holiness, were ever
before me, insomuch that I thought I could not be too deeply wounded,
or feel trouble enough.
This put me on a constant and restless application to God through
Christ, from whom alone I now saw all my help must come. I had
tried the utmost I could dd, and foimd it lefl me miserably short of
what the law required and I wanted. I was convinced that an expecta-
tion of some worthiness in myself, as the condition of my acceptance
before God, was that which had kept me so long from Christ and the
free promises of the Gospel ; and therefore, as enabled, I went to the
Lord, and pleaded those absolute promises of his word, which are made
freely to sinners in his Son, without the least qualification to be found
in me. I was enabled to urge those encouraging words, Rev. xxii. 17 :
'' Let him that is athirst come, and whosoever will, let him take the
water of life freely." Also Isaiah Iv. 1 : " Without money and with-
out price ;" with many more of the like nature, which woidd be too
tedious to mention. I desired to come to Christ, unworthy as I was,
and cast my soul entirely upon him, for I clearly saw that all I had
heretofore done profited me nothing, since my very prayers, considered
as a sinner, were an abomination to the Lord. There was nothing left
therefore for me to take the least comfort and encouragement from, but
the free grace of God in Christ Jesus, which I continued to plead with
much earnestness, and found my soul enlarged beyond whatever I had
experienced before.
Soon afler, I providentially opened a manuscript of my father's, and
cast my eye upon that part of it, where he was showing, what pleas a
sensible sinner might make use of in prayer. Many things were men-
tioned which were very reviving. I was miserable, and tha,J; might be
a plea. I might also plead his own mercy, the suitableness, the large-
ness, and the freeness of his mercy. I might plead my own inability to
believe, of which I was very sensible. I might also plead the wiU of
Grod, for he commands sinners to believe, and is highly dishonoured by
unbelief. I might likewise plead the descent of faith, it is the gift of
Grod, and the nature of this gifl, which is free. Yea, I might plead
the examples of others who have obtained this gifl, and that against the
greatest unlikelihood and improbabilities that might be. I might and
could plead further, my willingness to submit to anything, so that I
might but find this favour with the Lord. Moreover, I might plead
Christ's prayer and his compassions ; the workings of his Spirit.
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. XXXUl
already b^;un ; that regard which the Lord shows to irrational crea-
tures : he hears their cries, and will he shut out the cries of a poor
perishing sinner ? — In short, I might plead my necessity and extreme
need of &ith, a sense of which was deeply impressed on my soul.'*
On reading these pleas I found great relief, yea, they were to me
as a voice from heaven, saying. This is the way, walk in it. I was
enabled to go and act faith upon a Redeemer, and could give up my
all to him, and trust in him alone for all. I was now convinced by his
Spirit, that he would work in me what was well-pleasing and accept-
able to God, and that he required nothing of me but what his free, rich
grace would bestow upon me. Now was Christ exceeding precious
to my soul, and I longed for clearer discoveries of him, both in his per-
son, and offices, as prophet, priest, and king.
And oh, how did I admire his condescending love and grace to such a
poor, wretched, worthless creature as myself I I was greatly delighted
in frequent acts of resignation to him, desiring that every &culty of my
soul might be brought into an entire obedience, and could part with
every offensive thing, and would not have spared so much as one
darling lust, but was ready to bring it forth and slay it before him. In
short, I could now perceive a change wrought in my whole soul ; I now
delighted in what before was my greatest burden, and found that most
burdensome in which I before most delighted. I went on pleasantly in
duty ; my meditation on him was sweet, and my heart much enlarged,
in admiring his inexpressible love and grace, so free, and sovereign, to so
wretched a creature, which even filled my soul with wonder and love.
But this delightful frame did not long continue, for I was soon sur-
prised with swarms of vain thoughts, which appeared in my most solemn
approaches to God, and such violent hurries of temptation, as greatly stag-
gered my faith, which was weak. Hereupon I was ready to give up all,
and to conclude that I had mocked God, and cheated my own soul ;
that these wandering thoughts, and this unfixedness of mind in duty,
could never consist with a sincere love to the things of God. I thought
my heart had been fixed, but, oh ! how exceeding deceitful did I then
find it ! which greatly distressed me, and made me conclude my sins
were rather increased than mortified, insomuch that I was ready to cry
out, " Oh, wretched creature that I am, who shall deliver me from the
body of this death !" and in consideration of the power and prevalency
of indwelling corruptions and daily temptations, which I had to grapple
with, I was ready to say, " I shall one day fall by the hands of these
enemies.''
But these discouragements were fully removed, by reading some of
'Clarkson'i Sermons and Discourses on Divine Subjects. Folio, pp. 122 — 126.
XXXIV HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
my father's writings, where it was observed, that a person had no reason
to conclude his sins were more increased, merely because they appeared
more, and became more troublesome, since this arose from the opposi-
tion they now met with, from that principle of grace which now was
implanted. Hence I learned, that before the flesh reigned quietly in
me, and therefore I perceived not the lusts thereof, but now all the
powers and faculties of my soul were engaged against them, they gave
me the greatest disturbance, and struggled more and more. Also these
words were impressed on my mind with an efficacious power, 2 Cor.
xii. 9, " My grace is sufficient for thee," which gave me peace in believ-
ing that it should be to me according to his word.
Thus afler many confficts, comforts, and supports, I determined to
give myself up to some church, that I might partake of the Lord's
supper, and have my faith confirmed in the blood of that everlasting
covenant, which I hoped the Lord had made with me, since he had
given me his Spirit as the earnest thereof. I accordingly was joined to
a church, and in coming to this ordinance, found great delight : my faith
was strengthened, and my love increased, from that sweet commrmion I
then enjoyed with my Lord by his blessed Spirit, who often filled me
with joy unspeakable and full of glory. Thus I walked under the sweet
and comfortable sense of his love ; and whilst in the way of my duty, I
was thus indulged with such sights of the Redeemer s glory, and such a
taste of his grace, I frequently wished that I might never more go back
to the world again.
But afler all these manifestations, oh, wretched creature I God in
his providence calling me more into the world by changing my condi-
tion, this new relation brought new affections and new temptations,
which, being too much yielded to, insensibly prevailed, and brought me
into such perplexing darkness that I want words to express it. I lost
the sense of the love of God, and hence my duty was performed without
that delight I had once experienced, the want of which made me oflen
neglect it, and especially in private, while I attended on public worship
with little advantage or pleasure.
The consideration of this decay in my love, and the loss of those
quickening influences of the Spirit which I used to experience in duty,
increased my darkness, and I had doleful apprehensions of my state.
And my inordinate love to the creature, and want of submission to the
will of the Lord, in disposing of what I had so unduly set my heart on,
prepared me to look for awful things, in a way of judgment from the
righteous God, which I aflerwards found ; his hand was soon laid on
that very object by which I had so provoked him ; for a disorder seized
him, under which he long languished till it ended in his death."
" Her idolised husband died of a consumption at Hitchin, Herts, but in what
year is not known.
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARK80N, B.D. JOXV
This was a melancholy stroke, and the more so as I saw his hand
stretched out still, for I continued in an unsuitable temper, and with-
out that submission which such a dispensation called for. The Lord
still hid his face from me, and it is impossible to give a particular
account of those perplexing thoughts and tormenting fears which filled
mj mind. Everything appeared dreadfully dark, both within and with-
out. Oh, were it possible to describe it to others, as I then felt it, they
would dread that which will separate between them and Grod I I ex-
pected, if the Lord did return, it would be in a terrible way, by some
remarkable judgment or other; but oftentimes, from the frame I was in,
I could see no ground to hope he would ever return at all.
But was it to me according to my dismal apprehensions and fears ?
Oh, no ! my soul and all that is within me bless and adore his name,
under a sense of his free and sovereign grace, who manifested himself
unto thee as a Grod, pardoning iniquity, transgression, and sin. This
was the title by which he manifested himself to Moses, when he caused
his glory to pass before him, (Exod. xxxiv. 6, 7.) And it was in the
clear apprehension, and powerful application of this by the Almighty
Spirit, that I was brought to admire so greatly, the free grace of God,
thus discovered to me in so extraordinary a manner, that it ev^en trans-
ported my very soul with love and thankfulness, beyond anything that
I had experienced, in the whole of my past life.
The b^inning of this wonderful alteration in my frame, was hearing
the experience of one, which I thought very much like my own,
when the Lord first began to work on my soul. I concluded that this
person was the subject of a real and universal change ; on this occasion
I determined to consider my former experience, in doing of which I foimd
the blessed Spirit of all grace assisting me, and witnessing to his work
upon my heart, insomuch that, ere I was aware, my soul was like the
chariots of a willing people ; I was wonderfully enlivened in duty, and
enlai^ed in thankfulness to Grod, for thus manifesting himself, and
directing me to those means which he had so inexpressibly blessed,
beyond my expectation.
Thus the Lord drew me by the cords of love, and hf\ed up the light of
his countenance upon me, so that in his light I saw light, which scattered
that miserable cloud of darkness, that had enwrapped my soul so long.
Yea, he dispelled all those unbelieving thoughts which were apt to arise, on
account of that low estate out of which he had newly raised me. It was
suggested to me that this was not his ordinary way of dealing with such
provoking creatures as myself, but that they are usually filled with
terrors, and brought down even to a view of the lowest hell, &c. Thus
Satan endeavoured to hold me under unbelieving fe^rs, but the blessed
Spirit, by taking of the things of Christ, and showing them unto me,
prevailed over the temptation.
XXX.V1 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
I had a discovery of the glorj of the Father's love, as unchangeable,
free, and eternal, which was discovered in pitching on me before the
foundation of the world. And the glory of the Son as proceeding from
the Father, and offering a sacrifice of a sweet- smelling savour, and in
bringing in an everlasting righteousness, which by his Spirit he enabled
me to rest wholly and alone upon, as the foundation of every blessing
which I have received, or he has promised, for the whole of my accept-
ance before Grod, for my justification, sanctification, and full redemption. '
On this foimdation he has enabled me stedfastly to rely, which greatly
enlivens and enlarges my soul, in its addresses to the Father, through
the Son, by the assistance of the Holy Spirit, for pardon and strength,
against those powerful corruptions which still remain in my heart.
Oh, the love, the infinite, condescending, and imchanging love of the
Father I and oh, that fulness of grace which is treasured up in my
Redeemer, to be bestowed on me, by his promised Spirit ! of which so
much hath already been communicated, that my soul is even over-
whelmed under the sense and consideration of it 1 The Lord appears to
me as resting in his love, and joying over me with singing, as it is
expressed, Zeph. iii. 17; which Scripture, with many others, has been
so opened and applied, as makes my approaches to him exceeding
delightful. And this sense of his love lays me low, in the views of my
own vileness and unworthiness, and constrains me to love him and live
to him, and to give him all the glory of that change, which, of his own
free and sovereign grace, he has wrought in me. There was nothing
in me to move him to this, yea, what was there not in me to provoke
him to cast me off for ever ? But, thus it hath pleased him to magnify
his grace and mercy, on a creature the most luiworthy of any that ever
received a favour at his hands.
I know not where to end. He has recovered me from amongst the
dead, and he shall have the glory of it whilst I live : yes, I will praise
him, and tell of the wonders of his love to others, that so he may be
honoured, and none may distrust him. He has filled me with his praises,
though he has not given me that natural capacity which some have been
blessed with, to express what I feel and find, of his work on my soul.
But this I can say, I have found him whom my soul loves, he hath mani-
fested himself to me, and there is nr)thing I dread so much as losing
sight of him again. His presence makes all his ordinances, and all his
providences, and everything delightful unto me. It is impossible to
express the joy of my soul in sweet converses with him, with a sense of
his love and the experience of his presence, under the influences of his
Spirit, whose office it is to abide with me, and to guide, direct, and com-
fort me for ever.
It is from a sense of my duty and a desire to follow the direction of
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. XXXVll
that blessed Spirit, that I request fellowship with you of this church.
Amongst you my Lord has been pleased to discover himself to me, and
to make the ministry you sit under exceeding useful and comfortable to
my soul ; by it I have been built up and settled on the right foundation,
the righteousness of Christ, that rock that shall never be moved. Your
order likewise appears to me very beautiful and lovely, being, as I
apprehend, most agreeable to the rules of my Lord. Hence I desire to
have communion with you, that so by your example and watchfulness
over me, and the other advantages arising from church-fellowship, I may
find what I expect, and earnestly desire in communion with you, namely,
that I may experience fellowship with the Father and the Son, through
the eternal Spirit; whilst I wait upon him in the ways of his own
appointment. Rebecca Combe.
December 17, 1697.
The remarkable experience of Mrs. Gertrude Clarkson, second daughter of
the late Rev. Mr. David Clarkson, given to the church with whom
she lived in communion.
My education has been very^ strict. The constant instruction and
example of my parents had so early an influence, that it is hard to tell
which was my first awakening. Ever since I can remember anything
of myself, I have had frequent convictions of the danger of sin and an
imregenerate state, attended with fears of the punishment due to it ;
therefore was desirous of an interest in Christ, by whom I might be
pardoned and saved from the wrath of God. This made me very fearful
of omitting duties, or committing known sins ; and, though these con-
victions wore off, yet they oflen returned, and rendered me uneasy,
unless I was praying or learning Scriptures, or something which I
thought good. In these exercises I was well satisfied, though it was my
happiness to be under the most careful inspection and judicious helps for
the informing of my judgment.
Before I apprehended what it was to rely upon an all-sufificient Saviour
for righteousness and strength, I remember my notion of things was
this, that I was to hear, and pray, and keep the Sabbath, and avoid what
I knew to be sin, and then I thought God was obliged to save me ; that
I did what I could, and so all that he required ; and I fiu-ther conceived,
that if at any time I omitted secret prayer, or any other duty, yet if I
repented it was suflicient ; and, on this consideration I have oflen ven-
tured upon the conmoiission of sin, with a resolve to repent the next day,
and then, having confessed the transgression, my conscience has been
XXXVm HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
easj, and I was well satisfied. Indeed sin, at that time, was not burden-
some. I truly desired that my sins might be pardoned, but thought the
ways of religion hard ; and, though I durst not live in the constant
neglect of duty, yet I secretly wished that I had been under no obliga-
tion to perform it. When I reflect on the thoughts and workings of my
heart and affections in these times, and the confused apprehensions
which I then had both of sin and grace, I am fully persuaded that,
through grace, there is a real, and, in some measure, an uuiyersal change
wrought in my soul.
Afber my father's death, I was reading one of his manuscripts, wherein
both the object and nature of saving faith were described, and the great
necessity of it pressed, &c. The plain and clear defmition there given
of the saving act of faith, caused other apprehensious of things than I
had before." I then began to see, how short I had come in all my per-
formances of that disposition of soul which the Gospel called for, and
how guilty 1 was while depending upon these performances for accept-
ance with God, not casting myself wholly and alone upon Christ, and
resting on his righteousness, entirely y for pardc n and justification. The
concern of my mind was very great, that I had lived so long, ignorant
of those things which related to my eternal welfare. I was sensible, the
means and helps I had been favoured with, for improvement in know-
ledge, were beyond what is common, but I had refused instruction, the
consideration of which was very terrible to my thoughts, fearing lest I
had sinned beyond all hope of forgiveness.
But in the most discouraging apprehensions of my case, my heart was
much enlarged in the confession of sin, and in bewailing my captivity to
it, which was attended with earnest wrestlings with the Lord, for par-
doning and purifying grace. Those absolute promises in the 36th
chapter of Ezekiel, of " a new heart and right spirit," were my continual
plea, together with Matt. v. 6 : " Blessed are they who hunger and thirst
after righteousness, for they shall be filled." I found longings and
pantings of soul after that righteousness, and saw that it could only
be received by faith : this faith I earnestly begged, and that the Liord
would pardon that great sin of unbelief, which so provoked and dis-
honoured him, and that he would, by his own Spuit, enable me to em-
brace Christ, as freely held forth in the Grospel.
About this time I was much affected with the consideration of Christ's
offices, as prophet, priest, and king. And though I durst not claim an
interest in them, yet was often meditating upon them, admiring that
infinite condescension which is manifested therein. I thought whatever
my condition was in this world, yet if I might but be under his ix)¥rer-
* This is the same discourse that was useful to her sister Rebecca, and is th»
third in the voluine» entitled " Faiik," and based on Mark xvi. 16.
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARE80N, B.D. XXXIX
fal and effectual teachings as a Prophet, and have the benefit of his
atonement and intercession as a Priest, and be entirely subject to him in
every facility of my soul, as my Lord and King, then how satisfied and
happy should I be !
I was under these strugglings a long time, before I came to any com-
fortable persuasion that I was accepted. Sins against light and lore
deeply wounded me, and the many aggravating circumstances which
attended them, were so represented by Satan, that I could not tell how
to believe such iniquities as mine would be forgiven. But in the midst
of these distressing thoughts, I found in that manuscript of my father's,
that none but unworthy sinnerSy who are empty of all good in themselves,
were the objects of pardoning mercy, that the whole needed not the
physician, but the sick. This encouraged me to plead with hope, that
the Lord would glorify the freeness of his own grace in my salvation,
and to urge that Christ called " weary and heavy laden to him with a
promise of rest. (Matt. xi. 28.)
I found my soul was extremely burdened with sin ; it appeared more
exceeding sinful than ever before ; sins of thought as well as words and
actions, were then observed with sorrow, and lamented before him.
Yea, even the sins of my most holy things, those swarms of vain
thoughts, and wanderings of heart and affections, of which I was con-
scious in my secret retirements, and most solemn, close dealings with
God. In short, my own soul was my intolerable burden, which made
me oflen question, whether there were not more provoking sins in me
than God usually pardons. Oh, I found how every power and faculty
were depraved, and that I could not do the good I would !
It would be tedious to relate the many particular discouragements
and temptations I laboured under, sometimes pouring forth my soul with
some hope in his free mercy, sometimes only bewailing my condition
without hope, till it pleased Him whose power and grace no im^nitent
heart can resist and prevail, to put a stop to my imbelieving reasonings,
from the unlikelihood of such sins being pardoned, sins so aggravated
and so provoking as mine, by giving me an awful sense of his abso-
lute sovereignty from those words. Exodus xxxiii. 19, "I will be
gracious to whom I will be gracious, and will show mercy on whom I
will show mercy." Also Isaiah Iv. 1, " For my thoughts are not your
thoughts, neither are yoiq* ways my ways, saith the Lord." These con-
siderations were so impressed on my mind, and struck such an awe
upon my spirits, that I durst not any longer give way to my carnal
reasonings ; I thought I could commit myself to his sovereign plea-
sure, let him do with me as seemed him good.
After some time my mother, perceiving my concern, conversed very
freely with me, and asked if 1 was not vrilling to accept of Christ to
xl HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
sanrtifyy as well as to save me ? I told her 1 desired this above all
things. She then said he had certainly accepted me, adding, that it
was Christ who had made me willing to close with him, and that he
never made any soul thus willing, but he had first pardoned and accepted
that soul. I shall never forget with what weight these words were
impressed on my heart. I thought it was as a pardon sent immediately
to me. I could not but say, I was above all things desirous to be
entirely subject to Christ in every power and faculty of my soul, that
every thought might bo brought into subjection to Christ, and nothing
might remain in me contrary to him, but that there might be a perfect
conformity to his image and will in all things.
After this conversation I found great composure in my mind, believ-
ing that the Lord had created those desires in me, which nothing but
himself, and the enjoyment of himself, could satisfy, and that he would
answer them with himself ; " that he would not break the bruised reed,
nor quench the smoking flax," Matt. xii. 20. My delight now was in
nothing else but meditating upon, and admiring of, the free and sovereign
grace of God in Christ, which distinguished me from many others who
had not so highly provoked him, having called me out of such gross
darkness which I had been long in, and given me any glimmerings of
the light, of the knowledge, of the glory of his grace. My desires greatly
increased afler further discoveries, and clearer light into the deep myste-
ries of the love and grace of Clod in Christ Jesus : and all diversions
from these meditations were a burden.
Oh, I then thought, ** all old things were passed away, and everything
was become new !" I experienced a universal change in my mind, will,
and affections ; the bent of them was turned another way. The ordi-
nances, which were once irksome, were above all things pleasant, and the
return of Sabbaths continually longed for. I wjis very thankful it was
my duty as well as privilege to set apart the whole day for the worship
and glory of my Lord. 1 bewailed much that I could love him no
more, that there was so much sin remaining in me, and which I found
mixed ^\^th all that I did, and that 1 was not wholly taken up in those
blessed and delightful employments, without the least interruption. Oh,
I longed for that state wherein all these fetters should be knocked off,
and my soul set at liberty in the worship and praise of my God, being
freed from corruptions within or temptations without !
My soul was thus delightfully carried out for some time, in which I
heard a discourse from those words, John xxi. 17, " Thou knowest all
things, thou knowest that I love thee." The scope of this sermon was
for a trial, whether nf/r ap]K'iil could hv made to him wli(» knows all tilings,
that we lov(jil him ? Under this discourse I found my heart greatly
carried out in lovr to Christ, in all' his oixlinances, and the discoveries
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARK80N, B.D. xli
made of his will therein. These subjects concerning the love of Christ,
and his people's love to him, being long continued, one sermon aflcr
another, I found I sat under the word with great pleasure and enlarged
aSSdcdons.
At this time my mother was persuading me to join in communion
with some church, which greatly startled me at the first. I could by no
means think of that, not apprehending myself to have come so far yet. I
thought there must be something more in me, or I should eat and drink
damnation to myself. But being better informed both as to the nature
and end of the ordinance, and that it was intended for the increase of
grace and strength, and that it was a positive command of my Lord, with
whose will in all things I was very desirous to comply, I was at last pre-
vailed with to venture on that great ordinance, and was much refreshed
and satisfied, in my renewed resignation, and enlarged expectations, of
receiving all needful supplies from Him who is the head of the church.
Oh, the condescending love and grace of my Redeemer, represented to
me in these transactions, how greatly did they delight and afiect my
sonll I wished I might have been always thus exercised, expecting
with great pleasure the return of those seasons, wherein I might hope
for further manifestations, and larger communications, of grace and
love.
But after some time my affections began to cool. I had not such
sweetness and enlargement in my approaches to God in public, as I used
to find. I thought the preaching more empty, and came short of what
I found I wanted. This deadness continuing, filled me with no small
concern, fearing I should fall ofi^. I was very far from charging the
ministry I sat under, but my own wicked wavering heart. I have often
gone to the house of God with raised expectations of receiving those
quickenings I used to be blessed with, but found sad disappointments.
This frame of spirit as to public worship, was matter of continual
mourning and bewailing in secret. I was oflen examining my heart as
to its cams and ends in my public approaches, and could not but con-
clude my desires were above all things to glorify my Lord in all his
appointments, and to receive those blessings from him which might
enable me so to do.
The missing of the Lord's presence under the means, in the use of
which he had commanded me to expect it, and which he had heretofore
in some measure vouchsafed, was very grievous. I earnestly begged a
discovery of every sin that might be hid from me, which might be the
cause of this withdrawing. But the decay of my affections still remain-
ing, it caused groat misgivings of hoiirt, that tilings were not right with
me. Yet still I had supports in my secret applications to God, that his
grace would l)e sufficient for me, and that I should be kept by his
xlii HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS
almighty power, through faith unto salvation, which encoumgements
kept me still waiting with hope, that he would yet return and bless me.
After some time being providentially brought to this place, I found
the preaching of your pastor so suited to my case, that I was greatly
enlarged in thankfulness to God, who had so directed me. Those ser-
mons upon Galat. vi. 3, " For if a man thinketh himself something when
he is nothing, he deceiveth himself," though I had heard your minister
before, with great satisfaction, brought me to a resolution of sitting
under his ministry. I do not question but you remember what unusual
and deep heart-searching discourses they were to me. They razed me
again to the very foundation, and discovered the many secret holds
Satan had in my heart, which before I thought not of, and how many
ways I was taken up in something which was nothing. I wish I could
express what they were.
These discourses caused deep humblings of spirit, and enlarged desires
after further enlightenings. Oh I found these things reached me I I
needed to be led into the depths of my own deceitful heart, and thereby
observe, that secret proneness there was in me, to be laying hold on
something in self to rest upon and expect from. In short, I now saw
that utter insufficiency and weakness in myself, and everything done
by myself, to satisfy the cravings of my immortal soul, which I had not
so much as once thought of before.
I have been also led more to that fulness, from whence only I can
receive what may render me acceptable to the Father, and have never
found so much sweetness and solid satisfaction in my accesses to God, as
when most sensible of my own unworthiness, and entire emptiness of
anything agreeable to him in myself, and all my performances, and when
most apprehensive of that infinite fulness and suitableness of grace laid
up in Christ Jesus, from whence I am commanded and encouraged to
be continually receiving fresh supplies. Oh those infinite inexhaustible
treasures I Nothing, nothing less can satisfy the restless cravings and
pantings of my soul ! By this preaching, I have been continually led to
this fresh spring that never fails, and have experienced great quicken-
ings in my applications to Christ, and comfortable rejoicings in him.
Notwithstanding aU those miserable defects and failures in my poor per-
formances, this gives me comfort, that there is a perfect righteousness
wrought out for me, which I may receive freely by faith, and therein
stand complete before QkA for ever.
The insisting on such truths as these, which have a direct tendency to
lead from self to Christ, by opening and unfolding the mysteries of
grace laid up in him, so admirably suited to answer all the necessities
of poor helpless guilty creatures, I find above all things encourages me
to, and enlivens me in, duty. My low improvements under these suit-
OF THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D. xliii
able instructive helps fill me with mourning, to think there should be
no greater establishment, upon the sure foundation of a Redeemer's
righteousness, on which I hope I have been enabled to build.
At times I can apprehend with some clearness that this righteousness
was wrought out for me, and can applj to him with confidence and joj,
as the " Lord my righteousness and strength,*' and gladly hope, that
through that strength 1 shall be more than a conqueror over every dis-
turbing corruption and temptation. Yea, that I shall see him shortly,
as he is, in the full displays of the glory of that grace and love which I
cannot now comprehend, and by the transforming sight be made Hke
him. But oh how short ! how seldom are these interviews I my unbe-
lieving heart still returns to its former darkness and distrust, and gives
me frequent occasions to bewail the fluctuations of my weak fiiith. Oh
that it was stronger I that it was more stedfast ! But blessed be his
name in whom I put my entire trust, there is grace in him, to help me
under all decays and failings, through weakness. It is from hence I
receive strength, to elevate and excite the acts of faith and love, when
sunk so low that I cannot raise them. Yea, it is firom the same fulness
I receive grace, to regulate the actings of grace, and to set my soul from
time to time, in a right way of improving the grace I received, and for
obtaining pardon for all my defects, as well as for the removing all my
defilements.
These are truths that feed and support my faith, and without these
were set home with power on my soul, I must give up, under the great
aboundings of indwelling corruptions. I desire a submissive waiting for
further manifestations of his love, in his own time and way. And
although I have not those constant shines of the light of God's coun-
tenance, with which some of his people are blessed, yet I humbly adore
him for the little light he hath afforded me, and beg your prayers that
I may be kept close to him, and have such constant discoveries as may
strengthen my faith, by a close adherence to him, and firm reliance on
him, without wavering. But I am sensible that I am too apt to be
looking ofi^ from the only support and foundation of my faith and hope,
and to be depending on, and expecting from, the frame of my own spirit,
and workings of my affections towards spiritual things.
Oh the unsearchable deceitfulness of my heart I which is so many ways
betraying me into an unbelieving temper of spirit I 1 find I need
greater helps than those may who are more established, and 1 dare not
n^lect those helps which my Lord has provided for his church. I need
to be watched over, and excited and encouraged under difficulties, from
those experiences which others have of the dealings of the Lord with
them. I havij l:)i!en wishing for these advantages for a considerable
time being fully convinced that those who are members of his church,
Xliv HISTORICAL NOTICES OF REV. DAVID CLARK80N, B.D.
should be building up one another. I bless the Lord that he has disco-
vered his will to me in this point, and that he hath provided greater
helps than what I had been before acquainted with, for my furtherance
in my progress to heaven. Accordingly I would cheerfully and thank-
fully fall in with his vrill herein, and so take hold of his covenant in this
church, expecting the blessing promised to those that are planted in his
house.
Gertrude Clarkson.
TREATISES
CHURCH POLITY OF THE PRIMITIVE TIMES.
NO EVTOENCE
POR
DIOCESAN CHURCHES,
BISHOPS WITHOUT THE CHOICE OR CONSENT OP THE PEOPLE,
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES,
AN ANSWER TO THE ALLEGATIONS OUT OF ANTIQUITY FOR SUCH CHURCHES,
AND AGAINST POPULAR ELECTIONS OF BISHOPS : IN A LATE VOLUME,
ENTITLED, " THE UNREASONilBLENESS OF SEPARATION ;'*
THAT THET DO NOT SERVE THE DESIGN FOR WHICH THET ARE PRODUCED.
The epiacopal men wfll hardly find any eridence in Scripture or the practice of the apoetlee, for
churches oonaisting of many fixed congregations for worship, under the charge of one person,
nor in the primitive church, for the ordination of a binhop, without the preceding election
of the clergy, and at least consent and approbation of the people.— Dr. St[iUingJleet] Jren,
p. 416.
London: Printed for Thomas Parkhurst at the Bible and Three Crowns.
This treatise which is here reprinted is a small quarto volumcy pp. 76, which
is now somewhat rare.
AN ADVERTISEMENT.
The author would neither hava begun nor ended this discourse
so as the reader finds it, if he had at first designed it for public
view, or been willing to engage himself in this unhappy contest.
He was moved to examine the learned part of the Beverend
Doctor's [Stillingfleet's] volume, because he found it not,
at first view, agreeable to what, upon some converse with the
ancients, he had long taken to be the sense and practice of the
church, especially in the first and best ages. He was encou-
raged to pursue the inquiry, because the issue thereof, however it
proved, could be no other than was very desirable. For he
could not but count it an advantage, either to have his appre-
hensions rectified, if he were mistaken, or to be confirmed in
liis judgment, if it were right, and that by a person of such
eminency, as he knows none of his standing superior to him for
learning in the Church of England. So that what he aimed at,
when he first undertook it, was his own private satisfaction ; but
some papers being got out of his hands, he found liimself
brought to these terms, that either he must publish them himself,
or have it done by others ; and had only the liberty to choose
which of these he counted most tolerable.
Of what consideration the points here discussed are in refer-
ence to the main question under debate, may soon be discerned.
If there were no diocesan churches, nor bishops without the
choice or consent of the people, in the primitive times, then the
6 ADVERTISEMENT.
imputation of schism^ with respect thereto, is not over-reasonably
fixed on Dissenters. For with what reason can they be branded
as schismatics for declining such churches, and not submitting
to such bishops as the church in the best ages of Christianity
either did not know, or would not own ? In this case either we
must be acquitted, or the primitive and universal church will be
involved in the same condemnation with us. And the charge of
schism is in danger to recoil here. It is counted on all hands,
far more schismatical to divide from the universal church, espe-
cially in its primitive integrity, than from any particular church
in degenerate times : and doth it not look very like such a
dividing from the prime catholic church, when this is relinquished
in matters of so great concern, — so that such churches are
formed as were unknown to the Christian world in the first
and best times, and bishops of those churches ate only owned
and set over them in such a way as was universally disclaimed,
both then and in many ages after? If adhering to these
churches, (and to none else but in dependence on them,) and
resigning ourselves up to tliose bishops as our pastors, be made
BO necessary, that those are counted none of the church, or
worthy to be cast out, who yield not thereto ; we need not fear,
in these circumstances, to let our accusers be judges, who are the
schismatics, when they are under no temptation to be par-
tial. "A church," says Dr. Stpllingfleet] "may separate her-
self from the communion of the catholic by taking upon her to
make such things the necessary conditions of her communion
which never were the conditions of communion witli tlie catholic
church. The being of the catholic church lies in essentials :
for a particular church to disagree from all other particular
churches in some extrinsical and accidental things, is not to
separate from the catholic church, so as to cease to be a church ;
but still, whatever church makes such extrinsical tilings the
necessary conditions of communion, so as to cast men out of the
church who yield not to tliem, is schismatical in so doing ; for
it thereby divides itself from tlie catholic church : and the sepa-
ration from it is so far from being schism, that being cast out of
that church on those terms, only returns tliem to the communion
of the catliolic church. On which grounds it will appear that
yours is the schismatical church, and not ours. Not only
persons, but churches may depart from the catholic church ; and
ADVERTISEMENT. 7
in such cases not those who depart from the commonion of such
churches, hut those churches which departed from the catholic
are guilty of the schism."**
Upon whom this sentence falls, and who are acquitted hereby,
may be easily discerned, if there be no evidence that the churches
and bishops in question, now made so necessary, were known or
owned in the primitive times. And I know not from whom this
evidence can be expected, if not from so excellent a person as
Dr. St[illingfleet,] when he has made it his business to produce
it Whether he has done it or not, is left to the judgment of
the impartial, upon the perusing of what follows.
* Rational Account, part iL chap. i?. sec. iu. pp. 858, 359.
NO EVIDENCE
POR
DIOCESAN CHURCHES,
The testimoiiies of the ancients which the reverend and learned Dr.
[Stillingfleet] makes use of, concern two heads, and are alleged either
for diocesan churches, or against popular elections of bishops. Before I
come to examine the former particularly, let it be observed in general,
that those reverend persons whom the Doctor opposes, make account
that in the primitive times a r^ular church was but a particular con-:
gregation, and constituted of no more than might conveniently meet
together for church-commimion. Yet they deny not but there might
be in afler-times some heteroclites, churches extraordinarily numerous,
so as they could not ordinarily and with convenience hold personal
communion in one place ; but they find no instances hereof in the two
first ages of Christianity, nor evidence for any number in the third,
nor in the best part of the fourth for very many, compared with the
rest which tran^:ressed not the primitive and regular bounds. And
this they judge will be no great prejudice to their hypothesis. He
that shows three or four men (among many thousands) corpulent,
overgrown, and of extraordinary stature ; doth not thereby prove that
the rest are not commonly of a r^ular proportion, more like men than
giants. K those so numerous churches could be thought on that
account to have been diocesans, yet could it not be from thence inferred
that the ancient churches were conmionly diocesan, unless we may
draw a general conclusion from that which is very rare and extraordi-
nary. But indeed it cannot hence be proved that those few churches,
consisting of so very numerous members, were like the diocesans now
contended for. It is just here as it is with our parishes in England ;
besides those of a common and ordinary size, there are some which are
excessively numerous, containing very many thousand souls, some
thirty or forty, or sixty, or more thousands ; yet it would be ridiculous
to account each of these parishes a diocese, when all know the largest
10 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
of them is but a small part of one. These parishes at first contained
no more than could meet for worship in one place ; being in some ages
grown too populous to meet together, they should have been divided,
so as to answer the ends of their first regular establishment ; but con-
tinuing as they are, they pass still (as the lesser do) for single congre-
gations, and these, with himdreds of others, make up but one .diocesan
church. The ancient churches are in these respects correspondent to
these parishes. So that if the Doctor had brought us some instances of
ancient episcopal churches as niunerous as our great parishes, contain-
ing many more than could well meet together, yet this would not have
proved them diocesan churches, no, nor more than some single congre-
gations ; but 1 think all that he produces amounts not to so much.
This will appear by examining the severals • alleged.
* To prove that the church of Carthage in Cyprian's time was more
than a single congregation, (and no less than a diocese, which is the
thing to be proved,) he shows out of his epistles, that there vrere many
presbyters in that church. But this will be no proof to those who
consider, that it was the practice of old to multiply presbyters and other
officers, beyond what we covmt necessary. Dr. Downham says, at first
the number of Christians in cities were sometimes not much greater
than the number of presbyters among them. His words are these:
" Indeed at the very first conversions of cities, the whole number of the
people converted, (being sometimes not much greater than the number
of presbyters placed among them,) were able to make but a small con-
gregation."^ Such a number of presbyters would be far fix)m proving a
church in such cities to be more than a single congregation, much
farther from proving it to be as large as a diocese. This practice,
which the Bishop will have to be primitive, of making so many pres-
byters in one church, was followed in after times. Nazianzen tells us,
in the fourth age, that sometimes the officers in a church did weU nigh
exceed the number of those whom they ruled, €la\ axMw r\ irXetovf Ij
oirda-av cipxovai kot apidfiov,'' How, then, can forty-six or sixty presby-
ters be an argument that the church where they were was as large as a
diocese, or larger than the greatest congregation ? Justinian, observing
that officers in churches were multiplied beyond reason and measure,
takes order that they should be reduced to the numbers at the first
establishment; but in the great church at Constantinople, he would
have the presbyters brought down to sixty. No doubt they were
numerous in Constantine's time, who endeavoured to make that city in
all things equal to Rome, (<t)dfiiXXov r§ 'Pa>/i;7, and built two churches in it,
• ParticuUn. • Part iU. sec. iv. p. 229.
' Defence, lib. il. cap. 1. p. 6. ^ Orat. i.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 1 I
says the historian.' Yet in the latter end of his reign, after the death
of Arius, the Christians there could all meet together for worship. It
is said expressly, that Alexander, bishop of that church, awa^y av¥
vaa% TMff dUKi/HHs ttrtriXwirtv,^ " held a meeting with all the brethren."
But there is one passage afterwards which may seem more consider-
able, page 230 : " At Carthage we have this evidence of the great num-
ber of Christians, that in the time of persecution, although very many
stood firm, yet the number of the lapsed was so great, that St Cyprian
saith, every day thousands of tickets were granted by the martyrs and
confessors in their behalf for reconciliation to the church.^ And in one
of those tickets sometimes might be comprehended twenty or thirty
persons, the form being, Oammunicet ille cum suiSj ' Let the bearer and
his fiiends be admitted to communion.' "'
The UTunbers of the lapsed were great ; it seems, by Cyprian's expres-
sion,' they were the greatest part of his church, for he says, " The
greatest part of the brethren denied the ^ith,** (Maximua fratrum
nwnertu Jidem suam prodidit,) at the first approach of the persecution,
before they were apprehended, or so much as inquired after, besides
those that feU when the danger was nearer, and the trial more sharp.
Elsewhere he tells us, that this wasting persecution did almost unpeople
his church,/ and he mentions nwnerosam languentium stragenij et
exigucan stantium firmitatem, ^^ a copious slaughter of the unstable, and
little of the firmness of stedfast professors ;'' signifying that those who fell
were many, those that stood but very few.* Very many hundreds are
not necessary to make a company numerous, and very few added to
those (or to some thousands) will not make the church of Carthage so
exceeding great as some seem to imagine it. However, the lapsed were
not near so many as is here insinuated; for by this reckoning the
lapsed Christians at Carthage will be more by many myriads than all
the inhabitants of the city, Christians and heathens, together. For
suppose these thousands of tickets were but two or three thousand, and
every day amounted but to ten days ; and the numbers in each ticket,
reckoned sometimes twenty, sometimes thirty, were but one with an-
other ten, the numbers of the lapsed will be 300,000 ; whereas all the
inhabitants were not above 200,000, as we may weU suppose, since the
inhabitants of Antioch, a greater and more populous city, (as authors
generally report it,) were no more, as Chrysostom, who well knew it,
gives the account, cucxr* /ivptodoj,* " twenty myriads." Therefore the
• Soi. lib. it cap. U. * Theodoret, lib. i. cap. xiv.
• Lib. m, Ep. T. [AUter Gyp. Ep. xr] •* Lfl>. Hi. Ep- xv. [al. Cyp. Ep. xi.]
« Senno de Laptb, [ed. Parii. 1726, p. 183.] / Lib. iv. Ep. iv. Initio, [al. Cyp. Ep. vU.]
r Ibid, ad flnem. * Orat. in Ignat. torn. y. Horn. Ixx.
b2
12 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
thousands here must pass, as is ordinary in all authors, for very many.
So Eusebius says there were fivptoi, 'thousands of bishops," in a synod of
Antioch for the censure of Paulus Samosatenus.* And another ancient
author speaks of thousands of bishops at the Council of Chalcedon,*
whereas there was but about six hundred at the latter, and not so many
by far at the former. Thus Theodoret, givmg an account of his preach-
ing at Antioch, saith it was known, that many myriads^ (iroXX^ fivpiad^s)
did meet in one place to hear ; whereas two or three mjniads are more
than can well hear any one preach. And then the tickets comprehend-
ing twenty or thirty (which multiply the nimibers of the lapsed excess-
ively) must be left out of the reckoning, for there was none such
granted by the martjrrs, as Cjrprian declares in the epistle cited. Though
there were some drawn up in such a blind form {Communicet ille cum
8uis) as might include twenty or thirty, yet says he, Nunquam omnino
h martyrihus factum est^* " This was never done by the martys." Thus
the expression, Ep. v.* will amount to no more than this: "The martyrs
were daily solicited and importuned to grant great numbers of tickets."
So it cannot be hence concluded that the Christians at Carthage were
more, or so many as are in some of our parishes. It is manifest by
many plain passages in Cyprian, that his whole church, which in his
style is, " The whole people — all the laity standing by — ^the whole bro-
therhood," (J^lebs universa — omnes stantes Unci — tota fratemUcu,) did
frequently meet together, both for acts of worship, and other church
affairs ; which as they enforce the sense I have given of the expression
alleged, on those who will have Cyprian consistent with himself; so
may convince all, who weigh them impartially, that the Christians then
at Carthage were nothing near so many as the Doctor supposes.
In the next head, p. 230, that which he would prove, if we may
judge by his conclusion, pp. 231, 232, is that the power of discipline
was not then supposed to be in the congregation, or that they were the
first subject of the power of the keys, and that they thought it not then
in the power of the people to appoint and ordain their own officers.
But this Dr. 0[wen] nowhere asserts, if I understand him, and so it
might have been spared. However, he proves it ; let us see how.
" The presbyters and the whole church were under the particular care
and government of St. Cyprian as their bishop." — p. 230.
The presbyters were then no ways under the government of the
bishop, but as those that are joint rulers may be said to be imder the
government of one another. The whole church was not under the
bishop's government alone, but was ruled jointly by the bishop and
• Hist. lib. tU. cap. xx viii. * Vld. et Cecrop. Episc. SebMtop. in Condi. Chalced.
' Epijt. Ixxxiii. ' Lib. Hi. Ep. xv. [Al. Ep. xi.] ' [Al. Gyp. Ep. zr.]
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 13
elders. That the presbyters and bishop ooncorred in the govemment,
is acknowledged by the best asserters of episcopacy amongst us, Dr.
Field, Bishop Downham, Bishop Hall, Mr. Thomdike, Primate Usher,
&c. Dr. St[illingfleet3 doth not deny it ; nay, he elsewhere asserts
and proves* it by many ancient testimonies, Cjrprian's particularly.
" Thus Cornelius at Rome— thus Cyprian at Carthage, one who pleads
as much as any for obedience to bishops ; and yet none more eyident
for the presence and joint concurrence and assistance of the clergy at
aU church debates," &c. And to prevent the usual evasion, he adds,
'' That they concurred in governing the church, and not only by their
counsel, but authority, appears from the general sense of the church,
even when episcopacy was at the highest"
There is nothing in the passages here produced out of Cyprian,
(pp. 230, 231, 233) that can be in the least serviceable to prove the
sole jurisdiction of a bishop. The import of them is no more, but
that in matters of discipline, the people and elders should do nothing
without him ; even as he declared that he would do nothing without
them. How this sets the church of Carthage at any distance from Dr.
0[wen]*s hypothesis, I understand not.
. Nor can I apprehend how the third head (p. 232) crosses the Doctor
more than others, or more than himself. That the pastoral authority for
governing a church is of Divine institution, is not denied, but that the
superiority or pre-eminence of a bishop above presbyters is of such
institution, Cyprian says not, nor is it the sense of any of the ancients,
as Dr. St[illingfleet] hath declared heretofore, (and retracts not here,)
proving it by the testimonies of Jerome, Hilary, Augustine, Isidore, and
a Council at Seville ;* showing also how expressions in the ancient
writers, which seem to be of another tendency, are to be understood.*^
Page 233. ^^ Let the reader now judge whether these be the strokes
and lineaments of the Congregational way.*'
If the Doctor had thought fit to take notice of the strokes and linea-
ments of the Congregational way, supposed to be apparent in St.
Cyprian's writings, he should have produced something out of him
against these severals.' 1. That a church then was but a single con-
gregation, consisting of no more than Sould meet together for personal
communion. 2. That this church was not under the government of
any other bishops or rulers besides their own bishop and officers.
3. That the concerns of this congr^ation were not ordered without the
common consent of the people belonging to it. If it be plain in Cyprian
that this was the state of the church at Carthage, it will be the more
• Ircnicum, pp. S35, 386, 354, 355. * Irenicom, pp. 312, 31S.
'- lien. pp. S14, S15. ' PmrticuUn.
14 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
considerable because the Doctor tells us, that Cyprian speaks of nothing
peculiar to his own church, but what was generally obserred over the
Christian world.
I meet with no more out of antiquity to this purpose, till we come
to page 245 ; there he offers two observables,* and fortifies them with
ancient testimonies.
'^ Obs. 1. That it was an inviolable rule amongst them, that there
was to be but one bishop in a city, though the city were never so large,
or the Christians never so many."
This was no inviolable rule. No rule at all in Scripture ; none such
[was] observed or known in Scripture times. Those that are for epis-
copacy in its greatest elevation, maintain, that there were more bishops
than one in a city, particularly Jerusalem, Antioch, Rome, Ephesus,
&c., in and afler the apostles' times. Others, that proceed upon other
groimds, find in one city more of those who in Scripture style are bishops,
though not in the style of after times. — ^Phil. i. 1 ; Acts xx. 17, &c.
Dr. St[illingfleet] himself must either hold that there were no bishops
in Scripture times, or more of them than one in a city ; for he acknow-
ledges that in the apostles' times in one church there were more presby-
ters than one ; and yet ascribes the superiority which makes the differ-
ence between a bishop and presb3rters, not to Divine or apostolical
appointment, or any act of the apostles ; but to human institution, and
an act of the church.
This rule might well be observed in cities where there were no more
Christians than there are in a single congregation ; and this is supposed
to be the case of Carthage, and other churches, in Cjrprian's time, and
after: nor has Dr. St[illingfleet] brought anything sufiicient to dis-
prove it; and therefore Cyprian's testimony for one bishop might have
been spared. Nor is there any ground to conclude that 1 Thess. v.
12, 13; Heb. xiii. 17, were not so understood by the AMcan churches
as they are by Mr. B[axter.] And Cyprian, who is so positive for
one bishop f is as peremptory but for* one flock. Esse posse uno m loco
aliquis existimat aut multos pastores, aut plures greges P " Can any one
imagine that in one place there should be either more pastors, or more
flocks ?'' viz. more than one. But the diocesans now pleaded for may
have many hundred flocks, and [yet] but one pastor.
When there were more Christians in a city than one bishop could
perform the duties of a pastor to, this rule might afterwards be observed,
though not inviolably and without exception ; no, nor where Christiaiu
were less numerous. At Jerusalem, when Narcissus had the chair, not
to mention those who were bishops there in his retirement, (Dius and
« Points tu contid«ratlon. * fbr bat. • D« UnitaU EoclMla, [od. Paiii. ItU, p. IM.]
NO EVIDENCE FOK DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
15
Germanicon,) Gordius was in the seat when he returned and resumed
the bishopric; and Alexander was afterwards made bishop with him.*
At Cssarea, Theotecnus and Anatolius were for some time bishops
together;* afterwards Macarius and Maximus were at once bishops in
that church.' Epiphanius (alleged by Grotius'' for this purpose) signifies
that other cities had two bishops ; and excepts but one. " Alexandria
had nerer two bishops (»r al SXXtu irActr) as other cities had."' His
meaning cannot be, as a great antiquary would have it, that Alexandria
was never so divided as that several parties in it should have their
respective bishops there ; for so it was divided, in the time of Epi-
phanius, when the Catholics had Athanasius, the Arians had Gregorius,
and then Geoigius; and afterwards the one had Peter, the other Lucius.
And the Novatians had their bishops successively in that city, till
Cyril*s time/ But to waive other instances, let me only add one, yet
such an one as is pregnant, comprising very many at once, and shows
this was customary in the churches everywhere through the world.
Valerius made Augustine bishop with him at Hippo, with the con-
currence of the bishops in those parts, who assured Augustine that this
was usual, and proved it by examples both in the African and trans-
marine churches, as Possidonius tells us.^ And Augustine alleges
nothing to hinder him from making Eradius bishop with him, when he
designed him to be his successor, but only the prohibition of the Nicene
Council.* That is the first rule we meet with against it,' and there it
is not directly prohibited, but only by insinuation. Afterwards the
bishops were more positive in forbidding it, having in time discovered
a very cogent reason for it, assigned by a synod in the middle of the
seventh age,* Ne res eccleaicB scBvd divisione debeant partiri, " Lest the
church's revenues should be divided f and so one bishop should not
have all, which seemed a cruel thing to those fathers.
But to return to former ages : where the custom continued of having
but one bishop in a city when the multitude of Christians in it required
more, the practice of their predecessors was pleaded for it, when the
case was quite altered, and the reason which had led them to it in
better times was not extant. As if, in the behalf of some parishes
amongst us, grown in time extraordinarily populous, so as some thou-
sands of the inhabitants cannot meet at once in the parish church, it
should be alleged, that they ought not to be divided into distinct
rectories, because each of them was but one parish under one rector
• Eufleb. lib. tI. cap. x. xi.
« Sox. lib. U. cap. XX.
• Han. IzTiii. [d.tI. Meletian.]
r Vit. Aug. cap. viU.
< Cone. Nic. Can. riU.
» Euseb. lib. rii. cap. xxxii.
^ De Imp. sum. Potest, lib. xl. sec. xi.
/ Socrat. lib. vil. cap. vii.
A Ep. ex.
* Cone. CabU. L Can. ir.
16 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
at first, and for some ages since; when the reason why it was but one
at first, and after, was because it contained not too many for one. K
any offer to derive it from a higher original, and pretend it was from
apostolical tradition, Dr. St[illingfleet] tells us, they did it upon a mis-
take, "judging of the practice of the apostles by that of their own
times.""
Yet in cities so well replenished with Christians, where the bishop
had assistants joined with him, each of which had and exercised the
entire power of pastors, an honorary presidency only reserved to the
bishop ; M[r.] B[axter] will not say the instituted species of govern-
ment is there altered : nor that this is like such a diocesan church, where
there are many myriads of Christians, more than all the inhabitants of
Carthage amounted to, all under one bishop as their sole pastor.
Page 246. " One of the greatest and most pernicious schisms that
ever happened, might have been prevented, if they had yielded to more
bishops than one in a city ; and that was the schism of the Donatists
upon the competition between Majorinus and Cascilian."
I cannot conceive how yielding to more bishops than one in a city,
might have prevented the schism of the Donatists, unless the ancient
church had quite another idea of schism than Dr. St[illingfieet3 has ;
for he counts those assemblies schismatical, which differ less both in
opinion and practice from those he allows, than the Donatists did from
the Catholics. The Donatists held that ordinations by tradiiors^ were
null and void ; that Ca^cilian, and many others, had no better ordina-
tion ; and consequently those churches must with them be no true
churches ; their ofiicers were to be re-ordained, and the people re-
baptized: and this was their practice. Now I do not see any reason to
think that CsBcilian's allowing the Donatists a bishop in Carthage would
have made them quit their principles ; for they presumed they might
have a bishop of tEeir own there, whether Cax^ilian and his party
allowed it or no ; and notwithstanding any disallowance, had so actually,
one bishop succeeding another, for a hundred years together.
Page 246. " Let M[r.] B[axter] reconcile these words^ to his hypo-
thesis, if he can."
If the church Cjrprian speaks of contained no more than some single
congregation, which let Dr. St[illingfleet] disprove, M[r.] B[axter] will
not find any difficulty in reconciling what Cyprian says against
• Iren. p. 817.
* Traditon or betrayers were tuch as in times of persecution, surrendered the ucred boolu and
utensils of the church to the heathen to be burnt.
' [Gyp. Ep. lii. n. 4, Et cum post primum, &c. &c. " Since there cannot be a second after the
first, whosoever is made biKhop when one is made already, who ouffht to be alone, he is not another
bishop, but none at alL"J
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 17
Novatian (far being chosen a bishop in that city, where there was
one before) to his own hypothesis; for it amounts to no more than
this, that there should be no more than one pastor in the same congre-
gation ; and till the former be disproved, those testimonies (pages 247,
248) are to no purpose.
I see not how it can be justly inferred from what is alleged out of
St. Augustine, concerning the proposal of Melchiades, (page 248,) that
" the best, the wisest, the most moderate persons never once thought
that there could be more bishops than one in a city." What Mel-
chiades proposes doth not signify that he thought there was a necessity
for but one bishop, as if there could be no more ; though he might
think it not expedient where one was sufficient, and more were not like
to agree together. St. Augustine himself, who applauds the proposal,
thought there might be- more. He was actually bishop of Hippo, as
was shown before, together with Valerius ; and he concurred afterwards
with the rest of the African bishops in allowing it elsewhere.
I find no such rule on both sides in the conference at Carthage as he
next tells us of : ^' But one bishop to be allowed of either side of a city
or diocese." It is true both sides seemed unwilling to own that they
erected new bishoprics, on purpose to make one party appear more
numerous than the other : but none of them were disallowed upon this
account, either as bishops or actors in that conference. All the
Catholic bishops there, and St. Augustine with them, in their epistle to
Marcellinus, there recited, offer the Donatists, that being reconciled,
nee honorem episcopatUs amittant, " they should continue bishops." And
afterwards in their greatest councils they allow that there might be two
bishops in one place on several occasions ; particularly if the Donatists'
bishop was converted, then the place was to be divided between him
and the other bishop. This the Doctor takes notice of, p. 251, and we
shall do it further, when he leads us to it.
Sect. ix. Obs. 2, p. 249. '* In cities and dioceses which were imder
the care of one bishop, there were several congregations, and altars,
and distant places. Carthage was a very large city, &c. And there,
besides the cathedral, were several other considerable churches," &c.
This was in the fifth age. Victor ends his history in the latter end
of it, about the year 480. Now it is the three first ages principally,
wherein it is said there were not more Christians than in some single
congregation, nor more fixed churches than one in a city. In the fourth
there might be more in some cities, but those cities were very few.
Petavius could but name two in the latter end of that age. In the fifUi
age there might be more, but then the church was greatly declining, as
appears by the complaints of Austin, Chrysostom, Isidore Pelusiota,
Prosper, fifedvian, &c. The ambition and other extravagancies of the
18 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
bishops promoted it. Chrysostonii in the violent persecution which
ended in his ejection and banishment, says he feared none so much as
the bishops, ddm yhp 'Xoiirhv dtdoiKa &9 tmo'KSnovs* And the bishops
of those two cities, Rome and Alexandria, which first transgressed the
primitive boimds of churches, are noted as the first that turned the
government of the church into domination, and did it in that age.^
But yet there is reason to believe that the case was not much altered at
Carthage in this age; for though there were very many brought over to
Christianity, yet great numbers of them were with the Donatists. In
Carthage itself, they had their bishops in succession, Majorinus, Do-
natus, Parmenianus, Primianus, who was confirmed in the chair at
Carthage by a synod of three hundred and ten bishops; Maximianus
being declared bishop there at the same time, by two other synods ; the
one consisting of above fifty, the other of above a hundred bishops.^
So that it seems that sect had two bishops at once in Carthage, in the
latter end of the fourth age ; and vying with the Catholics for numbers,
they might have as many churches as they. Rebaptizcmte Donati parte
majorem muUitudinem Afrorum, " The Donatists rebaptized the major
part of the Africans," saith Possidonius.^ However, the number of
their churches will not prove the thing in question. Out of the ser-
mons De Tempore and De Diverais, which go under St. Austin's name,
but are of uncertain authors, and so are of little account, he reckons
eight churches ; but there were more in Alexandria, when the Christians
did all meet there in one place. And since, after the disturbance by
Arius, the presbyters were not suffered to preach in Alexandria, either
the people must meet in one place to hear the bishop preach, or be
without preaching.* M[r.] B[axter] proved that they did meet in one
place, and I think his proof is still satisfying,/ notwithstanding what is
answered. Nor doth it appear that all those churches were for com-
munion ; they might communicate with the bishop in the greater
basilica/ and the rest might serve for other ofiices, as Damasus (or
whoever was the writer of the popes* lives) says. The twenty-five or
fifteen tituli^ were erected at Rome by Marcellus, propter baptismum et
pcmitentiam multorum et sepulturas, "for the baptisms, penances, and
burials of the multitudes." Hence Dr. Taylor* infers, that at Rome
there was then (viz. in the beginning of the fourth age) no preach-
ing but in the mother church ; and then not only at Alexandria, but
• Ep. xiil. p. 95. » Socrat. Hist. lib. tU. cap. vU. xi.
' August, contra Crescon. lib. Iv. cap. vi. ' Vita Aug. cap. vii.
« Socrat. Hist lib. i. cap. ▼!. r Satisfactory,
f One of the early names for a church.
' The lituli at Rome and the Xavpat at Alexandria, seem to have corresponded soraewhat to
our modem chapels-of-ease.
< Episc. Atser. p. S97.
NO EVIDENCE FOB DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 1
At Rome, in the fourth age, if the people met not in one place with the
bishop, they could have no sermon : and the inference is altogether
as just, that there was no eucharist but at the great church. So
that those places (call them what you wUl, tituUj or Xavpai, or hcuiliccB)
seem to be but oratories, and not intended or used for celebrating the
Lord's supper. And there are more of these in some one of our
parishes than either at Alexandria or Carthage, and yet the people not
00 numerous, but they can and do communicate together.
Page 250, to show that there were more altars than one where Chris-
tians did communicate in a city (or bishopric, contrary to what he had
asserted in his sermon,) he alleges a passage in the Conference at
Carthage, where Fortunatus objects to Petilian, that in the town where
he was bishop, the heretics had broken down all the altars. But this
will be no good argument, that there were more altars for the eucharist
than one in a town, to those who take notice that in Africa there were
abundance of altars for other designs and purposes than celebrating the
eucharist Particularly, there were many erected as memorice martyrumy
memorials of the martyrs, which appears by the fifUi council at
Carthage, Can. xiv. where those fathers take notice of such altars in the
fields, the ways, and ubique, *' everywhere ;" and some of them they
condemn, (viz. those in quibus nullum carpus out reliquicB martyrum
conduce probantur, in which neither the body nor the relics of any
martyr can be proved to repose,) others they approve.
He shows, that places distant from the city were in the bishop's
diocese, but these will not serve his turn, nor will what is alleged serve
for proof. It is a canon in the A&ican code, that no bishop should leave
his cathedral church and go to any other church in his diocese, there to
reside.*
But suppose this cathedral church was in some village, it cannot
hence be proved that any places distant from a city were in the bishop's
diocese, viz., in the diocese of the city bishop. And this is no impro-
bable supposition ; indeed, there is near ten to one for it, since in
Africa, for one bishop in a city, there might be ten in villages. And
none will doubt of this, who know how many hundred bishops
there were in Africa, and how few cities. Their cathedral churches
(though the sound be big to those who measure them by ours) were all,
but a few in comparison, village cathedrals ; it may be some of our
chapels of ease out- do them.
" But it evidently proves that there were more churches in a bishop's
diocese." And so are there many chapels, and some churches too, in
some one of our country parishes. But this will be far from evidently
« Cod. Afric. Can. IzxI.
20 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
proving any such thing, if the canon be rightly represented ; for there
it is not his diocese, either in the Greek or Latin copies, but a diocese,
and so may either be a church belonging to another bishop, or a diocese
that had no bishop : for dioceses there were in that country which
never had bishops, as appears by the second Council of Carthage, where
it is decreed that dioceses which never had a bishop, should not have
any.*
The word diocese, as it is most frequently used in ancient vrriters,
denotes that which is either so much bigger, or so far less than a
modern diocese, that he who argues from one to the other, may run into
mistakes himself, and lead others with him. In the former acception,*
it contains many provinces ; so Balsamon defines it, 7 iroXX^ inapxias
txovo'aS The whole Roman empire was divided into twelve or thirteen
such dioceses, and Africa under the Romans was but one of them,
Justinian reducing all the African provinces into one diocese.' In the
latter acception* it is used for a country town or village, for a parish or
part of a parish. Thus a presbyter is said dioecesin tenere, " to hold a
diocese,"* and Pappolus is said diceceses et villas ecclesice circumire / " to
make a circuit of the dioceses and villager of his church ;" where
dioceses and villages seem to explain one another as dioceses and
parishes do in another council.^ So a diocese is put for a church
or a chapel, which a man erects in his own ground ; thus a synod
at Orleafls orders,* that when any man hath, or desires to have, a
diocese in his ground, he must allow competent land thereto, and pro-
vide a clerk for it. Like these were the dioceses mentioned in the
African canons, and their bishoprics were answerable.
It is determined in several African canons, that the dioceses which never
had bishops should have none. But this was decreed upon terms and
with exception, [that] if the Christians in those places were midtiplied,
and they desired a bishop of their own, they were to have one with the
consent of those in whose power the places were.* Now, when the
people were numerous enough for this purpose, we may understand by
the practice of those churches : there were divers bishops in Africa who
had but one presbyter belonging to them, as appears by the case which
Posthumianus puts,* of a bishop having but one presbjrter. Hence
Bishop Bilson concludes, that bishops oftentimes had but one presbyter.'
So that the people were numerous enough to have a bishop, where they
• Can. V. Cod. Afric. Can. liii. * AccepUtion.
• In Concil. Chalced. Can. xili. ' Novel, cxxxi. [cap. iv.]
« Cone. Agath. Can. liv. Iv. / Greg. Toron. Hlat. Franc, lib. vl. cap. w.
f Cone. Tolet. Iv. Can. xxxvi. * Cone. Aurel. Iv. [Can. xxxiii.]
< Cone. Carth. ii. Can. v. Cod. Afric. Can. liii. * Cod. Afric. Can. Iv.
' Perpet. Gov. page 256, cap. xiii.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 21
were too many for the cure and inspection of one presbyter. And this
ma the sense not only of the African churches, but of the Eastern and
Western also, as appears by the Council of Sardica, where the bishops
both from west and east assembled. There those fathers, more carefxil
than their predecessors, thought needful, lest bishops should be dis-
paraged by hairing their chairs in small places, to decree,* that bishops
shall not be made in little towns or villages, and there explain which
they count little ; Cut satis est unus presbyter, " such as one presbyter is
sufficient for." But they add, Where the people are numerous, (viz. so
as one presbyter will not suffice, as the contexture^ shows,) desiring a
bishop, let them have one. So that it was the sense of the ancient
Church, both in Africa, Europe, and Asia, that in any place where there
were so many Christians as that a presbyter needed an assistant, there a
bishop ought to be placed. By this we may discern whether or no
their bishoprics were like our parishes, especially considering that they
thought it requisite to multiply presbyters far more than we do now ;
and judged too, that one of them was not sufficient for so numerous a
flock as one hath now in charge. Their great number of presbyters in
many places shows this. To go no farther than Carthage, where the
Doctor finds but eight churches, great and small, yet the clergy were
above five hundred ; so many belonging to Carthage were banished by
Hunnericus, as Victor tells us.^ Jerome saith, the presbyters were
multiplied so excessively that they became contemptible ; preshyteroa
turba contemptilnles fadt,*
<< And where the Donatists had erected new bishoprics, the African
Council decrees that after the decease of such bishop, if the people had
no mind to have another in his room, they might be in the diocese of
another bishop : which shows that they thought the dioceses might be
so large as to hold the people that were imder two bishops." — p. 250.
It was most common in Africa to have bishops in villages, and ordi-
nary for the Donatists to have a bishop in the same place where the
Catholics had one ; which shows that they thought that the diocese
need be no larger than that a village might hold the people that were
under two bishops. The Catholics decree, that when a Donatist bishop
was deceased, if the reduced people would have another in his place,
they were to have one without consulting a council.'
'* There were many canons made about the people of the Donatist
bishops. In one it was determined, that they should belong to the
bishop that converted them, &c. Afler that, that they should belong
to the same diocese they were in before."
• Can. Ti. • Context.
' De Penecat Vandml. lib. i. * Eplst. Ixxxy. ad Evag. [al. Evang.]
' Cod. Aftic. Can. xcix.
22 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
But if the converted people desired to have a bishop of their own, as
they had before, then thej were to belong to neither, as appears by
several canons.' So that in this case, African bishops might be as
numerous, and consequently as small, after the Donatists were reduced,
as before ; and so far enough from any resemblance of modem
Diocesans, and as like our parishes as Mr. B[axter] would have them.
'' But if the Donatist bishop were converted, the diocese was to be
divided between them." — p. 251.
Thus in a city, when there was both a Catholic and a Donatist
bishop, (than which nothing was more ordinary) if the Donatist was
converted, the town must be divided between them ; and two bishops
were to be continued in one city. In some places there were four
bishops of one party, for one of the other. Yerissimus, bishop at
Tacara, saith, in his flock there were four other bishops, Datianus,
Aspidius, Fortunatus, and Octavianus.* Suppose, where there were
four Donatist bishops, they had all been converted, the place by this
rule must have been divided amongst five bishops. And so in a village
where there were two bishops, as there was at Mutagena, (and many
other such places in Africa,^) the Donatist bishop being converted,
the village was to be divided between them into two dioceses, and
each diocese there had been no more than half a parish with us.
Mr. B[axter] will not be much against such diocesans, nor troubled
at any such proofs out of antiquity for diocesans of another kind.
He passes to Hippo, and in the country about it finds divers pres-
byters and deacons, whereby he would prove the largeness of that
diocese. But he might there have found divers bishops also. That
there were more bishops in the coimtry which he would appropriate to
St. Austin^s jurisdiction, may appear by those very instances which the
Doctor makes use of to show that he was the only bishop there, and
the presbyters and deacons in those places all under his care and
government.
Fussala is one of them, and this is acknowledged to have had a bishop,
though it was but a castle, and so called more than once in the place
cited.' The reason why it had a bishop no sooner is signified by Austin,
when he saith, there were no Catholics at all in it ; In eodem castelh
nuUus esset omnino CathoUcus, " In this castle there was not a single
Catholic;" but multitudes of Donatists. Yet when some were gained
to the church there, or in the parts about it, a bishopric was erected in
it for the Catholics. The place being remote from Hippo, Austin was
sensible that the charge was too great for him, extending further than
• Cod. AfHc. Can. cxviii. Can. zdx. * Collat. Carth. d. i. n. ISl.
« Ibid. n. 133. and n. 207. ^ [Aug. £p. SCS.]
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 28
it ongbt, and discerning that be was not sufficient for the diligence
which in all reason was due to it, he took care that a bishop should be
ordained, and placed there : Me viderem latiua quam oportebat extmdiy
me adhihendoB sufficere diligenticBy quam certissima ratione adhiberi debere
cemebam*
But the Doctor says, he was fain to resume it. What he understands
thereby I do not well know, but if anything be meant for his purpose,
it must be that this bishopric was extinguished. But there is no ground
for this. It is true, Antonius, made bishop there, was upon some com-
{faints put out of Fussala, yet salvo episcopatu, so as he retained the
epiiicopal dignity ; but the place was not deprived of the episcopal chair,
for though it might continue void for some time, yet a bishop is found
there afterwards in the African notitia : Melior Fussalensis is reckoned
amongst the bishops of Numidia. Hereby it is manifest that this holy
bishop could not digest so great a diocese as the doctor assigns him.
He had the wisdom and humility to think himself not sufficient for a
charge so remote and extended ; and he had the conscience not to
charge himself with that which he was not sufficient for. So when
Fussala had a competent number of persons in it of their communion,
he takes care (which was the general practice of the African bishops)
to form a bishopric in that castle, and such a diocese, as so small a place
and some other near it could make. And this about anno 420, when
the generality of the people tainted with Donatism was reduced, and
laws made for the banishment of their bishops and clergy, and the
delivery of their churches to the Catholics ; and so, when it cannot be
pretended that this schism was the occasion of a further multiplication
of bishops.
'' It appears that a place forty miles distant was then imder the care
of so great a saint, and so excellent a bishop, as Austin was."
It was under his care, not as one that intended to be their pastor, or
as a fixed part of his bishopric, as places are which belong to one of
our dioceses ; but only to make them capable of having a pastor, and
to have one placed amongst them, as the event makes it evident.
Hereby it appears that the Doctor might have forborne his queries. We
need not guess what answer St. Austin would have returned them ; he
has done it actually in this epistle, though it may be not to the Doctor's
satisfaction. For the numbers at Fussala, he says, at first there was
not one Catholic, afterward there were but few ; when there was more,
they had a bishop of their own. And [as] for taking upon him the care
of so distant a place, he says, he was not sufficient for it himself : the care
he took was to have it committed to another. So that Mr. B[axter] sees
no reason to tell Austin, that he understood not the right constitution of
churches ; but he may see reason to tell others so, and thank St. Austin
24 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
for here discoyering it. I might have alleged, that this epistle, whioh
the Doctor makes such use of, is suspected by learned men, as is noted
in the last edition of Austin^s Epistles at Paris. It is not found in the
more ancient and less suspected editions. The Papists (from whom we
have it) are concerned for the credit of it. It helps them to an argu-
ment for the bishop of Rome's power about appeals from foreign parts.
For Antonius, bishop of Fussala, being censured in Africa, appealed (it
is said) to Celestinus, bishop of Rome, to whom this epistle is directed.
But then it seems not likely that Antonius should have the confidence
to do this, wheji the African fathers had so positively declared against
such appeals ; and Apiarius a little before had foimd the like attempt
so imsuccessful. Nor is it probable that St. Austin, fortified with the
decrees of the African coimcils, would be so much concerned (as this
epistle would make him) to hinder Cslestinus from revoking the sen-
tence, which all the authority of Africa had made irrevocable by any
bishop of Rome. But there is no need to insist on this ; whether it be
supposititious or not, we have offered enough to render it unserviceable
to the Doctor's design.
Another place he mentions for the said purpose, is Muniapium
Tullense, or Tulliense, as some editions have it. I meet with Epis-
copatus TuUitensis in a catalogue of African bishops. It may be that
denotes this very place; the variation of one letter need not hinder,
since it is so common with the African writers to vary so much and
more, in the naming of their towns. Instances hereof might be given
in abundance: take but this one. Donatianus, a bishop in the province
of Byzacena, is styled from his bishopric Telepiensis in one council,*
TeUptensis elsewhere,^ with the change of the same letter that is in the
instance before us. Whether it be so or not, there is no doubt but, if
this town was stored with Christians, it had a bishop of its own ; for it
is scarce credible that when so many contemptible villages in that
country had their bishops, there should be none in so considerable a
corporation as this, which, as appears by Austin's description of Murca,
the sick person, had its duumvirate and common council, answerable to
the consuls and senate at Rome, and was honoured with the privileges
and immunities of the imperial city.
However, Austin doth not say that this town had presbyter and
clerks under his care and government. This is added without any
ground that I can discern in the place cited, and without thb addition
the particular story which the Doctor recites does him not the least
service.
• Cone. Mllevit, Can. xvli. » Collat. Carth. [n. cxxi.]
MO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 25
Nor does St. Austin saj to Geedlian, the president, ^at he was bishop
of that diocese, (which the Doctor represents as a r^on of large extent,)
but only that he had qnscopalem sarcinam Hipp<men8em, *' the episcopal
charge of Hippo."*
The third town which he speaks of as in Austin's diocese, is Muta-
gena, or Mutigena. But this also had its own bishop, or two for a need.
In the conference at Carthage there is AnUmius episcopus Mutagenensis
for the Catholics, and Splendonius bishop there for the Donatists,*
And thus it was even in Hippo itself; Austin was bishop there for the
Catholics, and Macrobius for the Donatists, who succeeded Proculeianus
in the chair there.^ So that Austin is so far from having all the region
under his jurisdiction (this being parted amongst several other bishops),
that he had not the whole town: the Donatists had a diocese there, such
an one as those in Africa used to be, where one little town (and Hippo
was none of the greatest) would serve for two dioceses. And in some
places, where the Donatists had one bishop, the Catholics would have
four; and they were served in the same kind by the Donatists, who in
other places had three or four for their one; of which there are several
instances in that famous conference at Carthage.'
Other towns might be added which had bishops of their own in that
region, but there is no need of more. St. Austin himself signifies
plainly that there were more bishops in the territory of Hippo, when
he moved Januarius, the primate of the Donatists, that they would
meet together with the Catholic bishops that were in that territory, and
who there suffered so much by the Donatists.' Ecce interim episcopoa
nostras qui sunt in regiane Hipponensi ubi a vestris tanta mala patimur
convenite.
^ If the region of Hippo was so very large as the Doctor represents it,
there is no doubt but there were many good villages in it. And
Mr. Thorndike (whom none can suspect to be partial this way, his bias
rather leading him the other) tells us, that in Africa bishups were so
plentiful, that every good village must needs be the seat of an episcopal
church/ And if, as the Doctor says, the notorious schism of the
Donatists was the occasion of the multiplication of bishops in Africa,
they must be most multiplied in Nimiidia, to which Hippo belonged ;
because the Donatists were there most nimierous. He that finds
betwixt an himdred and two hundred bishops in the province of
Numidia, and makes the region of Hippo of more than forty miles
extent, yet offers to prove there was but one bishop in that region,
need not despair but he may make any thing probable.
• Ep. Ijc. « D. 1, n. 13S» et n. 207. « Ibid. n. 138, n. 201, Aug. Ep. Ixxvlii. n. S.
' N. [1 17.] 121, 65, 19S. ' £p. IxyUi. / Right of Churchet review, p. U.
26 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
Afler such plain evidence of the extent of dioceses, he wonld bring
as clear proof of metropolitan provinces in the African churches. To
me they are both clear alike^ who can discern nothing of evidence in
them. His proof is merely Cjrprian's calling that part of Africa where
he lived, provincia nostraj " our province," two or three times. Before
ecclesiastical metropolitans were known in the world, Africa was by the
£omans divided into provinces, as our kingdom hath been long into
counties. Cannot one that lives in an English shire, call it "our
county,'* but that must be a clear proof that he is the governor of it ?
Cyprian himself never dreamt of any such thing. He disclaims all
authority over the bishops of that or any other province, Neque enim
quisquam nostrUm episcopum 86 esse episcoporum constituit* " None of us
makes himself a bishop of bishops." The great Casaubon, where he
was concerned to speak as favourably of the English constitution as
possibly could be, says, " It is most manifest that this superiority was of
human constitution, and in the first and second ages, and a great part of
the third, not known in the church." * And Dr. St[illingfleet] else-
where tells us, " there was no difference as to the power of the bishops
themselves, who had all equal authority in their several churches, and
none over another." He not only says this, but brings for it clear proof
indeed ;* and finds no higher rise of metropolitical power or privilege,
than the Council at Antioch, near a hundred years after. The great
privilege of metropolitans, (afler they were established by canon,)
wherein all their authority consisted while the state of the church was
tolerable, was their presiding in provincial sjmods ; and there they had
but a single vote, about ordinations, censures, or other affairs. In
Cyprian's age, the bishop in the prime city did oflen preside in synods ;
but this honour they had not from obligation, but courtesy ; nor had
they it always, but others were chosen presidents, sometimes out of
some other respect to the place, than because it was a metropolis, or the
bishop of it a metropolitan. So in a synod in Palestine, Alexander,
bishop of Jerusalem, was joint president with Theophilus of Csesarea,
though Csesarea, not Jerusalemj was the metropolis of Palestine.^
Sometimes for the worth of the person; so Osias, of Corduba, was
chosen president of divers synods, in places remote from his diocese and
country : noias yhp ovk TjyfiaaTo crvvodovr, " Over what kinds of synods did
he not preside ?" says Theodoret of him.^ Sometimes for their age, as
Palmas, bishop of Amastris, was president in a synod in Pontus, upon
this account expressly, m apxaum-aros, " because the most ancient''-^
• In Cone. Carth. [«p. Gyp. p. 229, ed. Oxon. 1682.] » Exercit. xvi. p. 5M, [n. 143.]
« Iren. p. 372. - Euseb. lib. ▼. cap. xx. Tacit. Hitt. Ub. U. [cap. Ixxix.]
' HiBt. lib. U. cap. XV. / Euaeb. lib. v. cap. xxU.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DI0CE8AN CHURCHES. 27
And in AMca, long after, not he who had his seat in the chief citj of
the proYince, but he that was most ancient among the bishops, had the
primacy in provincial synods," and this settled by canon.* By which it
appears that the pre-eminence of metropolitans was not established,
either by rule or invariable custom, for the first three ages. And
afterwards, when in the fourth age it was settled by canon, yet then it
was not much any where ; but less it seems in Africa than in some
other parts, since there ihey were so jealous of the ambition lurking (and
now and then appearing) in the thing, that the bishops there would not
admit the names, but declare, that the bishop of the first seat should
not be called the exarch of the priests, or chief priest, or any thing
of like nature, but only the bishop of the first seat. Hence, Dr.
St[illingfleet] concludes, '^ Therefore it hath been well observed, that
the African churches did retain longest the primitive simplicity and
humility among them ; and when the voice was said to be heard in the
church, upon the flowing in of riches, Hbdie venenttm effuswn est in
ecclesianij " To-day is poison poured into the church," by the working
of which poison the spirits of the prelates began to swell with pride
and ambition, as is evident in church history, only Africa escaped the
infection most, &c. So that however Africa hath been always fruitful
of monsters, yet in that ambitious age, it had no other wonder but only
this, that it should escape so free from that typhus scBCularis, " worldly
phrenzy," (as they then called it,) that monstrous itch of pride and
ambition."
*' Victor mentions one Cresoens, who had one himdred and twenty
bishops under him as metropolitan." — p. 253.
Under him ; how ? as one over whom he had jurisdiction, or to
whom they swore canonical obedience ? No such thing ; but imder
him as an honorary pre^dent in their assemblies, who there could
do nothing without them as to any matters of moment, but was still to
be concluded by their votes, he having neither negative nor casting
voice. Such a moderator he was as the reformed churches have in
their synods or other assemblies ; only he, after the fourth age, held the
place and honour for life, as theirs always do not. But this makes no
material difference, if Grotius mistake not, who says it is not de re,
"concerning the possession," but de kabendi modo, "concerning the
manner of possessing it." A dictator made but for the dispatch of some
present difficulty, was as much a king (in his accoimt) as he that
reigned during life. Duratio naturam rei non immutat,* " Length of
time does not alter the nature of the possession."
• Aug. Ep. [cclxi.] * MUevit, Can. xlil. Cod. Afric. Can. Ixxxvi.
<^ Iren. p. 373. ^ De Jun Belli, lib. i. cap. iU. lec. 11. [n. 2.]
n 2
28 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
Sect. 10. He passes to Egypt, and from what Athanasius sap of
Maraeotis, he draws several observations, which seem not all current.
He observes, first, that here were true parochial churches, because they
are called churches ; but so were the titidi at Borne called, yet were not
better than oratories, or chapels of ease in many of ovar parishes, where
all Divine offices were not performed. That they were all performed
there, so as the people were not sometimes obliged to have recourse to
Alexandria for some one, Athanasius doth not intimate, nor the Doctor
affirm. He observes also, that they were so under the bishop, as that
he had the whole government. But if he had the whole, those pres-
byters had none of it ; and then he was such a bishop, and they such
presbyters, as that age did not know. This the best asserters of episco-
pacy acknowledge, and Dr. St[illingfleet] hath proved. He observes,
that ^^ they were at that distance, that they could not have local com-
munion with their bishop at Alexandria." But that the distance was
not such as to hinder them from having communion with their bishop,
is evident by an epistle of Dionysius, who being banished to Cephro,
and troubled that afterwards the governor would remove him to
Coluthion in Maroeotis, the brethren encourage him, because this was
so near Alexandria, that it might be reputed " but a remoter suburbs,"
a>r €v npoaoTfiois] and though the place was destitute of Christians, yet
those of Alexandria might frequently have recourse to them, and make
up a congregation."
But further, not to insist more upon his observations but the scope of
them, if Maroeotis was well replenished with Christians when Athanasius
was made bishop there, it had not been long so ; for Dionysius, in his
time, declares it to be "a desert as to Christians or any good men,"
tprjfiov dB€\<f>S>v Koi airovbai^v dvBpwrwv.''
It was the sense of the church (as I showed before) that where
Christians were so multiplied in any place as to need more than one
presbyter, and they desired to have a bishop, it was not to be denied
them. If this was now the condition of Maroeotis, Athanasius would
not have hindered them from having a bishop ; but indeed his adver-
saries were too quick for him, and made Ischyras bishop in Marceotis.'
It is true, Athanasius was troubled at it, because Ischyras was a very
bad man, and had this honour as the reward of an ill act ; but not
because it lessened his diocese, or impaired his revenues ; (though
country oblations, upon which, with those of the city, the bishop and
clergy lived, being withdrawn from the city, were allowed to the country
bishop, where a new bishopric was erected.) For he was well enough
pleased with others that were deserving in the same circumstances,
* Eu»eb. lib. vii.cap. xi. * Ibid. * Atluui. Apol.S, p. 622.
KO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 29
particularly with Dracontiiis, who was made bishop in the same terri-
tory of Alexandria, cW t^ 'AXt^op^plwv x^P*^* -^^ ™°^ there might be,
for in those parts, as in others, bishops were seated as little distant one
from another as country towns are with us. To go no further than the
country bordering upon this, in Palestine, Diospolis, or Lydda, an
episcopal seat, was but six miles from Joppa ; and Joppa some four
miles from Jamnia ; Rhinocorura four miles from Anthedon ; and
Anthedon not three miles (Sozomen says about twenty ^longs*) from
Gaza ; and Gaza twenty fiirlongs from Constantia (anciently Majuma.^)
Strabo makes it little more than seven furlongs.' In Egypt itself, the
cities, though there were bishops also in the country, were close together.
Nicopolis was twenty furlongs from Alexandria, as Josephus,* or thirty
furlongs, as Strabo / and Taposiris, near Nicopolis, and Canopus,
Heraclia, and Naucratis, not much further one from another. More
instances hereof might be given in other countries, Syria, the lesser
Asia, Greece, Macedon, and Italy, where there are divers cities but two
miles distant, very many at three or four miles distance, abundance at
five or six : I must not digress to give a particular accoimt of them.
Those who ordained every such city or town to have a bishop, were far
from designing any such things as modem dioceses.
" But Mr. B[axter Js great argiunent is, from the meeting of the
whole multitude with Athanasius in the great church at Alexandria,
to keep the Easter solemnity." — ^p. 254.
And there is some weight in it, because nothing considerable can be
said against it. It amoimts to more than is said, if a just account be
taken of it. He tells the emperor there were roaovroi, so many Chris-
tians at the paschal solemnity, as a prince that loved Christ would wish
to be in the city, and that these desired to meet in the great church,
that they all might pray there, loLccI irdyras ci^^'cr^ai ; and so they did, oirtp
KOI yryovfv. Can this signify any less than that all the Christians in
that city which adhered to Athanasius did meet and pray in one place ?
He says, that one place was capable of receiving them all, b((aa3ai ndvras.
He says, the multitudes there met were such as at other times assem-
bled in several other little places, irwy cxoi/jov, &c. " How," says he, "did
the people rejoice to see one another now, when before they met in
several places ?" Let any one view the whole passage, and I doubt not
it will be plain to any impartial eye, that the main body of Christians,
belonging to Athanasius, did meet in that one church. But by this I
see nothing wOl be plain in antiquity to him that likes it not. Hereby
the Doctor's following questions are answered. — ^p. 255.
• Epiit. ad Dracont. * Hist. lib. v. cap. viii. ' Soz. ibid. p. 336.
' Lib. xri. p. 522. ' De Bello Judaico, lib. v. cap. uU. / Lib. xvii. p. 593.
30 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
It is no good argument, that because all the Christians in London
cannot meet in St. Paul's, therefore all the Christians adhering to
Athanasius in Alexandria could not meet in a great church. Alex-
andria was never, by far, so populous as London, much less at this time.
The greatest part of the inhabitants of that city were at this time
heathens or Jews. Of those who passed for Christians, it is like
Athanasius had the lesser share. The Novadans, and other sects, the
Meletians especially, and the Arians, did probably exceed his flock in
numbers. It may be the Arians alone were more numerous, consider-
ing how many there were there at first, and what encouragements and
advantages they had imder such an emperor as Constantius ; and
therefore these cities are vastly different, in that very thing wherein
they should agree, to make such reasoning good, either for proof or
illustration. Afler this time Epiphanius mentions about twelve meet-
ing-places in Alexandria ; whether there were so many now, or whether
the Catholics had them aU, may be a question. However, Athanasius
tells us, that all these save one were exceeding small, very short and
strait places, t&p toivvv iKicKija-u^v fipaxvTarav o0(ro»v.' And afler, he
says, they were fiucpal koI otckoI,* " small and strait." There are as many
or more churches and chapels, (it is like' as great as those in Alexandria,)
in some one of our parishes in England; the parishioners assemble in
the lesser places at other times, but at some solemnities they are wont
to communicate at the chief parish church. Will any argue fix)m such
parishes for our dioceses, or that they could not meet in one place,
because they had so many other little places to meet in ?
There is no need for the serving Mr. B[axter]'s hypothesis, that
Alexandria be shrunk into a less compass ; nor doth Mr. B[axter]
in the least attempt it. He gives the full dimensions of that city
out of Strabo, as grave and judicious a geographer, and every way as
imexceptionable, as any he could pitch on ; who is so far from lessening
it, that he calls it fieyurrov rrj^ olKoviUvrjs €fin6piovj the greatest mart
town in the world. Yet he might have told us that Ausonius makes it
inferior to Constantinople, to Antiochia, and to Carthage,^ who may
pass for as judicious an author as he that will have it ocrvXXiyirTWf,
incomprehensibly great. But he, detracting nothing from the greatness
of that city, offers as fair probabilities that the Christians in it, joining
with Athanasius, might all meet in one place as can be expected in such
a case ;* but the Doctor thought not fit to take notice of them.
" To show the great number of Christians in Alexandria,*' he tells
us, pages 255, 256, ^Mong before the time of Athanasius, Dionysius
• Apol. [2,] page 531. » Page 532, • likely.
'' De Ord. Magn. Urb. ' Church Hisl. pages 9, 10.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 31
Alexandiinus saith, in a time of great persecution, when he was
banished, he kept up the assemblies in the city, and at Cephro he had
a lai-ge church, partly of the Christians of Alexandria which followed
him, and partly from other places ; and when he was removed thence
to CoUuthion, which was nearer the city, such numbers of Christians
flocked out of the city to him that they were forced to have distinct
congregations ; so the words Karh fUpos signify."
Cephro was a place in Lybia, at a great distance from Alexandria;
in the epistle cited it is a idllage near the desert, and that was no place
for very great assemblies ; that which increased it was the recourse of
Christians from some other parts of Egypt. However, it was greater
than what they had or expected when removed to Maroeotis, though so
very near to Alexandria, as Dionysius and his friends there signified.
But to encourage him, they tell him, as it afterwards fell out, that their
meetings, though not so great, might be more frequent. Christians still
coming to them from Alexandria, one company after another ; so that
they might often have assemblies for worship and Christian communion
at CoUuthion, though in less numbers than at Cephro ; and that by the
contexture of the discourse, seems to be the meaning of Kara fi^pot,
their assembling in parcels as they came, some at one time, and others
at another ; not that such numbers flocked thither at once out of the
city, as that they were forced to have distinct congregations. Indeed, a
company not very numerous might be well thought too many for one
assembly in their circumstances, in the paroxysm of a violent persecu-
tion, when jEmilianus, the governor, passing sentence of banishment on
them, told them, it should be death to keep a meeting in the place to
which they were banished, and that they should be narrowly watched
in order to a discovery. And Dionysius says, he was on purpose dis-
posed of in such a place, where he might most easily be apprehended.
And therefore, if they had met in distinct congregations at the same
time, this had been no argument to prove them so numerous as the
Doctor is concerned to have them. Less than a thousand, yea, or five
hundred, will more than satisfy the import of any passage in this
epistle, which he makes use of to prove the great numbers of Christians
in that city. However, as if his supposition had been proved, he pro-
ceeds upon it thus : ^^If there were such a number of Christians at
Alexandria so long before, under the sharpest persecution, is it possible
to imagine, in so great a city, after Christianity had so long been the
religion of the empire, that the number of Christians there should be
no greater than to make one large congregation ?" — p. 266.
The professors of Christianity greatly increased after this became the
religion of the empire ; but the greatest part of those who professed it
did not adhere to Athanasius ; both the Meletians and the Arians fell
82 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHrRCHES.
off from his predecessors, and the breach continued all his time ; so
that the Catholics in Alexandria seem not to have gained much more
by the happy alteration in the empire than they lost by those unhappy
divisions. At the first breach Meletius had many more adherents than
Peter, as Epiphanius tells us ;' far most of the bishops, clergy, and
people deseiting Peter and cleaving to Meletius. Constantine granted
then^ the liberty of their meeting, and Athanasius, who opposed them,
was by him banished, and so continued many years, (twelve or thirteen;)
under such encouragements as they had under him and Constantius,
their numbers were not like* to be impaired.
As for the Arians, if we may take our measures of the people by
their officers, they were more numerous than the Catholics in this city ;
for of nine[teen] presbyters and deacons which the church of Alexandria
had, as Theodoret reckons,*^ eleven embraced Arianism.' Constantine, if
he did not favour them, would not oppose them, but was severe against
those that did ; against Athanasius particularly. Constantius, his suc-
cessor in those parts of the empire, was both zealous and industrious in
promoting Arianism. In these circumstances the Arians might well
outvie the followers of Athanasius in numbers ; and these declined as the
other increased ; the numbers which these lost being gained by those.
Alexander, his immediate predecessor, assembled the main body of his
adherents in Theonas,^ a church not quite finished, as (Athanasius did
afterwards in another, and pleads it in excuse of his own act;) this
church is reckoned among the other churches that were small and strait,
though something greater than the rest. Now is it probable that the
Catholics there should be so much increased, upon such revolts, and
under such discouragements, as that those who could meet together in
an ordinary church with Alexander, should be too many to assemble in
a very great church with Athanasius ? Let the impartial judge who
they are that build theories upon strange improbabilities.
The Doctor proceeds to what he thinks plain enough of itself to show
the great extent of diocesan power : it is that of Theodoret, where it is
said he had the charge of eighth [hundred] churches.*'
This might be dismissed, as out of the bounds we are concerned for,
being beyond not only the three first, but the fourth age : for this
epistle, if it be Theodoret's, was Avrit about the middle of the fifth age,
when all was tumbling into confusion and degeneracy ; only thus in
- Har. IxvJii. n, 3. • likely. ' Hist. lib. iv. cap. xx.
* Soz. lib. i. cap. xiv. * Athanas. Apol. 2, page 513.
/ He who corapares the epistle whence this testimony is taken with Theodoret*! eighty-
first epistle, will, perhaps, be inclined to suspect that the reading here should be with a very
slight alteration of the present text, oktw r*«nni% (not oKroucocriair) etucXfio-iaic, " eig^t holy
churches."
9 Epist. cxiii.
XO EVtDEXCE FOE DIOCESAN CnUllCHES- 33
bridl The parage inaisEed on runs thxia : In eight [himdried] churches
I have been paator, for so many parishes hath Cyrrlius. Cjirhus here
is but capable of three accep[t-a]tJon8 j it must be taken either for the
citr alone, or both for the city aud tlie region, or for the region aJone
without the city. Against this la^t there is an unanswerahle exception;
(lie word if ne^er thus used in these epktlea, or elsewhere. Nor, I
tti&k, ean an iastance be given where the proper name of a city^ as
CTirhiis was, signifies the country alone, and not the city itself. The
seoond the Doctor rejects, and is concerned so to do, seeing, if he
admitted it, it would entangle him in a difficulty that seems inextricable*
If the first be admitted, it must be granted that Theodoret was not the
aaUior of this epistle, or at least of the passage insisted on, as here
txptesaed. For he who described Cyrrhus to be a desolate place, Zprjfuif
owTB Kol ^Xryovf oucqTopat Uxowra, having few inhabitants, and those poor,*
and elsewhere mentions mXixyfit iprniiav^ signifying it to be a small town
m a manner desolate,^ would neither say nor dream that there were
eight [hundred] parishes in it. But there is no need to insist on this or
other probabilities, that this epistle is spurious, or this passage cor-
rupted. That which the Doctor delivers in his discourse upon it is
enough to show that it will not serve his design, nor is pertinent to the
scope he proposes. He tells us, in that province (called Regio CJyrrhes-
tica) there was a metropolitan of Hagiopolis, which by the ancient
noiitice*^ appears to have been then one of the names of Cyrus or
Cyrrhus.— p. 258.
If this be so, then Theodoret must be a metropolitan ; and himself
seems to think no less, when he tells us he ordained Irenseus a bishop.'
For though others were wont to concur with the metropolitan in ordain-
ing a bishop, yet the act is still ascribed to the metropolitan, (being chief
therein,) as if he alone did it. So that when but one ordainer of a
bishop is mentioned r^ularly, that one must be taken for a metropo-
litan. He tells us also, that the reason of his confinement, alleged in
the imperial order for that purpose, was because he was still convocat-
ing synods,* and that in those times is taken to be the privilege of a
metropolitan. But there needs no other proof of it ; for since it is
plain by the notiticBj and acknowledged by the Doctor, that Cyrus was
a metropolis, none will question but the bishop of it was a metropolitan.
-^d if Theodoret was a metropolitan, these eight [hundred] churches
^ show not the extent of diocesan, but metropolitan power. None
^er doubted but Theodoret was bishop of this city Cyrus: he himself
declares it plainly and frequently. It is said he was confined to Cyrus,
• Epbt. xxxIL » Epiit. cxxxvliU.
' Tbe notiiia are detailed accounts of the ciTil and eccletiattical diTitions of the empire.
' Epift. ex. • Epist. Ixxix. Ixxx. Ixxxl. Ixxxii. Concil. Antioch, Can. xix. xx.
34 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
being bishop of that city," and that he was confined to his own home by
the emperor's law, forbidding him to go out of the bounds of that city.*
He says, this city was committed to his charge,' rrfv tyx^^pitrOtlfrav ^fU9
wAtv; and since he was the bishop of the city Cjtus, that being a
metropolis, Theodoret must be the metropolitan. For if he was only
bishop there, but another and not he there metropolitan, there will be
two bishops in that city ; which must in no case be admitted against the
Doctor's inviolable rule.
How this will be avoided I kn6w not. But the Doctor will have the
eight [hundred] churches to be in Theodoret's diocese ; and why so ?
Because Theodoret mentions the metropolitan he was under. But so
might any other metropolitan in those parts do, without danger of losing
his province. For all the metropolitans in the diocese of the Orient,
(wherein, according to the notiticB of the empire, there are fifteen pro-
vinces, but by the ecclesiastical notitice many more metropolitans and
archbishops, though divers of them pass as avroicc^oXoi) were under
him of Antioch, which city Jerome calls the metropolis of the Orient ;
Ut Palestince metropolis Cesarea sit, et totiua Orientis Antiochia* and
Zozimus,* naoTjs ttjs Ewar firjTp6no\iv' Theodoret says that (having ruled
that church committed to him at Cyrus twenty-six years^") he had
preached six years under Theodotus, bishop o£ Antioch ; thirteen years
under John ; and it was now the seventh year since Domnus was arch-
bishop there.*' But that he was under any other metropolitan of Cyrus
(or elsewhere) he never says nor intimates, and when the Doctor has
inquired fully into it, I doubt not but he will find it a groundless
imagination.
Since Cyrrhus is acknowledged to be a metropolis, and thereupon it
can no way be denied, but Theodoret the bishop of it was a metropo-
litan ; this might be improved further for our author's satis&ction, if we
could know certainly how many bishops were in this province ; but for
anything I can yet discover, we must be content with conjectures. The
Doctor tells xis from Victor, that Crescens had one hundred and twenty
bishops in his province : in that of Zeugitana it is said there was
one hundred and sixty-four bishops, afterwards reduced to three, by
the severities of Gensericus the Vandal.* In other Aftican provinces
there must be as many or more, to make up the account we have of
the many himdred bishops in Africa. If the bishops imder the me-
tropolitan of Cyrus, were so many as in one of these provinces,
and these eight hundred churches distributed amongst Uiem, the
• Epist. Ixxx. * Epist. cxix. ' Epist. xxxTii xlU.
' [EpUt. Ixi. ad Pammach.] ' Hist. lib. i. f page 15.] / Epist. cxliL
i Epi»t. Ixxxiii. vid. Epitt. Ixxxi. cxiii. * Victor, de Pereec. Vundal. lib. i.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 35
•hare of each bishop would scarce be more than some one of our
parishes. Or if the bishops there were supposed to be fewer, yet
would their bishoprics be more like some parishes, than modem
dioceses.
" By Cyrus, therefore, we understand the region about the city,
which was imder Theodoret's care."
He means the region, and not the city. But I suppose none else will
see any reason so to understand it, since it cannot be found, that C3rrus
is ever any where else so understood ; nor that the name of any other
dty doth signify the coimtry and not the city. It is as if it should be
said, by London we understand Essex, but not the city of London.
Cyrus was the proper name of the city, (as some think, because it was
built by Cyrus, and it is called by others, Cyropolis,) but the country
about it had another name, and [is] called by Theodoret, Cyrrhestica
B^o,* as the Doctor himself observes ; besides, this makes Theodoret, not
to have been bishop of the city of Cyrus, but only of the region about it,
which contradicts Theodoret in many plain passages, wherein he de-
clares expressly that he was bishop of that city. Of which before.
" Theodoret himself sets down the extent of it, wherein he says it
was forty miles in length, and forty in breadth."
But how doth it appear that this was the extent of Theodoret's
diocese, and not of the province ? That is it which is questioned, and
should have been proved. Seeing there were many considerable cities
in that province, if each of them had a diocese of such dimensions, (and
no reason to think that Cyrus exceed them herein,) this one province
vriU. be £ax larger than aU Syria besides.
^' He saith in another epistle, that Christianity was then so much
spread among them," &c.
What he says concerning the spread of Christianity, respects not that
region pecuharly, but concerns the Christian world, (as will appear to
those that view it,) though whether it do or no, is not material. That
which he seems to think of more consequence for the overthrowing
of Mr. B.'s hypothesis, he thus delivers : " That these villages had
churches and priests settled in them under the care of the bishop,
appears from a passage in the life of Simeon, where he speaks of Bassus
visiting the parochial churches," &c.
Theodoret speaks not of Bassus visiting parochial churches, but
villages : his words are, " He then perambulated many villages,
inspecting the sacred persons (or priests) there." Bassus, the visitor
who made this perambulation, was a monastic, and a rector of monks.
Theodoret in the same place tells us, his sodality consisted of above
« Epist. Ixxxi. & Ixxix.
36 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
two hundred, which he calls his proper flock, oU€iap dycXi/v, and gives
an account of the rules prescribed. But suppose Bassus was a bishop,
either these villages which he perambulated were in Theodoret's diocese,
or no. If thej were in his diocese, then was there more than one
bishop in one diocese. If thej were not in it, how does this serve in
the least to prove the extent of Theodoret's diocese, which he is here
designing to manifest ? Nor will this prove Bassus to have been a
diocesan, wherever those villages were which he visited. There are
rectors in England, who have many villages in their parishes, and
presbyters in them, whom they may visit when they please, yet none
take them to be diocesans.
" He saith he had brought ten thousand Marcionists to baptism.*^
It is, as he expresses it, more than ten thousands, but this in all
reason must be taken indefinitely, for very many, seeing in his epistle
to Leo, it is but rrXtiovs rf xt^tof ) " more than a thousand."* And this
is more like to be the number in eight villages, (which being tainted
with the heresy of Marcion, he reduced to the truth,) than many
myriads ;* unless he will have each village to be more popidous, than
the mother city itself. However Theodoret doth not say that these
eight villages were in his diocese ; and he might think himself con-
cerned to reduce them, though they were but in his province.
" And we find the names of many of the villages in his lives, as
Tillima, &c., which are suflicient to show that Theodoret had properly
a diocesan church," &c.
It doth not appear in the places cited that all these five were in his
diocese, but if there had been more than these five, or more than the
eight forementioned, it would not be sufficient to show that Theodoret
had properly a diocesan church, unless there be sufficient in several of
our country parishes, (containing as many villages,) to show that they
are properly diocesan churches. Some other writings than Theodoret's
Epistles or Lives must be made use of, if he hopes to make good a
diocesan episcopacy, like ours, in the ancient church.
The other point, wherein the Doctor makes use of ancient authorities,
is about popular elections. He seems willing to maintain, that the
people in the ancient church had not the power to choose their own
bishops, but only to give testimony of their good or bad lives. I was
something surprised at this undertaking, and having seen so clear and
full evidence for the people's privilege herein, as hath convinced many
learned papists and others, whose interest swayed them the other way ;
I was ready to think, that those who would contradict it, might be
suspected, either to want acquaintance with the ancient records and
• EpUt. rxlil. » Epist. [Ixxxi.]
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 37
usages of the church, or fidelity in reporting them. The learned and
ingenuous Doctor is not to be suspected as either of these : onlj persons
of singular learning and other accomplishments, maj venture some-
times to defend a paradox, and run against the stream ; and if they
can with cogent arguments, detect a vulgar error, the more conmion it
is, the more excellect service will they do. But if they bring only
straws against a torrent, or show themselves resolved to serve a par-
ticular interest, rather than to use impartial judgment, and yield to
evidence ; though they may prevail with some that are weak and pre-
possessed, yet they will scarce thereby advance their reputation with
the truly judicious. However, the best that can be looked for in this
cause, may be expected fix)m the Doctor; and what it is, is now to be
considered.
He lays down several observations. '^ The first of them is this. That
the main groimd of the people^s interest was founded upon the apostles'
canon, that a bishop must be blameless and of good report.''" — pp. 312,
813.
This rule of the apostles was one ground, upon which the people's
interest in the choice of their bishop and other officers was founded ;
but it was not the only ground. Cyprian, Chrysostom, and others,
conclude it from other places of Scripture. But this might be sufidcient,
if there were no other, to found their right or power in elections. For
the testimony required, was not only of their good or ill behaviour,
which a heathen might give, but such as signified that they judged
them fit and worthy to be, and so desired them for, their ofiicers ; which
is not a mere declarative testimony, but such as is elective. And this
will be cleared by the authors which the Doctor cites aflerwards.
Page 314. " And there is a very considerable testimony in the epistle
of Clemens to this purpose, where he gives an account how the apostles,
preaching through cities and coimtries, did appoint their first fruits,
having made a spiritual trial of them, to be bishops and deacons of
those who were to believe."
By the apostles' appointing may be meant, either the instituting of
those ofilces, and then it is not for tlie Doctor's purpose ; or else their
fixing those oflicers in particular places. That they fixed officers in
any places where there were no Christians, is an imagination which he
doth not seem to own ; and where there were Christians, Clemens tells
us aflerwards, how their ofiScers were appointed, viz., with the appro-
bation or choice of the whole church.
** Here it is plain they were of the apostles' appointment, and not of
the people's choice." — ^Ib.
• 1 Tim. iii. 2, 7.
88 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
This is no waj plain ; an hundred instances might be produced of
C'fficers appointed for people, and yet chosen by them. But there needs
no more than the Doctor helps us to in this very page. Immediately
before these words, he mentions the first choice of deacons, and there
it is plain and express by the text, that they were chosen by the peopley
and yet appointed by the apostles. And in the words of Clemens, cited
presently afler, bishops are to be chosen, and yet also appointed by the
apostles, or other eminent men. The Doctor thus renders his words :
'^ Therefore foreseeing these things perfectly, they appointed the persons
before mentioned, and left the distribution of the offices with this
instruction, that as some died, other approved men should be chosen
into their offices."* How and by whom they are to be chosen, the next
words express, owtvdoKija-daTis ndoTji rfjs cKicXiycruiff, " the whole church
having approved them," i.e. having signified that they thought them
worthy, and most fit to be their officers, which includes a desire that
they be appointed or set over them. This declared either when they
are proposed by themselves or others, is the choice we are concerned
for. Here it is manifest by Clemens, that this was the apostles' prac-
tice, and that they lefl order, that in afler times bishops should be thus
appointed, and thus chosen.
The Doctor makes some observations upon this testimony of Clemens,
p. 815. 1. " That these officers of the church were not chosen by the
people, but appointed by the apostles, or other great men according to
their order."
Whereas by Clemens's words it is plain to the contrary, that these
officers of the church were both chosen by the people, and appointed
by the apostles, and that according to their order. They ordained that
their own practice in appointing officers should be followed in afte^-
times, viz. that as some died, others should be chosen, the whole church
approving them, into their office, and appointed thereto by other
eminent men. This is the plain import of Clemens^s words.
2. He observes, " That they took this course on purpose to prevent
the contentions that might happen in the church about those who
should bear office in it."
The course he means is the appointing of officers, without the choice
of the people. But this appears to be a mistake, and if it were not so,
the imiversal church, both in the best ages and many after, did run
counter to the order of the apostles, made on purpose to prevent con-
tentions in the church.
8. He observes, " That all that the people had to do, was to give testi-
mony, or to express their approbation of those who were so appointed.**
• [Clem. i. s. 44.J
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 39
But Clemens speaks nothing of a bare testimony. He speaks
expressly of all the people's approbation as requisite by the apostles'
order, and this we have shown imports no less than the people's choice;
and this in the constant sense and practice of the church was previous
to the settling of any pastor over them. Yet he adds : " For he could
not allow their power of choosing, since he says the apostles appointed
officers to prevent the contentions that might happen about it.**
But it doth not appear that they appointed officers to prevent the
contentions in elections ; nor can it appear by anything Clemens says,
but rather the contrary, since he teUs us, officers were both to be
approved (or, which is all one, chosen) by the people, and appointed by
the apostles. And this leaves no ground for his following supposition,
that " the cause of the disturbance made by some men in the church of
Corinth, was because their officers were appointed by others, not chosen
by themselves." What pretence could there be for this, when,
according to the apostles' order, (to which that church was con-
formed,) no officer was appointed without the approbation of the whole
church ?
Page 316. "And this is plain even from St. Cyprian, where he
discourseth of this matter, &c., for the force of what St. Cyprian saith,
comes at last only to this — giving testimony."
But what if, in Cyprian, the people's giving testimony be no less than
choosing by sufirage ? The clergy had no less interest in the election
of a bishop than the people, yet he expresses the clergy's concurrence
in the choice, by their testimony ; and the people's, by their suffi*age.*
FacUis est Cortieliua episcopus . . , de clericorum pene omnium testimonio^
de plebis qnoe tunc affuit suffragio : " Cornelius was made bishop by the
testimony of almost all the clergy, and by the suffrage of the people
that were present." And in the same place he saith, " Cornelius was
ordained both by the suffrage of the clergy and the people." In the
very next passage cited by the Doctor out of this blessed martyr, there
is an intimation of a testimony in the people's presence, but the suffirage
of aU is expressly mentioned, as reqiiisite, " that the ordination may be
just and lawful." Take it as the Doctor offers it, (p. 816,) that by
" their presence either their faults might be published, or their good
acts commended ; that so it may appear to be a just and lawfid ordi-
nation, which hath been examined by the suffrage and judgment of all."
To this he adds, " The people there had a share in the election; but
it was in matter of testimony concerning the good or ill behaviour of
the person."
it is as plain as one would desire it should be spoken, that the
• Epitt. lii.
40 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
people had such a share in the elections as that they were carried by
their general sufirage ; and this was so necessary, that the ordination of
a bishop could not " appear to be just or lawful without it." If their
giving testimony amount to no less than the people's choice by suffi-age,
the popular elections which are in question are granted; but if it be
less, and Cyprian be said to allow the people no more, violence is
offered to his words, plainly expressed, and more than once repeated.
The original of this practice, (the people thus choosing their bishop,)
and the universal observance of it, is next expressed. He had said before,
that it did deDivind atictoritate descendere, '^ descend to them from Divine
authority \" that it was secundum Divina magisterial " according to
Divine edicts." Here he says it is of Divine delivery and apostolical
observance, and as such to be diligently kept and upheld. And for the
extent of it, he says it was observed almost through all provinces. He
speaks modestly, for there might be some provinces which he was not
acquainted with, or some where Christianity did not yet prevaiL The
Doctor renders his words thus : " And therefore, he saith, it was almost
a general custom among them, and he thinks came down fix)m Divine
tradition and apostolical practice, that when any people wanted a
bishop, neighbouring bishops met together in that place, and the new
bishop was chosen, plebe prcesente^ " the people being present," not by
the votes of the people.
" The people being present, not by the votes of the people," as the
Doctor notes. But Cyprian had said a little before, that it was omnium
suffragio^ " by all their votes f and he says it again in that period, and
the very next words to these which the Doctor translates, though he
thought not fit to add them. And " this was observed in the consecra-
tion of their fellow bishop, Sabinus," (so far the Doctor, but Cyprian
goes on) — ut de universce fraiemitatis suffragio, " that by the voices of
all the brethren, and the judgment of the bishops that were present, the
bishopric might be conferred on him, and hands laid on^him instead of
Basilides." And he says it in divers other epistles besides this. He
declares Cornelius was made bishop de plebis suffragio, " by the votes of
the people," and that he was ordained cleri et plebis suffragio^ " by the
suffrage of the clergy and the people."" He tells his own people, " that
those who were against his being bishop, were against their suffrage,
(which he elsewhere* styles, Divina suffragia) and against the judgment
of God."«
" Where he doth express the consent of the people, but he requires
the judgment of the bishops."
He expresses the consent of the people declared by their votes, as
• Ep. m. * [Ep. xxxyiU.] * Ep. xl.
KO EVIDENCB FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 41
preyions to the ordination, and the way whereby Sabinus came to be
bishop. And whereas the Doctor seems to intimate, that judgment was
more than consent ; if it was more, yet was it not thought too much for
the people. In this epistle it is said to be of Divine authority, that the
bishop be chosen in the presence of all, and approved by the public
judgment as worthy and fit for the office ; and afterwards, that the
ordination may be just and lawful, he says it is to be examined by the
judgment of «dl.«
^ St. Cyprian and the African bishops, who wrote this epistle to the
people, say that it belonged chiefly to them to choose the good, and
refuse the bad; which is the strongest testimony in antiquity for the
people's power."
It is a staxmg and clear testimony, and in truth all the Doctor's
attempts to weaken it have made it appear stronger to me than it did
before. There is no fear but it will stand firm a^d unmoved, whoever
would shake it, when the attacks of a person of such excellent learning
and other abilities can make no more impression on it.
'But let us view the particulars he thinks fit to be considered.
^ 1. It was in a case where a bishop had voluntarily resigned/'
But the rule laid down by Cyprian and his colleagues, is general,
asserting the power of the people in all cases, *^ for choosing such as were
worthy, and rejecting the unworthy."
" 2. Another bishop was put into his room, not by the power of the
people, but by the judgment and ordination of the neighbour bishops."
It is as plain as can be spoken, that Sabinus was put into the room of
Basilides, not only by the judgment and ordination of the bishops, but
also by the power of the people's votes, de univerace fratemitatia suffragioy
" by the suffrage of the whole brotherhood." Nay, the African fathers
determine, that " the people have most of all this power," pUba mcurim^
potestatem habet, &c.
" 3. They had the judgment of a whole council of African bishops
for their deserting him."
And we have in this epistle the judgment, not only of Cyprian, but
of a whole council of AMcan bishops, both for the power and manner
of the people's choosing ; the Divine authority for it, and the uni-
versality of the practice ; and also for their power of deserting those
bishops which deserved it. The names of above thirty of those bishops
are prefixed to this epistle.
" 4. For a notorious matter of fact, viz. idolatry and blasphemy, by
his own confession."
The rule of the African fathers is general, and not confined to this
« Vide £p. xli.
D
42 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
particular case, nor the grounds of it, but extends to any other wicked-
ness which may render bishops unworthy to be owned.
" 5. All the proof which St. Cyprian brings for this, doth amount to
no more than that the people were most concerned to give testimony as
to the good or bad lives of their bishops."
Cyprian and the council of bishops with him, prove what they say
concerning the power of the people in this matter ; and they say not only
that the people are to be present when a bishop is to be ordained, and to
give testimony concerning his good or ill deportment; but also that their
consent is requisite; [that] their judgment is to be interposed in examin-
ing and approving such as be offered ; and that they have the greatest
power in choosing and rejecting bishops ; and that elections are to be
made by their concurring votes and suffrage, that so the ordination of a
bishop may be just and lawful ; and judge [that] they are led to this by
Divine authority. This is evident by the synodical epistle and the
premises. . Now let any that are impartial, and are not willing to be
led into mistakes, judge whether this amount to no more than only the
people^s giving testimony concerning the good or bad lives of their
bishops. This is no more than the heathens had liberty to do in the
ordinations of bishops ; and can any one imagine that all the expres-
sions in this epistle, concerning the power and privil^e of Christians in
the choice of those pastors who were entrusted with their souls, amount
to no more than what infidels might challenge in reference to Christian
bishops ? In another case one would be apt to think, that he who thus
represents ancient authors did not take the course to be trusted in
reporting matters of antiquity. But in this case, I would not give way
to such a thought, but honour the Doctor more than he hath done
himself in this business.
Bishop Bilson, a very learned prelate, who was little more a friend
to popular elections than the Doctor, (and had produced as much
against them as any, Bellarmine not excepted, if not all that others have
made use of since,) yet was so ingenuous as to yield that in antiquity,
which cannot modestly be denied. " The fullest words," says he, " that
the Greek authors use for all the parts of election, as to propose, to
name, to choose, to decree, are in the stories ecclesiastical applied to
the people." And afterwards thus : " So that in the primitive church,
the people did propose, name, elect, and decree, as well as the clergy ;
and though the presbyters had more skill to judge, yet the people had
as much right to choose their pastor, and if the most part of them did
agree, they did carry it from the clergy,"" &c.
Alexander Severus, in proposing the names of his officers to the
• Perpet. Govern, of the Church, cap. xy. pp. S59, SCO.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 43
people, to hear what they had to object against them, did but imitate
part of the Christians* practice, and a small part of it too, and what wai
not the peculiar privilege of Christians; for heathens had the like
liberty, and their objections might be heard in reference to the candi-
dates for church offices. And, therefore, it is no wonder, if no man
can hence imagine that the people had power to make the governors of
Roman provinces. But if the people of these provinces had obtained
as much power to choose those governors, as the Christians had to elect
their bishops, and the emperor could have no more declined whom they
had chosen in one case, than the ordainers could in the other; the
former might as well have been said to make their governors, as the
latter are said to make their bishops. With Chrysostom they are
ToO dowai Kvpioi r^y riiiriv' '* authorised to confer the office.** And in
Epiphanius, ol Xaol — iTrurK^frow covroif Karara^avrfs,^ '* they make bishops
for themselves.**
Origen hath nothing, either in the words as they are cited, ^ or as
indeed they are in the Homily, against elections by the people de jure
or de facto ; nor anything which signifies that the people of Christ had
no more to do in the choice of their pastors, than merely giving a
declarative testimony, such as the heathen were allowed to give, and,
therefore, I waive it.
" The 2nd Considerable' is, that the people upon this assuming the
power of elections caused great disturbances and disorders in the
church."
The people assumed not the power of elections at any time which
can be assigned after the beginning of Christianity ; they had it at first.
If the people took to themselves any power herein, which was not their
proper right, they usurped it, and the usurpation is to be charged, not
upon the people alone, but the whole church ; for both clergy and
people concurred in those elections, and made accoimt they had aposto-
lical warrant for it, and were taught so to do, by Cyprian, and others
of the ancients. That it was the practice of the church every where
for the people to choose their own pastors, is evident by those instances
which are here brought against it ; for there coxild be no disturbances
or disorders in their choice, if they did not choose. And the disturb-
ances and disorders objected, when duly weighed, can raise no prejudice
against the universal practice of the church, nor will be any just occa-
sion to deprive the people of that power which was by them exercised ;
and is acknowledged by the ancient church to be their right for so
many hundred years, without any attempt to divest them of it ; though
• De 8ac«rdot. Drat. Ui. • Hsr. IxxUi. Num. 28.
' [Horn. Ti. in Levlt.] '' Point for consideration.
d2
44 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.-
they were well acquainted with any disorders that fell out in the exer-
cise thereof.
There is evidence that this was the practice of the church for above
a thousand years after Christ; there are about ten instances of disorders
therein, great and small, for so many ages. Now if every order and
usage, though of apostolical institution or allowance, should be exploded,
because of some disorder happening about it once in a hundred years,
what woxild be left us that is primitive or ancient ?
But here we have but four instances of any disturbance or disorders
about popular elections that are considerable in this case ; the rest he
thinks not worthy of much notice, or fit to be insisted on ; and so
they are huddled up without giving us the words of his authors, or
sufficient direction where to find divers of them. As for the four
which he makes and gives more account of, there are some mistakes
about them, (such as I never observed the Doctor to be liable to in
any other cause,) which set right, the instances will not be serviceable
to his purpose.
He begins with the disorders at Antioch thus, p. 818: ''Eusebius
represents the disorders at Antioch to have been so great in the city,
upon the choice of a new bishop, by the divisions of the people, that they
were like to have shaken the emperor's kindness to the Christians, &c. ;
and after much trouble to the emperor, and many meetings of bishops,
at last Eustathius was chosen."
Eustathius was not chosen at the end of those troubles, but being
chosen peaceably long before, his deposition was the beginning of them;
nor was he ever after there chosen or restored. He was deposed by a
sjmod of Arian bishops at Antioch, under a pretence that he was a
Sabellian, (as the Arians were wont to brand those who opposed their
heresy,) so Socrates." Those of that Action in the town would have
chosen (in the place of Eustathius, wrongfully ejected) Eusebius Pam-
philus, then bishop of Cassarea, whom they took to be of that persua-
sion ; and so violent and irregular were their proceedings therein, not
only to the disturbing of the civil peace, but violating the constitutions
of the church, (ofiering to choose one who was bishop of another place,
as the emperor signifies,^) that all the disturbance may be justly
imputed to them, as aggressors, thrusting out him who had the right,
and striving to force in him who could have none. Now is it fidr, to
make use of the violent attempts of the Arians, enemies of the church
and the common faith, to derive odium upon the practice of the Catholic
church?
*' The next is at Csesarea. Gregory Nazianzen sets forth the mighty
f Lib. i cap. xxiU. » Euseb. De Vita Constantiiii, lib. lii. cap. ItIL
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 45
unraliness of the people of Casarea in the choice of their bishop, saying,
It came to a dangerous sedition, and not easy to be suppressed," &c. —
pp. 818, 819.
We find two hot contests in elections there, one immediately ailer
the other: whether of them he means, he lets us not understand. The
first was about the choice of Eusebius. Nazianzen (who alone is said
to complain of the mighty unruliness of the people) says no worse of it
in the issue than this, that they proceeded indeed not very orderly,
ov Xiop fvrdjcTWf , but very faithfiiUy and zealously,' and thereby signifies
how horribly seditious it was in his account. And his father, the senior
Gr^ory, bishop of Nazianzum, justifies the action, in letters to the
governor, as r^olar, and acceptable to God, and defends what they did
as 6p6At Koi diKoins, done rightly and justly.^ The other contest was
in the choice of Basil, and he, justly styled a person of incomparable
worth, carried it, though with some difiiculty, (the rulers and the worst
of the people joining with them, making some opposition.) There was
no need to have reckoned these among the most dangerous seditions;
they might have been passed by, but only that Nazianzen complains
so much of the inconvenience of popular elections, that he wished them
altered, and the elections brought to the clergy, as the Doctor tells us.
Some observe that Nazianzen had sometimes wishes, which would now
be counted odd and untoward. Once he wished that there were no
episcopal pre-eminence, no irpo€dpia, by which that pre-eminence is
most commonly expressed, both by himself and others.^ Another time
he was ready to wish there were no synods of bishops, and was resolved,
for his part, never to come at' any, having never seen any good issue of
them. But he was a very excellent person, and should not be wronged.
He did not wish, what is here said, that elections might be brought to
the clergy, (that is, the clergy alone ; that must be the meaning, or
else he is made to wish for that which he had already,) he would not
have the power lie in them only, but in them and the select and more
holy part of people: ry ryjcptr^ «cal KaBaparar^, neither in both these
only, but in them only, or chiefly, tj bri /iaXiora.'
The third instance hath no less of mistake in it, or rather more, such
as renders it wholly impertinent. '* It is a sedition at Aleicandria.
Evagrius saith. The sedition at Alexandria was intolerable, upon the
division of the people between Dioscorus and Proterius, the people
rising against the magistrates and soldiers who endeavoured to keep
them in order; and at last they murdered Protcriua." — p. 819.
But this sedition was not raised at the election of Proterius, who
' Orat. zix. p. 308. * Ibid. p. 310. « OnU. xxYiii.
^ to. ' Onit. xix. p. 810.
46 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHT7RCHSS.
succeeded Diosconis, but after he was installed, and confirmed^ by the
common sufirage of a meeting at Alexandria.* No part of the tumult
but was some time afler this ; but the most tragical part, when Proterius
was murdered, was five or six years after. And shall poptdar elections
be decried upon the account of a sedition whereof nothing appeared
at the election ? Besides, those who moved sedition and committed the
said outrages, were enemies of the Council of Chalcedon, and of the
faith then maintained against Eutyches. These were the chief actors,
and the incendiaries were Timotheus .^urus, some bishops and monks,
who, upon that accoimt, had separated from the Catholic church, as
the Eg3rptian bishops and clergy show in their narrative sent to Leo
the emperor.^ Now shall the people who adhere to the conmion £uth
suffer in their power or liberty, because some heretics in opposition to
them do act outrageously ?
'^ He proceeds to another at Rome upon the choice of Damasos,
which came to bloodshed for several days, and is particularly related
by Ammianus Marcellinus,'^ &c.
Ammianus, in the book cited, discovers the rise and ground of that
outrageous action to which it may be truly ascribed, and without which
the election might have been as orderly and innocent as in other
places. After he hod described this church tragedy, in which a
himdred and thirty-seven persons were slain, he adds, I cannot deny,
considering the pomp and bravery at Home, but those that aspire to
that (bishopric) should, with all their might, strive to attain it, since
having compassed it, they will be at once enriched matrananan obla-
tionibuSf with the oblations of matrons, carried abroad in chariots,
speciously attired, and faring so deliciously, that their feasts are more
than princely, so that the riches, state, and pleasures, wherewith the
chair at Rome accommodated those bishops, incited them to make their
way to it, with all the force they could engage, tiiough they could not
pass but through blood and slaughters. Then he subjoins, They might
have been happy (and so avoided this and other miseries) if despising
this grandeur, they would have imitated the bishops in the provinces,
whose poor fare, and mean habit, and humble, lowly carriage, com-
mended them both to Grod and good men. The smallness and poorness
of the bishoprics in other places secured them firom such scandalous
proceedings, and temptations to them. We hear no complaints of any
outrages or irregularities in elections to such bishoprics, nor to any that
were of the ancient and primitive form and state. Not one instance is
brought, for three hundred years after Christ, of any such disorders in
the choice of bishops. But as bishoprics transgressed the ancient
• Evagr. lib. ii. cAp. 5. • Idem. ibid. ci^. yiii.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 47
i)otinds, and swelled bigger and bigger, distempers increased accordingly,
and had their paroxysms now and then, such as this at Rome. These
are not natural to elections by the people, their order and innocence
fixr so many ages show it, but accidental and occasional ; and when
the disorders are ascribed to their true and proper causes and occasions,
these elections will be acquitted. When the world was let into the
church, and the church cast into the model of the empire, no wonder if
the church-men acted where they had temptations, and would have
others act like the men of this world.
" But are these tolerable inconveniences ?*^ The worst of them are
no ways in the nature of the thing, but occasioned by accidents foreign
to it, and such as may Mi out in the best institutions the church has
and observes ; and how intolerable soever they may seem, the ancient
church thought it more intolerable to exclude the people from the liberty
of choosing.
What is alleged out of Chrysostom, Jerome, and Origen, with some
reflection upon the people, I need not examine, unless it were of more
moment. If it be not applicable to those who succeed the people in this
power, yet did not these excellent persons think it a sufficient ground to
decry the current practice and sense of the church, by which popular
elections were upheld and maintained, both in their times and long
afler.
Come we to the third thii^ he will have us consider, page 820. " To
prevent these inconveniences many bishops were appointed, without the
choice of the pec^le, and canons were made for the regulation of elec-
tions. In the chiux^h of Alexandria the choice of the bishop belonged
to the twelve presbyters, who was to be chosen not only out of the
twelve presbyters, but by them." For this Jerome, Severus, &c. are
cited.
But Jerome did not say that the bishop was chosen by the presbyters,
but out of them, Unitm ex ae (not d se) electwn episcopum nominabant,^
'' They nominated as bishop, one chosen fix)m amongst (not by) themselves."
Nor doth Severus, as he is cited, say that it belonged to the presbyters
alone. And if there be no evidence that they did it alone, we need not
be solicitous about what Elmacinus saith concerning its original or con-
tinuance. The alteration which Hilary speaks of concerns not those
who were to choose, but those out of whom the bishop was to be chosen.
Formerly one of these presbyters was to be elected, but now the most
deserving person might be chosen, whether of that body or not. So he
not speaking of any change made as to the electors, for anything he
says, the same persons who did choose in his time did so before ; and
• Epist. ad EYagT.
48 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHUBCHES.
the electors in that age were not oolj the presbjters, but both clergy
and people ; not in other churches alone, but this particularly of Alex-
andria, as appears by the election of Athanasius, Peter, and other
bishops there made, ^^^7^ rov Xaov frovr&ff.*
But though that of Jerome, on whom the rest cited depend, will not
serve to prove the sole power of presbyters to choose ; yet it may be a
proof of their power to do something greater, viz. to ordidn their bishops.
And this use is made of it by very learned persons, and particularly
(not to mention the most excellent primate Usher) by Dr. St[illingfleet,]^
whom we may see aligning it, like himself, with learning and judgment.
He seems not unwilling that what the counterfeit Ambrose speaks of
the bishops djdng, and the next in course succeeding, should pass for a
particular conceit of that author ; and with more reason may it so pass,
if he would have the next succeed, though not worthy ; or the people
no way to interpose their judgment concerning such unworthiness. But
of this he expresses nothing.
He proceeds, page 821. '* We find the bishops consecrating others
in several churches, without any mention of choice made by the
people."
But this is no tolerable arguing ; there is no mention of any, therefore
there was none. Otherwise, where a bishop is said to be made, and no
mention made of any ordination, but only of election by the people, it
might be concluded that a bishop had no ordination. As when
Nazianzen speaks of Athanasius's coming to the chair at Alexandria hy
the votes of all the people, without mentioning his ordination,^ and
when Jerome speaks of a bishop elected by the people, without any
mention of his ordination,' would it be thought tolerable to infer from
hence that a bishop was made without ordination ? Or when one is
said to be constituted bishop of a church, without mention either of
election or ordination, doth it follow that he was made bishop there
without either ? An hundred instances hereof may be found in Euse-
bius, the author cited ; but we need go no further than the very place
which the Doctor makes use of. Eusebius says, that Germanic suc-
ceeded Dius in the bishopric at Jerusalem, and after him Gordius, in
whose time Narcissus returned ;' he mentions no ordination or election
of either. And Alexander was settled bishop there by the desires and
importunity of the people, encouraged therein by revelation, but no
mention of his ordination ; only, it is said, the people did it with the.
common consent of the bishops thereabouts/
• Nm. Orat. xxl. [p. 377.] Thwxlor. lib. iv. eap. xvlil. > Iron, page 278.
• Orat. xxi. p. 377. ' In £aek. lib. x. cap. xxxiii.
' Euaeb. lib. ▼!. cap. x. / Cap. xl.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 49
*' Severos, bishop of Milevis, in his life-time appointed his successor,
uid acquainted the deigj with it, but not the people ; great disturbance
was feared thereupon," &c.
For a bishop to appoint his successor was both against the ordinary
practice and rules of the ancient church. It is prohibited by divers
synods, and particularly by that of Antioch.* But Severus committed
another error, not acquainting the people with it, and this was like to be
of dangerous consequence, thereupon great disturbance was feared. St.
Austin himself shows his dislike of this omission ; Minus aliquid factum
eraty unde nonnulU contristabcmtur, " Something was neglected, at which
divers were grieved." And what was that ? Ad populum non est
locutuSj ''He spake not to the people of it." But Austin coming
amongst them took care to make up this defect, by prevailing with the
people for their consent and approbation, as himself tells us ; otherwise
Severus might have been defeated of his designed successor. St
Austin would not run into such a mistake, but when he desired a suc-
cessor calls the people together, propounds Eradius, and obtains for him
a fair election by the people, with their subscriptions, signifying their
approbation of him, and that they willed and desired what Austin pro-
pounded, as appears by divers expressions in that epistle.*
" So Paulus, the Novatian bishop at Constantinople, appointed his
successor, Marcianus, to prevent the contentions that might happen after
his death, and got his presbyters to consent to it.'*
But the designed successor was neither ordained nor admitted till the
people had declared their desire and approbation of him ; that is, tiU
they had chosen him. For three days after the death of Paulus, the paper
wherein he expressed his desire that Marcian should succeed him, being
opened before the people, (a great multitude,) they all with one voice
declare aloud that he was worthy ; which amotmts to no less than an
imanimous choice of him.^ And after this, Marcian being found out,
he was ordained and installed. So that the Novatians, though on
another account they pass for schismatics, yet are not foimd, no, not in
this singular instance, (of a bishop's designing his successor) to vary
from the practice of the Catholics, in admitting the people to choose
their own pastor.
Thus far we can find no evidence that, either for the preventing of
supposed inconveniences or other accounts, any bishop was settled in a
church without the choice of the people. Let us next see what canons
were made for the regulation of elections, so as to bereave the people of
this privilege, or diminish tlieii* power.
> Can. zxiii. in Cod. cii. * Epiit. ex. ' Socrat. Hist. lib. yii. cap. zlri.
50 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
'^ The Greek canonists are of opinion that the Council of Nice took
away all power of election of bishops from the people, and gave it to
the bishops of the province."
Those canonists (if any beside Balsamo) were herein greatly mis-
taken, as most learned men judge and prove ; nor do I think the Doctor
is of another mind. If he had thought the reasons of this conceit to be
of any force, he would have produced them. That this coundl was £ur
from excluding the people from the power of choosing their bishops is
apparent enough by their synodical epistle to those of Alexandria and
Eg3rpt, where they declare their judgments, that if any bishops decease,
others reconciled to the church may be admitted in their room, if they
be worthy, Ka\ 6 \a6s alpoiro, " and the people do choose them."*
'' It is apparent from the Council of Antioch that bishops were some-
times consecrated without the consent of the people, for it doth suppose
a bishop afler consecration may not be received by his people."
The question is not whether the election went before the ordination or
fdlowed, but whether any bishop might have the chair, and be pos-
sessed of the bishopric without the people's consent. This canon doth
not suppose that he might, but rather on the contrary ; it plainly sig-
nifies that the people might refuse a bishop after he was consecrated ;
and in that case by the canon he may retain the honour and office, but
the place he comes not at. For that was a rule in the ancient church
religiously observed, and the violation of it counted intolerable ; Sicut
antiqui canones decreveruntj nuUus invitis detur episcopus,* '' As the ancient
canons have decreed, let no bishop be offered to the people without their
consent." Such ordinations of bishops whom no church desired were
not usual, but by the Council of Chalcedon they are plainly forbid, and
declared to be nullities.*
Out of another canon he would show that the consecration of a
bishop was not then performed in his own church.
It was so by ancient custom, as Cyprian'* declares, and also by
later canons the bishop was to be ordained among his own people.'
Whether it be so or no by this canon is not material, since elections by
the people are not at all concerned in it.
" Gregory subscribed at Antioch, as bishop of Alexandria, before
ever he went thither."
The way wherein Gregory proceeded to that bishopric, is utterly
condemned by the most eminent bishops in all parts, that were not
Arians ; particularly in the west by Julius at Rome/ in the south by
• In Socrat. lib. i. [cap. ix.] * Cone. Aurel. v. Can. xi. • Can. tL
* Ep. Ixviii. [al. Ixvii. ad Frat. Hisp.] ' Cone. Aurel. iv. [Can. v.]
/ [JuliuB, Ep. ad Oriental, torn. i. p. 749.] apud Athanas. Apol. il.
NO EVIDENCB FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 51
Athanasiiis of Alexandria,* in the east by Nazianzen.* It was an
iiT^;ular and turbulent act of the Arians; such were they who at
Antioch made Gregory bishop, and then sent him with military power
to Alexandria, to take possession by force of arms, and expel the great
Athanasius. If instances had not been very scarce, this would have
been waived/
^' So St. Basil mentions his consecration of Euphronius to be bishop
of Nicopolis, without any consent of the people before.**
If St. Basil did constitute Euphronius without the previous consent
of the people, which was not usual, yet he did not offer to settle him in
the chair, till he had gained the consent and approbation of the synod
and people, as the Doctor's words, " but he persuades the senate and
people to accept of him,** do plainly signify. But indeed St. Basil doth
not say that his consecrating of Euphronius to be bishop of Nicopolis,
was without any consent of the people before, (though the Doctor
would have it so ;) nor find I any thing in that epistle to prove it.
Basil there signifies the contrary, when he saith, '* The people judged
him worthy, and the bishops consented,** S(iov cJym «eal vfUls idoKifjidattn,
Kid TffjbtU awt&ffieBa ; which imports that the people first declared their
approbation and desire of him, and thereupon the bishops consented to
ordain him. " It is true,** he saith, " what the governors do in church
affairs have their confirmation (jSc/ScuoiWai) from the people, and so
wishes them to receive the bishop given them.** But a bishop was
ordinarily given them, i. e. ordained for them, upon their antecedent
desire to have it so. This the Doctor knows, and signifies in the next
words.
" If the people did agree upon a person to be bishop, their way then
was to petition the metropolitan and his sjnod, who had the full power
either to allow, or refuse him.**
The usual way was, afier sjmods were settled by rule, (as they were
in the fourth Age,) for the people, when they wanted a bishop, to meet
together, and choose one whom they thought fit, by unanimous consent,
or the major vote of the clergy and people ; and then to draw up a
writing with the subscriptions of the electors, called by the Latins
decretum, and by the Greeks ^c^io-^ ; and sending this to the synod,
thereby signified whom they had chosen, with a desire that he might be
ordained ; which done, the consecrators, metropolitan or other bishops,
had no power at all to refuse the person elected, if he was duly
qualified; and in case he was not, they had no power to put another
upon them, but only to advise them to proceed to the choice of another,
• Epist. ad SoUt. [Sd. Col. 1686, torn. i. p. 844, B.] et Epist. ad Orthodox, [torn. L p. 948, D.]
i Orat. xxi. ' Socrat. lib. [ii.] cap. x. xi.
52 NO EVIDENCE FOB DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
as might be made manifest by unquestionable authorities.* Yea, such
deference had they for elections by the people, that if they had chosen
one who was incapable by the canons, if the incapacity could any way
be removed, the election was allowed, and the ordainers proceeded upon
it. This is evident in the election of Eusebius at Caesarea, and Nec-
tarius at Constantinople, and Ambrose at Milan, who were choeen by
the people to be bishops in the places mentioned, not only before they
were ordained, but before they were baptized ; yet the elections stood
good, and being baptized first, and afler^ ordained, they were admitted
to those bishoprics.
" It is evident from the twelfth canon of Laodicea, that although all
the people chose a bishop, if he intruded himself into the possession of
his see, without the consent of a provincial synod, he was to be turned
out or rejected by them. Which shows how much the business of
elections was brought into the bishops' power in the eastern parts."
I find nothing of this in that or any other canon of that synod ; bat
there is some such thing in the sixteenth canon of the Council at
Antioch, and the reason of it was, lest an im worthy person should
intrude into a bishopric, the synod was first to be satisfied of his
sufficiency:'^ but then if he was found qualified according to the canons,
the synod had no power to withhold him from those by whom he was
chosen, nor to choose another for them if they judged him incapable.
Thus the business of elections was no more brought into the bishops*
power in the eastern parts, (where he intimates their power herein was
greatest,) than the business of ordinations was brought into the people's
power ; for if the bishops could put him by who was unworthy, though
the people had chosen him ; so the people might refuse him whom the
bishops consecrated, if they were not satisfied in him ; nay more, for
the bishops' power was limited to the case of the candidates' insuffi-
ciency ; but the people might refuse a person commended by the
bishops as sufficient, if they did not like him on other accounts. The
consequence of ordaining one for the people, or putting one upon them
whom they desired not, was intolerable in the judgment of the ancient
church. Leo, a bishop of greatest reputation in his time, thus ex-
pressed it: Nullus invitis et non petentihua ordinetur, " Let no bishop be
ordained for those who are imwilling, and do not desire him." And the
reason wherewith he enforces it, is very considerable ;•* since it is not
only an argument for those times, but extends to all ages, and leaves it
not tolerable at any time, Ne plebs invita episcopum non optatum <tut
contemncUy aut oderity et Jiat minus religiosa quam convenit, cm nan
• Greg. lib. vl. Ep. xxxvilj. lib. vii. Ep. xxxiv. lib. viil. Ep, xl. * afterwards,
f competency. ^ worthy of consideration.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 58
Ucuerit habere quern volttitj' " Lest the people not consenting, do either
contemn or hate a bishop whom they desire not ; and become less
religiouB than they should be, when they may not have such a one as
they would have."
Let me only add, that those who have any respect for modem
bishops, such as get possession of their sees without regard either of
the people's choice or the consent of a provincial synod, ought to
beware of this canon; since it leaves them no more title to any episcopal
chair, than Bassianus and Stephanus had to that at Ephesus, when
upon this account, they were ejected by the sentence of the Others at
Chalcedon, and the greatest council that the ancient church ever had.
" By the law of Justinian, the conmion people were excluded from
elections of bishops, and the clergy and better sort of citizens were to
nominate three to the metropolitan, out of which he was to choose
one."
The law of that emperor enjoins, that the clergy and better sort of
citizens do draw up the electing decree, (>fn;<^((r/Mzra n-oicii/,) but doth not
enjoin that the other citizens be excluded from concurring in the elec-
tion, or to make any without their liking. In the code we have another
of his laws, where it is enacted. That the choice be made, ir<ipa t&v
oUovvTw Tffv rrSkiv^ by the inhabitants of the city, in general, without
any discrimination. Nor doth the former constitution oblige them
precisely to choose and present three ; they have liberty by it, if they
find not three sufficient persons, (and none appointed to be judges
thereof but themselves) to name two or but one.
" By the canon of Laodicea, the common people were excluded from
the power of choosing any into the clergy, for they were wont to raise
tumults upon such occasions."
That canon, in Bishop Bilson's judgment, concerns only presbjrters ;•
the meaning of it is this, that it is not fit elections should be left
to the rabble (©xXoir) only or chiefly, without the clergy and better sort
of the people, who may keep the rest in order, and prevent tumidts.
The import of the words cTrcrpcWciv and i^x^ois leads us thus to imderstand
it ; and the sense and practice of the church every where at that time,
expressed in the coimcils and the best writers of that age, wherein the
sj-nod was held, will not suffer us to take it in any sense, exclusive of
the interest of the common people in the choice of their pastors ; unless
we will have it to be a singular capriccio^ of a few bishops in this assem-
bly, in opposition to the common sentiments of the Christian world.
• Ep. IxxziT. cap. V. * [Lib. i. Tit. iU.] De Epitcopia. Lex. xlii.
< Perpet. Gov. cap. xv. p. M2. •' caprice.
54 NO EVIDENCE FOB DIOCESAN CHUBCHES.
" The second Council of Nice restrained the elections only to
bishops."-— p. 823.
The third canon of that council determines, that the magistrates*
appointing of bishops is a nullity ; confirming it by an ancient canon,
(one of those which passed for apostolical.) But that clause whereby
Bcllarmine and others will have elections restrained to bishops is mis-
taken, ordinations being thereby intended, not elections; which is
apparent because they cite for it the fourth canon of the first Council of
Nice, in which episcopal ordinations are appropriated to bishops, but
nothing expressed, or intimated concerning elections. Thus is this
passage alleged by the Doctor tmderstood by Bishop Bilson f and
thereby all advantages are cut off which others would make of it,
against elections by the people.
The eighth Council of Constantinople might as weU have been
spared, confirming neither the former, nor anything else for the Doctor's
purpose, though it be said the people are here excluded with an ana-
thema. It is well the curse came no sooner, than towards the latter
end of the ninth age. But what if that synod never anathematised any
such thing? The canon cited for it is the twenty-eighth, which in
other Latin copies is the twenty-second, but the Greek edition hath but
fourteen in all ; and the Greek church (whose coimcil it was) owns no
more ; so that this canon looks no better than a piece of (some Latin's)
forgery.
I need not add that this synod was ten years afler condemned, by a
far more numerous council at the same place. Baronius gives a fiill
account of it, though with such reflections upon Photius and his adhe-
rents, as is suitable to his usual partiality. But it seems there is great
scarcity of evidence when this canon, and that of the second Nicene
Coimcil, cited immediately before, must be made use of: seeing this
leaves the way of making bishops now used amongst us, under a curse;
the other makes our bishops, however consecrated, to be no bishops,
and will have those debarred from communion who commimicate with
them. And this is considerable,^ as grounded upon an ancient canon.
Indeed it was the sense of the ancient church for many ages, if we may
judge thereof by coimcils or writers in those ages, not only that bishops
ought to be chosen by the people, but that none ought to be owned as
bishops who were not so chosen.
" The foiuth thing he would have considered is. That when there
were Christian magistrates, they did interpose in this matter as they
judged expedient."
• Can. iii. « Ibid. p. 369. ' worthy of contideFitkm.
NO EVIDENCE FOB DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 55
He brings many instances ; I shall begin with those which seem less
pertinent, and so proceed to the rest.
** After the death of Alexander, bishop of Constantinople, the people
fell into parties; some were for Panlus, and others for Macedonius: the
emperor Constantius coming hither puts them both by, and appoints
£iisebins, of Nicomedia, to be bishop there."
The Allans were so hot and violent for the promoting of their party,
diat they transgressed the rules, orders, and usages of the church,
trampling on all that stood in their way. This did Constantius, and
his design was utterly to subvert the Christian faith in that main fun-
damental of it, concerning the eternal Godhead of Christ.'
In order hereto, he thrust out those who, according to the rule and
order of the church, were duly chosen by such who adhered to the true
faith, particidarly Paidus ; and gives the chair to Eusebius, of Nico-
media, the cmtesignanua^ of the Arians, and one who, by his great
interest, subtile counsels, and mischievous actings, did more propagate
Arianism, than Arius himself: and afterwards gives order that Paulus
be banished, and that Macedonius, one as bad or worse than Eusebius,
shotdd have the chair, not according to the rule of the church, but by
the will of the governor, as the historian notes,^ and his way is made
to it through the death of three thousand one hundred and fifty of the
people. Now this is scarce a proper instance, for that was proposed to
be given in Christian emperors ; but the Arians were not counted
Christians. Athanasius proves that they ought not to be so called in
divers orations,' and Constantius was an Arian, indeed a great zealot
for promoting of that heresy, and suppressing the true faith. He
banished the orthodox bishops, saith Theodoret.' He made a law for
the utter demolishing of their churches, says Socrates.^ He com-
manded Athanasius to be killed, and proposed rewards to those that
would assassinate him ; and raised a general persecution against the
professors of the true faith, much like to those under the heathen
emperors, says Sozomen.*^ What such a prince did against the rule
and practice of the true church, and the rights of the &ithful people
in elections, will rather commend them, than be any prejudice to them.
" When Athanasius was restored, Constantius declared it was by the
decree of the synod, and by his consent ; and he, by his authority,
restored likewise Paulus and Marcellus," &c.
But to what purpose is this alleged ? Is there no difference between
choosing and restoring ? How did Constantius interpose for the
• Soerat. Ub. [ii.] cap. Tii. ' Standard-bearer, ringleader. « Socrat. lib. [ii.] cap. xvi.
* Orat. i. [ed. Col. 1686, tom. i. p. 296, A. ;] Orat. ii. [torn. i. p. 316, ed. Paria, 1627 ;] Orat.
iT. [ed. Col. 1686, torn. i. p. 481, A.]
' Lib. ii. cap. xt. / [Lib. ii. cap. xxzyHL] f Lib. iv. cap. xiiL xiv.
56 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
hindering of the people^s elections, by restoring those bishops who were
before duly chosen by the people ? Their choice hereby is rather
countenanced and confirmed. I can discern no reason why it is made
use of against it. There seems to be neither proof nor pertinency in
these instances.
" Ailer the death of Sisinnius, the emperor declared, that, to prerent
disturbance, he would have none of the clergy of Constantinople chosen
bishop there ; and so Nestorius was brought from Antioch."
But his being brought from Antioch is no proof that he was not
chosen by the people ; for Chrysostom was brought from the same
place, and was none of the clergy of Constantinople more than Nestorius,
yet was called thither, and placed in the chair by the votes of the people,
as will appear presently. And why should it be thought Nestorius was
not chosen by the people ? Doth Socrates, cited as giving this accoimt
of him, say he was not ? No, " but he doth not mention his choice."
Nor doth he speak a word of his ordination : shall we therefore condade
that he was neither elected nor ordained ? If this were an argument, there
are hundreds that we must accoimt bishops without either ordination or
election. But though there be no reason why we should think that
Nestorius was not chosen, yet there is apparent reason why the choice
should not be mentioned. For an unanimous choice by the people was
an honour, and wont to be put among the encomiums of worthy
bishops. But Nestorius, after he got the chair, answered not their
expectation, but showed himself worthy of an ill character, both by
his actions and judgment ; and so in fine was condemned as a heretic
by a general council at Ephesus, and banished by the emperor. There-
upon the historian might think himself concerned to waive that which
was much for the honour of one who so little deserved it.
There are three or four instances which seem more pertinent and con-
siderable," which I have therefore taken the liberty to put together ;
but indeed there is some mistake in them, I would not say they are mis-
represented.
" So Constantine did in the church of Antioch, when there was great
dissension there upon the deposition of Eustathius ; he recommended to
the synod Euphronius of Cappadocia and Greorgius of Arethusa, or
whom they should judge fit, without taking any notice of the interest
of the people."
But how doth it appear that Constantine took no notice of the interest
of the people ? No otherwise, but because Sozomen speaks not of it.
Of what weight this argument is, we have seen before. But what if
another author declare that he did take notice of it ? Eusebius, who knew
* worthy of coniideration.
NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES. 57
the whole matter as well and better than Sozomen, being particularlj
concerned therein, tells us plainly that Constantine did, in his letters to
the people of Antioch, take notice of the people^s interest in the choice
of their bishop. For, says he, the emperor advises them not to desire
the bishop of another church, (in reference to Eusebius, whom they had
a mind to, though he was then bishop of Caesarea,) but, " according to
the custom or decree of the church, to choose one to be their pastor,"
as the common Saviour did direct them, ^cct/a^ cVieXi^crtaff rovrov alpfiaOat
voifupa' And in the emperor^s epistle there are divers expressions
which signify no less.
** When Gregory Nazianzen resigned the bishopric of Constantinople,
Theodosius commended to the bishops the care of finding out a person ;
who, recommending many to him, the emperor himself pitched upon
Nectarius, and would have him made bishop," &c.
If this will any way serve the purpose for which it is alleged, the
emperor must pitch upon Nectarius, so as to have him made bishop
without any previous choice of the people ; but there is no ground for
this, nay, there is clear and unquestionable evidence against it. For
the general council at Constantinople, in the latter end of their synodical
epistle to the western bishops, declared that Nectarius was chosen by
the suffrage of the whole city. We have, say these fathers, ordained
Nectarius, with the unanimous concurrence of this oecumenical synod,
aU the clergy and all the city giving their voices for it, irdtnis €9rc>fn;<^c^o-
" When Chrysostom was chosen at Constantinople, the royal assent
was given by Arcadius, the election being made, saith Sozomen, by the
people and clergy ; but Palladius gives a more particular account of
it," &c.— p. 324.
About the choice of Chrysostom to Constantinople, Sozomen says,
the clergy and people having voted it, ^<^ifo/ii<v<»v dc rovro rov Xaov kgI
Kkripov, the emperor gave his consent. Socrates says, that by the com-
mon decree {'>ltTf<f>i(rfiari tcoivf) of the clergy and people, the emperor sent
for him to Constantinople.*^ "But Palladius gives a more particular
account ;" says he — Yet in that account, and the works cited for that
purpose, there is nothing at all which denies that Chrysostom was thus
unanimously chosen by the people. Now, shall we believe that Chry-
sostom was not thus chosen, upon the testimony of Palladius, who doth
not deny it, against two credible witnesses, who positively and expressly
affirm that such was the choice ? To these might be added the writers
of the life of Chrysostom, particularly George, patriarch of Alexandria,
Euteb. De VitA ContUnt. lib. Ui. cap. Ivii. « In Theodur. Hiit. lib. v. cap. ix.
Lib. vi. eap. ii.
E
58 NO EVIDENCE FOR DIOCESAN CHURCHES.
who, as Photius declares, made his collections out of Palladins, among
others.*
'^ So that there was no antecedent election of the people, as Sozomen
says ; but whatever there was, was subsequent to the emperor's deter-
mination.**
Sozomen is here contradicted, without ground, and to little purpose.
Whether the election was antecedent or no is not material, since the
emperor^s determination was neither against nor without the people^s
choice ; yet evidence is produced for the election as antecedent, and
none at all against it.
"Maximianus being dead, he gave order that Proclus should be
made bishop before the other*s body was buried."
Maximianus being dead, the emperor (cTrcrpc^rcy is the historian^s
word) permitted Proclus ; so that, if he was not chosen, the emperor
interposed not there by positive order, but by permission only. But,
indeed, Proclus, in an election before, had the voices of the major part
for him, and so had carried it, but for a groundless suggestion that the
canons did forbid it.* This being but about two years before, the place
was again void by the death of Maximianus, and the sense and desires
of the people for Proclus being sufficiently known by their late suf-
frages, a new election was not needful, but he admitted to be installed
without more ado.
Thus we have made it manifest that all these instances are not suffi-
cient to show that any one truly Christian prince did, from the first,
think fit, upon any occasion, to make use of their authority, either to
deprive the people of their power in elections, or to obtrude any bishops
upon the churches without the people's choice. As for Constantius
being an Arian, the ancient church did not esteem him a Christian ;
Hilary makes bold to caU him antichrist. And what he did to the
prejudice of the people's privilege herein, since it was done to promote
Arianism, and for the subversion of the Christian faith, is little more
to be regarded, or drawn into example, than if Julian had done the like
in favour of heathenism.
The two last heads concern only the usages of later times, which I
had no design to take notice of.
• In ChrysoHt. torn. viii. page 188. * Socrat. lib. vH. cap. xxxv
DIOCESAN CHURCHES
NOT YET DISCOVERED IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES;
OK,
•SFENCE OF THE ANSWER TO DR. 8TILLINOFLE£T*8 ALLEGATIONS OUT
OF ANTIQUITY FOR SUCH CHURCHES,
EXCEPTIONS OFFERED IN THE PREFACE TO A LATE TREATISE CALLED
A VINDICATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH,
T 18 FURTHER PRODUCKD OUT OP 8CRIPTURS AND ANCIKNT AUTHORS POR
DIOCKSAN CHURCHK8 18 ALSO DISCU88RD.
LONDON:
ed for Thomas Parkhurst, at the Bible and Three Crowns, at the
lower end of Cheapside, near Mercers* Chapel, 1682.
e2
The following Treatise is reprinted from a small quarto Tolnme, which is not
so rare as the preceding work.
PREFACE.
Dissenters are accused of schism by some of this church :
both these and the other are branded not only as schismatics, but
as heretics by the Papists; who upon this account judge us un-
worthy to live, and had actually destroyed both together, if God
in mercy had not discovered their devilish plot. The dis-
covery gave them some interruption, and put them upon an after-
game, to retrieve what had miscarried. And this was so to divide
us, as that ourselves should help them in their design to ruin us
all, when they hod less hopes to do it alone. In pursuance hereof,
such influence they have had upon too many as to raise in them
a greater aversion to Dissenters than to Papists. These the con-
spirators count their own, and think they may well do so, since
they are too ready to concur with them in their design to exter-
minate those who are true Protestants in every point, and differ
no more from this church than those in France do, who by the
same counsels are at this time in extreme danger to be utterly
extirpated. Others are so far prevailed with as to make use of
one of the sharpest weapons they have against dissenting Pro-
testants, and that is the charge of schism, lately renewed and
reinforced.
In these hard circumstances, while we do what we can against
tlie common enemy, we are put to ward off the blows of such as
(notwithstanding some present distemper) we will count our
friends. Amongst other expedients, sufiBcient to seciure us against
this attack, it was thought not unuseftil to answer the allegations
out of antiquity concerning two points, wherein only the ancients
62 PREFACE.
were made use of to our prejudice ; viz. 1. For diocesan churches ;
and then, 2dly. Against the election of bishops by the people in
the primitive times. Something was performed and published in
reference to both these in a late discourse ; one-half of which,
where the latter is discussed, concerning the popular elections of
bishops, hath yet passed without any exception that I can see or
hear of; yet this alone is enough to defend us against the afore-
said charge ; for those who will not make the primitive church
schismatical must not condemn any as schismatics for declining
such bishops as that church would not own.
Against the former part of the discourse, concerning diocesan
churches, some exception hath been made, but very little. A
late author, in his preface to a treatise of another subject, hath
touched about five pages in forty, but so as he hath done them no
more harm than another, who, to find one fiault therein, runs
himself into two or three, about fAvpiot, rendered indefinitely
according to the mind of the author who uses it, and the most
common use of it.
I disparage not the gentleman's learning who attacks me in his
preface ; he shows that which (with answerable care and judg-
ment) might be serviceable in a cause that deserves it. But
much more than he shows would not be enough to support what
he would establish. And he might have forborne the vilifying of
those who are known to be masters of much more valuable learn-
ing than appears in either of us. Tlie neglect of some accurate-
ness in little things, remote from the merits of the cause, in one
who is not at leisure to catch flies, is no argument that he is
destitute of learning.
I complain not of his proceeding with me, but am obliged by
him that he treats me not with so much contempt as he does
others, who less deserve it. I wish he had dealt more temperately
with M[r.] B[axter] : it would have been more for his reputation,
and no prejudice to his undertaking : a good cause, when it hath
a sufficient advocate, does not need any indecent supplements.
After I have cleared my discourse from this gentleman's excep-
tions, I thought it not impertinent to show what in reason cannot
be counted competent proofs of diocesan churches ; that if any
will pursue this debate farther, instead of opposing us, they may
not beat the air, and amuse those that inquire after truth with
what is insignificant. Withnl I have given an account of what
preface: 63
other allegations out of Scripture and antiquity this author hath
brought in other parts of his treatise for such churches ; and
sho^^ed that there is no evidence in them as to the purpose they
are alleged for.
In short, I find nothing in this author, or any other before
him, which may satisfy a judicious and impartial man that in the
two first ages of Christianity any bishop had more than one par-
ticular church or congregation for his proper charge ; or that in
the third age there was any bishop which had a church consisting
of more than are in some one of our parishes, unless it was the
church of Rome, (nor is there suflBcient evidence produced for
that ;) or that in the middle of the fourth age there were four
churches, each of which comprised more than could assemble in
one place, (though, if they had contained more, that might be far
enough from making them diocesans ;) or that afterwards, within
the time of the four first genend councils, where there were several
churches belonging to one bishop, he did exercise jurisdiction
over them alone, or only by himself and his delegates. It will
be time enough to censure us as schismatics for declining dio-
cesan churches, when they have made it appear that there was
such in the best ages of Christianity ; (which not appearing, the
censure falls upon the primitive Christians, from whom it will
slide off upon themselves.) If they will forbear us till this be
performed, we need desire no more ; unless we may prevail with
those who sincerely profess themselves Protestants, to regard the
securing themselves and their religion from the destructive designs
of tlie Papists, more than those tilings which are not properly the
concern either of Protestants or of religion.
As for those who prefer the Papists before Dissenters, and
revile these as worse, though they differ in no one point of reli-
gion firom other true Protestants, we need not wonder if we meet
with no better treatment firom them than fi*om declared Papists ;
since, by such preference they too plainly declare the Protestant
religion to be worse than Poper}' in their account. The following
sheets have lain by me many months, and had done so still, but
that the importunity of some, and the misrepresenting of my
silence by others, forced me to publish them.
DIOCESAN CHURCHES
NOT YET DI8COVKRKD IN THE
PKIMITIVE TI MES.
To show that many presbyters in one church was not enough to prove
it a diocesan, I made it manifest that it was usual in the ancient church
to multiply presbyters, beyond what we count necessary, (not beyond
what is necessary, as it is too often misrepresented.) For this I offered
two testimonies, one asserting it to be so in the first age, the otlier in
the fourth ; and thought these sufficient, if they could not be denied,
(as they are not,) to evince it to have been so in the third : for who can
reasonably suppose, but that had place in the third, which was usual
both in the ages before and after ? The first was that of Bishop
Downham, who says, " At the first conversion of cities, the number of
people converted were not much greater than the number of presbyters
placed amongst them." But this, it is said, can be of little use, " be-
cause. First, This was not the case of the church of Carthage : it was
not a new converted church, but settled long before, and in a flourish-
ing condition."
The church of Carthage, by the fierce persecutions in Cyprian's time,
(which is the time we speak of,) was brought so low, and reduced to so
very few, as if it had l^een but new converted ; and how was it in a
settled and flourishing condition, when it was so lamentably wasted,
and still harassed one year after another ? or who can believe it, that
reads Cyprian lamenting, Pressures isHus tarn tvrbidam vastitateniy qua
gregem nostrum ma^rimd ex parte popiilata est, adhuc et usque populatur^
" so terrible a havoc as has destroyed the greater part of oiu" flock, and
still pursues its ravages;" and that they were positi inter plangentium
niinas, et tiinentium reliquias, inter numerosam languentium stragem, et
exiguam stantinm pancitatem, " placed between those who weeping fell,
and a bare remnant whose hearts fail them, — between a copious
slaughter of the unstable, and a veiy few stedfast professors ?"" Was
• Lib. iv. Ep. iT. ad fln.
66 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
not this much the case of the apostolical churches, unless this of
Carthage was worse, and so less for our author^s advantage ? Or if
this were otherwise, the churches in Nazianzen^s time were not newly
converted, but settled long before, and in a flourishing condition ; which
yet cannot be denied to have had more presbjrters than we count
needful. So that tliis was the practice in every condition of the church,
whether flourishing or not.
Secondly, he says, " Many more presbyters may be ordained in a city
than is necessary for the first beginning of a church, with respect to
future increase,'* &c.
And who will question but the many presbyters in the church of
Carthage were for the future increase both in city and coimtry ? So
that herein the case is not difierent ; and the design of that number of
officers might partly be for other congregations, (episcopal churches,
though not diocesan,) to furnish them with officers. This b apparent
afl;erwards in the practice of the Airican churches, which, when a new
church was erected, supplied it with a bishop or other assistants from
places better stored with officers ; and it is exemplified particularly (as
we shall see hereafter) in the provision which St. Austin made for
Fussala.
He says, further, " The multitude of presbyters belonging to one
congregational chiu-ch, might be occasioned by the imcertain abode of
most of the apostles and their commissioners, who are the principal, if
not the only, ordainers of presbyters mentioned in Scripture."
But herein he does Init guess, and had no reason to be positive, unless
the apostles and their commissioners, (as he calls them,) had been then
the only ordainers ; which he will not venture to affirm, knowing what
evidence there is against it.
Lastly, he says, *^ If this opinion of Bishop Downham had any certain
ground in antiquity, we should probably hear of it with both ears, and
we should have it recommended upon more ancient authority than his."
This of Bishop Downham hath certain ground in the best antiquity,
if the New Testament be such ; where it is plain there were many
presbyters in divers churches, such as are not yet, nor ever will be,
proved to be diocesan.
To that of Nazianzen, he says it hath received its answer; and adds,
" He that cannot answer it to himself, from the great diflerence between
the condition of the church in Cyprian's and in Nazianzen^s time, hath
a fondness for the argument."
This is the answer it received, (p. 51,) and this diff*erence was thus
expressed a little before : " But that any church fixed and settled,
having its bishop always present, should multiply presbyters beyond
necessity, in the circumstances of the primitive Clu'istians before
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. G7
Constantine, is altogether incredible ; for the necessary expenses of the
church were very great — ^the poor numerous — the generality of Chris-
tians not of the richest — and the estates they had being at the discretion
of their enemies, and ruined with perpetual persecution,*^ &c. He says,
" multiplpng presbjrters beyond necessity, and without necessity." While
be alters my words so as to change the sense, he disputes against himself,
not me ; but this looking more like an argument than any thing before,
I shall take a little more notice of it. First, Is not all this applicable
to the chui-ches in the apostles' times, when it cannot be denied
presbyters were multiplied beyond what we count necessary ? " The
poor numerous, — the generality of Christians not of the richest, — and
the estates they had being at the discretion of their enemies, and ruined
with perpetual persecution."
Further, the church, before Constantine and Carthage particularly,
supposing these to be its circumstances, might have many presbyters,
without any great charge ; for, first, the church stock was reserved only
for those in want, rots dco/xcVotr, as is determined in one of the canons
which pass for apostolical," and the same decreed in the synod at
Antioch.^ Ambrose even, in the fourth age, will liave none to have a
stipend who hath other revenues, Qui fidei exercet militican, agelU sui
fructibiis^ si habetj debet ease contentus ; si non habet, stipendiorum suorum
fnictu/^ ** He who fights the fight of faith, ought to be content with the
produce of his estate, if he have one, and with the proceeds of his
salary, if he have not." And Chrysostom tells us, that in elections,
those of the competitors that hsid estates did carry it, because the
church would need to be at no charge in maintaining of such, oOic Sv
bioiTo Tp€<fi€&0ai €K Ta>v rljs €KKKrj<rias npoo'dbav.'^ Secondly, when they
had no estates, and the chiu-ch could not maintain them, they were to
provide for themselves by some honest employment. The Council of
El^'ira allows all sorts of clergymen to drive a trade for their living,
provided they did it only in the province where they lived;* and in the
fourth Council pf Carthage it is ordered, that the clergy, though they
be learned in the word of God, shall get their living by a trade/ and
in the next canon, that they shall get food and raiment by a trade or
husbandry, with this proviso, that it be not a prejudice to their office.
Our author says, indeed,*" that this is contrary to the usage of all
other churches: how true this is, may be seen by the canon before
cited. He says also, that this is forbidden by the third Council of
Carthage : but neither is this so ; that canon adds but another restric-
• Can. iv. * Can. xxv.
' Offlc. lib. J. cup. jxx\i. '' Dp SaccnI. Rer. lii. p. 25, •dit. Savil
' Can. xix. / Can. II.
i Page 154.
68 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
tion, viz. that they got not their livings by an employment that is
sordid or dishonest,'* where the Latin and Greek both agree in it.
Thirdly, the church was to allow none of them, no not bishops, more
than necessary, even afler Constantine^s time. That canon called the
apostles^ and the other at Antioch forecited, express this in the same
words : " The bishop may have of the church stock what is needful, if
he be necessitous," ra dcovra el dcotro irp6s apayicaias ;(p€tar, for neoessaiy
uses; and these are afterwards explained to be food and raiment.
Zonaras expresses it fully and clearly, whom he that the canon doth not
satisfy may consiilt.
Having showed out of Justinian, that sixty presbyters belonged to the
great church in Ck)nstantinople, and thence inferred they were numerous
in Constantine's time, " the number," says he, " was become extravagant
in Justinian's time ; but what is this to their number in Cyprian's ?"
He should have asked the Dean* this, who, to prove diocesan churches
from the number of presbyters, immediately after testimonies out of
Cyprian, brings this of Justinian.
" For this very edict of Justinian shows that this multiplying of
church officers was an innovation, and therefore would have them
reduced to the first establishment."
Justinian took order to retrench the numbers of presbyters ; not
therefore because it was an innovation, but because the church revenue
could not iiijiintain so many, which is express in the Novel.
" But that first establishment, it seems, admitted great numbers, for
one church had sixty. True; but it must also l)e noted first, that these
sixty were to serve more than one church."
Some may be ready to ask how it can be true, that one church should
have sixty, and yet more than one had these sixty amongst them.
" For there were three more besides St. Sophia to be supplied by
these presbyters," &c.
True ; but this still confirms what I answered to their argiunent from
the multitude of presbyters, that in the ancient church the ofiicers were
multiplied above what we coimt needfid : for it is not now thought
needful that any three or four churches in a city should have sixty
presbyters, a hundred deacons, ninety subdeacons, readers a hundred
and ten, &c.
" Yet afVer all, there is no argument to be drawn from this number;
for these were canons of a particular foundation, designed for the
service of a collegiate chiu*ch ; and no measure to be taken from thence
concerning the numbers of presbyters belonging to the diocese. This is
evident from the preface of the said Novel."
• Can XV. in Cod. xii. * Dean Stilliugfleet.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 69
If no argaiDent it to be drawn from tlib number, why did the
learned Dean draw one from it ? Secondly, this seems scarce con-
sistent with the former period: there, these presbyters were for three
or four churches ; here thej are but for one collegiate church, of which
they were canons, and this is said to be eyident in the preface, where I
cannot see it. Thirdly, since no measure is to be taken from hence
concerning the numbers of presbyters belonging to a diocese; it seems
there may be this number of presbj-ters in a place which cannot be
counted a diocese, (as this one great church neyer was, nor can be,)
and then no argument drawn frx>m the number of presbyters at Rome,
Carthage, Edessa, &c., will proye a diocesan church; for here was the
greatest number, which any where we meet with.
Dr. St[illingfleet],to proye diocesan churches from the numerousness
of presbjrters, mentioned sixty in C. P." in Justinian's time; from hence,
on the by, I thought it reasonable to suppose they were numerous in
Constantine's time, when yet Theodoret says, ** all the brethren met
together with the bishop.** That the number of presbyters is no proof
of a diocesan church, was eyinced sufHciently before : this fell in
occasionally, and was added ex abundanti. Yet upon this supemiunerary
straggler, he turns his main force, spending about twelye pages on it.
I am little concerned what becomes of it, since the main hypothesis is
already secured by the premises ; but that this gentleman may not quite
lose all his labour, I am willing to lose a little, in taking some notice
of it.
^* I must confess that what is added concerning the church of C. P.*
is somewhat surprising; no doubt, says he, that the presbyters were
more numerous in C. P."*
Indeed, it might haye been surprising if I had said, as he reports me,
tliat they were more numerous ; but I saw reason not to say so, though
what reason there was to impose it on me I know not: I cited Soc.,
misprinted Soz., saying, " Constantine built two churches at C. P.,"« but
laid no stress on it at all.^ It is true, he says, not that he built no
more than two, but his expression plainly implies it, and he was
concerned if he had known any more to haye mentioned it, when in the
same line he says, " Constantine intended to make it equal to Rome.*^
Eusebius's words agree well enough herewith; he says, *^ Constantine
adorned it (n-Xftovo-iy) with more churches;" and that is true, if he
built but two more, or any more than was there formerly, or any more
than was usual. And these more churches were not in the city, but
(as the historian speaks) partly there, and partly npo rov aartoi^ " in
the suburbs," which, as the word is used, may denote places many miles
* Conatantinople. * Soc. lib. i. cap. \,xt\.\
70 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
distant from the city, as the gentleman elsewhere observes after Valedus.
Sozomen says he built (m^XXow) many churches, (not very many as he
will have it ;) but if he thereby meant more than are named by Socrates,
we need not understand that done before the time Theodoret speaks of;
nor should a lax expression be more relied on, than one that is pimc-
tual and definite; unless we have a mind either to be misled, or to set
the two historians together by the ears. Sozomen names but one church
more than Socrates did, and that not in, but a good distance from, the
city, (seventy furlongs by land ;) and three may pass for many, when it
was a rare thing for any city to have more than one. The best authors,
as they sometimes express very few by none, and a generality by all;
so they express more than ordinary by many; and two or three such
churches in one city were more than ordinary at that time, when one
city in an hundred had not two churches, and one in a thousand had
not three churches, that could be styled fUyiaroi: all that Constantine
built here were such ; both Eusebius's more, and Sozomen*s many, are
said, by them, to be very great, fjjyiaroi. But no considerable author
that I meet with in that age, or some hundreds of years after, names
more than two very great churches erected by Constantine in that city.
And if comparison be made, there is no historian of those times to be
more regarded in matters which concern C. P.,<» than Socrates, who tells
us* that he was born and educated at C. P.,« and continued there (as an
advocate) when he wrote liis history.
But if we should suppose that Sozomen intended more than three or
four chiu'ches, or that the emperor built no more than was reqiusite,
and only consult<id conveniency, and designed not state or magnificence,
(which yet our author a little af^cr says he did ; and we know nothing
is more ordinary than for great cities to have more churches than are
needful: it was so in London before the fire, and the retrenching of
their number since shows it:) yet this will be so far from proving
Alexander's church in C. P." to be diocesan, that it will not prove it
greater than some single congregations : for there were twelve churches
in Alexandria, when yet the church in that city adhering to Athanasius
consisted of no more than are in some of our parishes. For which such
evidence has been brought, as is not yet, nor, I think, can be defaced.
" Nor can we imagine that two churches, much less one, could suf-
fice all the Christians in C. P.," when the city of Heliopolis being con-
verted to Christianity required more, and Constantine built several for
them, fKKkrfirias fi< icria-as^ " erected churches.*'
The word plurally expressed is much improveil by our author, he
makes out of it divers churches, and all these churches, when yet all
• Constantinople. * Lib. [v. J cap. xziv.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 71
these were but one church, as Socrates himself makes it plain a little
before;* for having related how Constantine ordered a church to be
built near the Oak at Mambre, he adds, that he ordered another church
(not churches) to be erected at Heliopolis, Mpav iKKkriaiap KoratrKtvaa^
Bivai. And to put it past doubt, Eusebius, whom the emperor employed
about those structures, and from whom, in all likelihood, Socrates had
the relation, gives an account but of one church there founded by the
emperor, which he calls, oUov tvicrripiov iKKkYfo-las,^ *' the house of prayer
for the church," and that it was furnished with a bishop, presbyters,
and deacons. So that the bishop of Heliopolis had but one church for
his diocese, which our author should not be so loth to own, since it
cannot be proved that at this time one bishop in an hundred had more.
Yalesius, (whom oiu* author much relies on,) in his Notes upon this
place, is so far from thinking that Constantine built more churches in
Heliopolis, that he judges this one at present was not necessary for it,
the town having then no Christians in it; and assigns this as the reason
why Eusebius speaks of it as a thing unusual, that it should have a
bishop appointed, and a church built in it. His words are, Fortasse
hoc novum et inauditum fuisae intelligit, &c. '^ He may think this new
and unheard of, that a church should be built in a city, where as yet
there were no Christians, but all were alike idolators." Therefore this
church was built at Heliopolis, not for that there was any necessity of
it, but rather in hope that he might invite all the citizens to the pro-
fession of the Christian religion. So that the bishop here had none for
his diocese but one church, and that empty, there being then no Christians
in that one parish ; which yet was all he had to make him a diocesan.'
The better to confute Theodoret, who says (for they are his words,
not mine,) that " Alexander, with all the brethren, met together," he
endeavours to show the state of that church about the latter end of
Constantine['s reign], &c. ; this he does here and afler by an undue ap-
plication of some passages in Sozomen. For the account which that his-
torian gives of that city is not confined to Constantine*8 time, but reaches
beyond it, ay, and beyond Julianas too, which appears, as by other
passages, so by his mentioning the heathen temples in the time of that
emperor. And with respect to the time after Constantine, must that
expression be imderstood, which makes C. P.'' to exceed Rome, not only
in riches, but in the number of inhabitants, otherwise it will be appa-
rently' false ? For when Chrysostom was bishop there, about seventy
years afler, (when it is like^the number of the inhabitants were doubled,
• Hoc. Ub. i. cap. xWii. * Lib. iii. cap. [IviU.] De Vit& Conitant.
' In lib. Hi. De Vita CoDttant. cap. lyili. p. 235. " Coustantiiiuple. ' Mantfettly.
' Probable.
72 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YKT DISCOVERED
it cannot be questioned but they were far more numerous,) he who be^t
could do it, reckons the Christians then to be a hundred thousand ;* our
author will have us look upon the Jews and heathen there to be inconsi-
derable, but let us count them another hundred thousand. Yet both put
together will fall incomparably short of the number in old Rome, which,
by the computation of Lipsus, was at least two millions.^ And, in Con-
stantine^s time, new Rome was as far short of the old as to its greatness
in circuit, for whereas Ilerodian declares that Severus quite demolished
Byzantium for siding with Niger, and, reducing it to the state of a village,
subjected it to Perintus, Kutfirj bovktv^iv n€piv6iois d&pov cdd^,'^ we cannot
in reason suppose it to be extraordinarily spacious ; yet, as Zosimus
reports, all the enlargement which Constantine gave it, was but the
addition of fifteen furlongs, ara^iois ir€VT€Kaid€Ka,*^ Now suppose it was
thirty or forty furlongs iu compass l)efore, (and so larger than one city
in a hundred,) yet this addition will leave it less than Alexandria,
which, as Josephus describes it, was eighty furlongs, that is, ten miles,
in circumference,' yet Alexandria was four times less than Rome, for
by Vopiscus's account, in Aurelian*s time, not long before Constantine,
tlie walls were made by him near fifty miles in circuit. So it will be
in comparison of Constantinople when first built, ratlier like a nation
than a city, as Aristotle siiid of the other Babylon, *;(« ircpiypa^^p fiSXXow
tlBvovsy ij irSK€<i>t/ If then we will have this passage of Sozomen to have
any appearance of truth, it must be extended far beyond Constantine^s
time, when, as Zosimus tells us, many of the succeeding emperors were
still drawing multitudes of people to that city, so that it was afteni^-ards
encompassed with walls far larger (woXXw ^/foo-iv) than those of Con-
stantine. 'f And. in an oration of Themistius, it is made a question
whether Theodosius Junior did not add more to C. P. than Constantine
did to Byzantium.
" Many of the Jews, and almost all the heathen, were converted and
became Christians."
The expression of Sozomen does not hinder, but as the main body
of the Jews remained, so the niunbers of the heathen might be consi-
derable. Tertullian speaks of citizens in his time as if they were almost
all Christians, /}ewf (mines cives Christiujios ;^ yet no instance can be givoi
of any one city whore the Christians were the major part of the inha-
bitants : those that take his words in a strict sense are very injurious
to him, and make him speak tliat which no ancient records will warrant.
Sozomen also may suffer by straining his expression; but I wiD not
• In Act. Horn. xi. p. 074. » I)e Majfnit. Rom. lib. Ili. c. Ui.
' Lib. 111. p. 68. [ed. Lugdun. 1624, p. 122.) - Lib. !I. p. 62. [ed. Oxon. 1679, p. 106.;
« De Bello Jud. lib. ii. cap. xvi. [«. 4] / Pol. lib. lil. c. [iif.]
r Lib. il. p. 05. (ed. Oxon. Iii7y, p. 112.J * Apol. c. xxxvii.
IN THB PRIMITIVE TIMES. 78
digress to take fbrtlier notice of what is not material ; for I design not,
DOT have anj need, to make any advantage of the numbers of the
heathens in this city.
He tells us of nine hundred and fifty work-houses, whose rents were
allowed to defiray the funeral expences of all that died in the city, (for
so it is expressed in the constitution, ircpl n)y Kouniv arrayr»v avBpwinav
Map rh wpayfia wp6€uruf,*' " they provide the expenditure for the public
obsequies of all men,") these being performed with great solemnity, and
multitudes of attendants maintained by those rents for that purpose.^
How this here makes the Christians in C. P.^ to be so numerous as he
would have them, he should have showed us; I am not yet so sagacious
as to discover it. 'fhe number of the Decani** was determined* by
Honorius to nine hundred and fifty/ Our author thinks it probable
they were so many at the first establishment, but there is more ground
to believe, they were much fewer in Gonstantine's time; for about eight
hundred were counted sufficient in Justinian^s reign, two hundred years
afler, when the city was both larger, and much more populous and in
its greatest flourish.' Those that consider the premises, may well think,
he might have formed his conclusion in terms less confident, to say no
worse of it.
Next he forms an objection against himself: "Notwithstanding the
number of Christians in C. P.*^ might be much too great for one congre-
gation, yet the major part might be heretics or schismatics, such as
came not to the bishop's church, and therefore all that adhered to him
might be no more than could meet in one assembly.*'
To which he answers, that the number of heretics and schismatics
was inconsiderable, and will not except the Arians or Novatians. For
the Arians, he says, they had not yet made a formal separation.
But if they did not separate themselves, the church would have them
separated, and did exclude them from commimion, and withstood Con-
Stan tine's importunity for their admission, both here and in other
places : Athanasius was threatened by Eusebius of Nicomedia,* and
banished by the emperor for this cause among others. And Alexander
being secured by Arius' death from admitting him to communion, was
the occasion of this passage in Theodoret which gives our author so
much trouble. Now the Arians being debarred from communion,
lessened the bishop's church, both here and elsewhere, as much as if
they had separated themselves. And they were numerous here, this
• Novel, xliil. • Noyel. Ux. cap. ii. « Constantiiiople.
' The Decani Copiat« are here meant. These were public officers appointed to take the charge
of all funerals in the city. They seem to have been first regularly incorporated by Constantino .
See Bingham's Ant. b. iiL cap. viii.
' limited. / Cod. de Eccles. [Tit. ii.] Lex. iv. r Novel. lix. cap. ii.
* Soc. lib. [I.] c. [xxvii.]
F
74 DIOCESAN CHURCHES IH>T YET DISCOVERED
being the place where they had greatest favour ; in Constantine^s edict
against the heretics whose meetings he would have suppressed, the
Arians were not mentioned when the other are named.* Socrates writes
that the people in this city was divided into two parties, the Arians and
the orthodox : they had continually sharp bickerings, but while Alex-
ander lived the orthodox had the better; as soon as he was dead (which
was^ while Constantine lived) it seems they appeared equal, for '' the
contest," says he, " was dubious," dfi^piaros 17 ftdxn-^ In Nazianzen's
time 80 far they overtopped the orthodox, that this great diooeean church
appeared but in the form of a *' private meeting, held in a very little
house," where he kept a conventicle with them, iv oUitnw fuxpA iuthf
<riaC€, so Sozomen,' and Socrates agrees with him in the expression,
iv fiiKpS> oiKiVfco), such a diminutive place seems as unproportionable fer
such a diocesan chiurch as a nutshell for Homer's Iliads, or a key-hole
for a witch, to use our author's elegances.
As for the Novatians, to which he will have no more allowed than a
conventicle, they were numerous in other places ; they had once divers
churches in Alexandria, many churches in Rome, and in other places.
It is like' they were numerous here, for here they had as much fiivour
or more, and longer too, than in the cities forementioned ; here Socrates
says they had three churches/ and if three churches would but make
one inconsiderable conventicle, it is possible the other orthodox churches
(though he will have them to be many) might be comprised in one vast
congregation.
I might observe how much Sozomen is misrepresented in what he
says next of those concerned in the edict, the Novatians especially. He
speaks not minciugly, as our author would have him, but fully that the
Novatians did not suffer much by the edict ; he does not say only that
it was probable they suffered little, but says this only of a reaaoa him-
self gives, why they suffered not much. He gives other reasons for it
than the opinion, the Novatians had of that bishop. He does not say
the other heretics were altogether extirpated. He does not confess that
the Novatians suffered the same measure with others everjrwhere, no,
nor any where else ; it is the Montanists that he says this of. He dares
to affirm they had a conventicle or more, for he affirms they had tn
eminent bishop in C. P.,«' and were not only numerous there before the
edict, but continued so afler. The gentleman was in too much haste
here, as himself will perceive, by observing how much his aoooont
differs from the historians.
At last he comes to that passage of Theodoret which occasioned all
« Euseb. de Vita Constant, lib. iii. cap. Ixii. Ixiii. [Ed. Reading, cap. IxW. IxT.] '
* Vale« Observ. in Soe. et 8oz. lib. ii. ' Soc. lib. ii. cap. vi. ' Lib. tU. eap. t.
' probable. / Lib. ii. cap. xxx. r Constantliiople.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 75
these lines, " but Theodoret affirms they were no more than could meet
in one church, and that they did actually do so,** " I answer/' says he,
^ that Theodoret does not say so, and the passage cited does not con-
dude it."
I did not say Theodoret affirms they were no more than could meet
in one church, but he says the same in effect, viz., that all the brethren
assembled with Alexander. His words are, " Alexander, the church
rejoicing, held an assembly with all the brethren, praying and greatly
glorifying God.'* The words are plain, and the sense, I take them in,
is open in the &ce of them. Nor do I believe that any disinterested
person would put any other sense upon them than this, that the gene-
rality of Christians of which the church at Constantinople consisted,
assembled together with their bishop, AJexander, to praise God joyfully
for their deliverance by the death of Arius. But he will not have the
words taken in a general sense, but will suppose them taken with
respect to that partictdar congregation, in which Arius was to be
reconciled. Yet this supposition hath no ground either in the words,
or in the contexture of the discourse, or any where else that I
know of, or our author either ; for if he had, we shoidd have heard it
*' with both ears,'' as he speaks elsewhere. He will not have all the
brethren, to be all believers at C. P.,*» yet he knows that brethren and
believers are synonymous terms both in Scripture and ancient authors.
And those were the believers or brethren at the church of C. P.,*
which had occasion to rejoice, and that was the whole church
there: as for tracts, rendered universi^ I do not take it for all
and every one of the Christians there ; for in ail assemblies, of great
churches especially, many are always absent. He had dealt more
fairly with Theodoret, if by all he would have understood the generality
of Christians adhering to Alexander at C. P.,'> or the greatest part
of them, and about such an abatement of the full import of the word,
there had been no need to contend; but his restraint of it to a par-
ticular congregation agrees not with the words nor the occasion of
them, nor hath any support elsewhere.
Nor is that better which follows, imless you will say that, With all
the brethren, does not signify their personal presence, but only their
unanimity.
This looks more like a shift than a plain answer, and, therefore, he
was well advised in not venturing to own it.
" Theodoret coidd not think that all the believers of C. P.* coidd
come together to the bishop's church, for he cites a letter of Constan-
tine's a little afler, where he gives an accoimt of the great increase of
76 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVEBED
that church. ^ In the city that is called by my name, by the providence
of God, an infinite multitude of people have joined themselves to the
church, and all things there wonderfully increasing^ it seems very
requisite that more churches should be built; understanding, therefore,
hereby what I hav^ resolved to do, I thought fit to order you to provide
fifty Bibles fairly and legibly written.'"
He does not say an infinite multitude, the words of the letter axe
fuyiarov irkrjOos: that there was a very great multitude of Christians is
not denied, nor that he intended to build more churches; but this
confirms what is signified before, that these very many churches were
not yet built, but only in design, and that with a prospect of Christaans
there still increasing. And the Bibles, if they were intended only for
C. P.," might be for the future churches, not the present only.
His conclusion is, " Where Christians were so multiplied that it was
necessary to build more churches, and to make such provisions for the
multitude of their assemblies, it could not be that they should all make
but one congregation.*'
He shoidd have concluded that which is denied, otherwise all he hath
premised will be insignificant, and to no purpose : it is granted that all
the Christians at C. P.^ did make more than one congregation, and £ir
their conveniency met at other times in several churches. That which
is denied is, that the main body or generality of Christians there could
not meet in one assembly, or did not so meet at this time with their
bishop Alexander : as to this he hath proved nothing, and, therefore,
did well to conclude nothing against that, which is affirmed to be the
plain import of Theodoret's expression.
And it may be supposed that Theodoret, if he had not expressed it,
might well think (though the contrary be suggested) that as great mul-
titudes as Constandne's letters signified, might meet together at the
bishop's church; for himself declares what a vast congr^ation he
preached to at Antioch, having an auditory of many myriads.* I
will not ask him what Eusebius could tMnk, when he tells us
the Christian? had fivpiavdpovs ariavvayiayhs, "assemblies consistiiig
of myriads." '^ Nor what Socrates thought, when he tells us long
afler, of C. P.,** that "the whole city became one assembly, and
meeting in an oratory, continued there all day,"^ "Oiktf n^kig fua
ricieXi7(ria eyeVcro, cy dc rep €VKTrjpt<p ycy($/i€voi, &C. But I would have
him tell me how he understands that passage of Chrysoetom, al
yhp Tji rov OcoO xaptrX €ls d/xa fivpiadav apiOftov olfuu rovs trrMa
avvayofifvovs rtXctv,* ** For by the grace of God I think those here
assembled are full ten myriads in number." What is the import of
• Constantinople. * Ep. Ixxziii. * Lib. Tiii. ci|». L
'' Lib. vli. cap. xxiii. ' Horn. Ixxxx. in Mat torn. ii. p. 529.
IN THE PRIMmVE TIMES. 77
these words ? Do they signify that ten mynada were assembled in one
place to hear Chrysostom ? If so, there will be no question but that
the generality of Christians might meet in one church with Alexander
in Constantine's reign; for that then (about seventy years- before) there
was anything near so many Christians as a hundred thousand adhering
to one bishop in this city, cannot with any reascm be imagined. Or
does he mean only^ that there were so many myriads of Christians
contained in that city ? If so, then he says here no more than in
another homily forecited, where the nimiber of Christians in C. P.* is
oompated to be a hundred thousand, reckoning all besides Jews and hea-
thens. Now if they were no more in his time, they cannot with reason
be supposed to have been above half so many in Constantine*s (unless
any can imagine, that their numbers advanced more in six years than in
seventy, when the succeeding emperors multiplied the inhabitants excess-
ively, vircp rrjv xP^Uu^y "beyond necessity,*' as Zosimus tells us,* crowding
the city so full as that they could scarce stir without danger;) and
a great part of these were Mien off to Arius while Alexander was
bishop; the Novatians also were numerous, having several churches;
and these, with other sects, being deducted, the Christians there that
conmiunicated^ with Alexander will be no more (if so many) than belong
to some one of our parishes.
" It would swell this preface to too great a bulk, if I should answer
the rest so particularly.**
Since he designed to be so brief, and to have so short a preface, I
wish he had employed more of it against that which is the strength of
the discourse he opposes, and of more consequence to the main cause ;
and not have spent so many leaves upon a by-passage, for which we
have little reason to be concerned: for if he could make it appear, that
the Christians at C. P^" in Constantine's time, were more than could
meet in one congregation, yea, or in two either; that would be far from
proving it a diocesan church, unless some one or two of our parishes
can be counted so.
Let me add, in fine, that our author has done just nothing towards
the disproving of what Theodoret was alleged for ; unless he show,
that C. P.* exceeded old Rome, was furnished with such an infinite
number of Christians, so many (more than two) magnificent churches
there erected, the fifty Bibles thought needfiil to be provided, and
almost all the heathen besides many Jews converted ; before Alexander
(who is said to hold this assembly with all the brethren) deceased ;
and so unless he prove that all this was done (which himself, I think,
can scarce believe) in less than a year. For Valesius** (upon whose
' CoDStaatinople. • Lib. U. [p. 112, cd. Oxon. 1679.J
« held commonion. ' Lib. ii. Obierv. in Soc. et Sos.
78 DIOCESAN CHUBCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
authority this gentleman takes much) proves at lai^ (making it the
business of one of his books) that Alexander died (and yet must live
some while after this panegyrical assembly) in the year 881. And it
is manifest, that C. P.* was not built, nor had that name till 831.
For though it was building the year before, yet it was not finished
till the twenty-fiflh year of Gonstantine's reign (as Jerome^ and
others :) and the beginning of his reign is reckoned from the death ci
Constantius* father, who was consul with MaximianuB in* the year
806, and died in the middle of it.^ There needs not a word more to
show that all his discourse on this subject is wholly insignificant, and
not at all for his purpose, though this be the most considerable part of
his preface.
*^ This author gives several instances of several bishops being in one
city at the same time, in answer to the Dean of Paulas,' who affirmed
that it was an inviolable rule of the church to have but one, &c.
Jerusalem is the first instance, &c. I wonder to find a man of learning
cite this passage, than which nothing can be more disadvantageous to
his cause."
There is one who I suppose passes for a man of learning, who for
the same purpose makes use of this instance, since mine was published:
" We have," saith he, " examples in ecclesiastical story of two bishops
'at the same time in the same see, and yet this was never thought
schismatical, when the second was advanced by the consent of the first
Thus Alexander, a bishop in Cappadocia, was made bishop of Jerusalem
while Narcissus was living, but very old ; and Anatolius at the same
time, sate in the church of CsBsarea with Theotecnus, and this was
St. Austin's own case, who was made bishop of Hippo, while there was
another bishop living."* He says also. Nothing can be more disad-
vantageous to my cause than this passage. If it had been no advantage
to my cause, I should have thought it bad enough ; but if nothing could
be more disadvantageous, I am very imhappy: let us see how it is made
good.
" Narcissus having retired, and the people not knowing what had
become of him, the neighbouring bishops ordained Dius in his place,
who was succeeded by Grordius and afler/ by Germanico, (it should be,
by Germanico, and afler/ by Gordius,) in whose time Narcissus returned,
and was desired to resume his office, and did so. What became d
Germanico, (he means Gordius,) is not said, but probably he resigned
or died presently."
There is nothing to make either of these probable : it is altogether as
likely, if not more, that he continued bishop there with Narcissus for
' Constantinople. * Chronic. « Fast. Contul.
^ Dr. Stillingfleet. ' Defence of Dr. St[iUingfleet], p. 178. / afterwards.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 79
•ome time; but becanae Eusebias says nothing of it, I insist not on it.
fiat beside he tells us Narcissus took Alexander into the participation
of the charge. That signifies [that] Narcissus was not excluded from
the episcopal charge ; both had their parts therein. No, but, says he,
** Alexander was the bishop. Narcissus retained but the name and title
only," that is, he was but a titular, not really a bishop; and why so?
because Alexander, says he, " joined with hun in prayers ; and the
historian says he was not able to officiate by reason of his great age.**
He was not able it may be to perform all the offices of a bishop, but
what he was able to do no doubt he performed. Now if they must be
but titular bishops, who perform not personally all the offices of a
pastoral charge, (when they cannot pretend \iirap6y y^pasj '^ a green old
age,**) how many real bishops shall we find in the world ? But besides
the name and title, did he not retain the power and authority of a
bishop ? If not, how came he to lose it ? Did he resign, or was he
deposed? That he resigned there is not the least intimation in this
historian, or any other; nor any instance in the ancient church, that
ever any bishop divested himself of all pastoral power upon this
account. To have deposed him for his great age had been a barbarous
act, and such as the church in these times cannot be charged with.
No doubt but he retained the episcopal power, though through age he
could not exercise it in all instances ; and if he had not only the title,
but the power, he was really a bishop, and there were two bishops at
once in one church, and then this instance is so far from being most
disadvantageous, that it serves me with all the advantage I designed in
alleging it.
As for the words of Valesius cited by him, if they be taken in the
sense which our author would have them, that learned man will not
agree with himself. For, but a very few lines before, he says these two
were co-episcopi, " bishops together,** in that cityjSupentiU episcopo adjutor
et coepi9Copu8 est adjunctus, '' during the lifetime of the bishop, a col-
league in the episcopate was appointed.** And though he says, (but
says it doubtfully, with a m faUoTy "if I mistake not,**) this was for-
bidden at Sardica, (above a hundred years after;) yet he adds that,
" notwithstanding it was still usual in the church,** nihilominus idmtidem
in ecclesia usurpcUum esty which is all that I need desire. And ailer-
wards, where Eusebius* again mentions two bishops in one city, he
observes, that in one of his copies, the scholiast has this note upon it in
the margin, kclL tvravOa fUas ario'Kowrjg Ihw wpovarfurav, " here also there
were two bishops of one church.** Valesius adds, '* the scholiast
understands Alexander, who was bishop of Jerusalem together with
Narcissus.**
• In Ub. Ttt. cap. xxxii.
80 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
The next instance is of Theotecnus and Anatoliiu, who were bishops
of Ceesarea together. Against this he hath little to saj, I suppose
because nothing can be said against it in reason. Only he seems
willing that Anatolius should pass but as episcopua designatus, " bishop
elect," whereby if he mean one, who is not yet actually a bishop, but
designed to be one hereafter, as Eradius was by Augustine, it is incon-
sistent with what Eusebius says and himself quotes but one line before,
viz. that Theotecnus ordained him bishop in his life-time; for if he
was not actually bishop after he was thus ordained, he was never
bishop at all."
Another instance was of Macarius and Maximus, both bishops at
once of Jerusalem.
He woidd not have Maximus to be bishop while Macarius lived,
because it is said, he was to rule the church after his death.
But Maximus was to govern the church not only aft;er his death, if
he survived him, (as he was like to do, being much younger,) but
while he lived; and so did actually together with him, tnmtpaaBaL,
which denotes the exercise of the same ftmction together;^ besides, the
historian says, Maximus was before this ordained bishop of Diospolis ;
and if he had officiated at Jerusalem, where they were so desirous of
him, in a lower capacity, their kindness to him had been a degrading
him, which it cannot be supposed they would either offer, or he
yield to.
I alleged Epiphanius, who signifies that other cities had two bishops
together, and excepts only Alexandria. To which he answers, that
Epiphanius cannot mean that all other cities had two bishops at a time,
nor did I say that he meant this, but his expression imports no less
than that it was usual for other cities to have two bishops. Nor is
there any reason to think that Epiphanius respects only the cases
alleged; it was quite another case that was the occasion of his words;
and divers other instances might be brought of a different nature and
occasion, though this be sufficient to show that the rule against two
bishops in one city was not inviolable. He adds, *' I do not see what
advantage can be made of this passage."
This passage shows that there was commonly two bishops in a city
at once ; Alexandria is only excepted as varying herein from other
cities. And this is advantage enough for me, and it is enough against
him too, and leaves no reason for his pretence that it was only in
extraordinary cases. I affirmed it could not be Epiphanius*s meaning,
(as a great antiquary*^ would have it,) that Alexandria was never so
divided, as that several parties in it should have their respective bishops
' Kust'b. liii. vii. rnp xxxii. ^ Sox. lib. ii. cap. xix- ' PetaviuA.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 81
tliere, and broaght sereral instances to evince it; for so it was divided
in the time of Epiphanius, when the Catholics had Athanasius, the
Axians had Gregorins, and then Georgius; and afterwards the one had
Peter, the other Lucins; and the Novadans had their bishops success-
ive! j in that citj till Cyril's time.
He answers, however, *' I do not see why that learned antiqoary^s
opinion may not be maintained against thi^ gentleman's objections. He
says, that Alexandria was divided before £piphanius*s time between
several bishops, (I said, in £piphanins*s time :) it cannot be denied.
Bnt that is not the thing Epiphanius speaks of, but that before the
election of Theonas against Athanasius, there were never two opposite
bishops as in other churches."
But this doth neither agree with the one, nor defend the other; it
agrees not with Epiphanius, but makes him contradict himself, for he
tells us there were two opposite bishops at Alexandria before Theonas
was chosen. For this was not till Alexander's death, but he says,
Pistus was made bishop there by the Arians while Alexander was living.**
And he could not be ignorant of what Eusebius declares,^ that upon
the division in Egypt, occasioned by Arius, in every city, Koff €Kaxrn\v
vdXxy, '* there was bishop against bishop, and people against people.**
Nor doth it defend the antiquary ; for he speaks universally, without
Hmiting himself to the election of Theonas, EccUsiam AUxandrinam
nunquam in partes scissam quorum singulce episcopum suum habdxmtf
'* that church was never divided so as to have opposite bishops."
*' The instances are all later than this fact, and therefore are insigni-
ficant," says he.
They are fully significant, both in reference to the antiquary,
against whom they are brought to prove that he mistook Epiphanius,
when he woidd have it to be his meaning, that Alexandria was never
so divided as to have two opposite bishops ; for they show it was often
so divided : and also in reference to Epiphanius, they were so late as
his time, on purpose to show more unquestionably that could not be his
meaning, which was against his knowledge, and notorious instances la
his own time.
But he will not deny the instance of the Novatians to be significant;
only Socrates does not say that they had their bishops successively to
Cyril's time.
Nor do I say he does; but he says Cyril shut up the Novatian
churches there, and took away all the sacred treasure in them, and
deprived their bishop, Theopompus, of all that he had. Now when
our author meets with churches, and a bishop over them, he is
• Her. Ixxix. Nifni. yUi. p. 733. * ViU Const, lib. Ui. cap. iv.
82 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
not wont to question a sucoession, unless it appeafs he was the
first
^'It may be they b^an there after this time, for there is little
account in church history, that I know, of any Novatians in Alexandria,
before Athanasius."
We are little concerned about this, yet it may be they began before
this time, for there is no account at all in church history that the Nova^
tians began there in, or after Athanasius^s time.
I had produced evidence that many African bishops declared, in the
case of Valerius and Austin, that it was usual in all parts to have two
bishops in a city at once ; to this he answers, *^ But suppose all this
true, that this might be maintained by the examples of several churches,
what is it, that two bishops may be in one church ? no, that is not the
matter, but that a bishop, when he grows old, may appoint or ordain
his successor, to prevent the mischiefs that are usuaUy produced by
popular elections."
If what the African bishops did allege were restrained to that par-
ticular case he contends for, yet this is enough to make good all I intend,
viz. that usually in the ancient church there were two bishops together
in one place. For when one is ordained bishop in the same place, when
another is still living, with whatever design, upon what occasion soever
this is done, yet there are two bishops at once in the same place.
I see no reason why this should be restrained to that particular case ;
the occasion of what the bishops affirm may clear it, and that was
Austin's scruple, not to succeed Valerius, but to be made bishop of
Hippo while his bishop there was living, Episcopatum susciperey iuo
vivente episcopo, recusabaty " He refused to take the episcopate during the
lifetime of his own bishop," for so there would be two together, which
he took to be against the custom of the church, contra morem ecclesks;
but they all persuade him that this was usually done, id fieri iolerey and
prove it by examples in all parts.* And Valerius's desire and pro-
posal was that Austin might be ordained bishop of Hippo, Qui sua
cathedrcB non tarn euccederet sed conaacerdos accederet, " Not as one that
was to succeed him only, but to be bishop together with him."
When he assigns this as the reason of appointing a successor, to pre-
vent the mischiefs that are usually produced by popular elections, he
speaks his own sense, not theirs ; for they were better advised than to
brand the general practice of the ancient church as mischievous, and
how this suggestion becomes one who undertakes to write a vindication
of the primitive church, let himself consider. Others may judge it a
more intolerable reflection upon the universal church in the best and
• PoMidon. Vita August, cap. viiL
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 83
after times than anj M[r.] B[axter] can be justly charged with.
However, the reason assigned for it by Possidonius is another thing
than appears in this author's whole account ; it was because Valerius
feared lest some other church should seek him for their bishop and get
a person so approved from him.
Whereas, in fine he says, " These cases specified were not thought to
violate the rule that allowed but one bishop to a city f yet it was
thought so by St. Austin, when he excuses his suffering himself to be
made bishop with Valerius, by this, that he knew not it was forbidden
by a rule of the Nicene Council, Quod concilio Niceno prohibitum fuisae
netdihcan^ and gives this as the reason why he would not so ordain
Eradius."
Next, he would prove that this provision for a successor does not
destroy that rule, by an instance ; I need not transcribe it at laige ; the
sum of it is this : when the government is monarchical, if it fall out
once (in many ages, as it did in England once in about five hundred
years) that another king be crowned besides him who hath the throne,
yet it will be true enough that it is the rule of those kingdoms to have
but one king. To which I say briefly. If it be usual to have two kings
in such a government, it will scarce be thought true that it is the in-
violable rule of those kingdoms to have but one king. And then, how
this instance will suit his purpose let those judge who take notice that I
have already proved it usual, in the ancient church, for cities in all parts
to have two bishops at once.
From page 12 he passes to page 23. To show there were more
bishoprics than one in the region or diocese of Hippo, I brought several
instances ; and might have produced more, but that I confined myself
to those which the learned Dean alleged to the contrary. Fussala is
one of them, and that alone this gentleman takes notice of St. Austin
calls it castellum divers times in one epistle. He finds fault that I trans-
late caatellum a castle. I did no more expect to be blamed for this than
if I had rendered oppidum a town. But I suppose he coimts it no great
crime since he runs into it himself, and in a few lines afler calls it a
castle.
" But these castles,'' says he, " were garrison towns, with a good
dependence of villages belonging to them."
They were fortresses, and sometimes had villages depending on them,
and might contain so many buildings as there are in some village or
little town ; however, he calls them castles, and may give me leave to
do so too.
• Potsidon. Vita August cap. viii.
84 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT TET DISCOVERED
He adds, ^^ It was forty miles distant j&om Hippo, and was in St
Austin's diocese, and never had a bishop of its own."
It is said, indeed, to belong to the diocese of Hippo, but I do not find
it said to be in St. Austin's diocese or bishopric ; these are two things,
and should not be confounded. When it is said to belong to the diocese
of Hippo, so far distant, diocese is not taken in an ecclesiastical sense,
as it is with us, for part of a country under the goyemment of one
bishop, but as it was used in Africa, in a civil sense, for part of a pro-
vince, without respect to one bishop, or to any one bishop at all. Some
parts there called dioceses had no bishops, nor were to have any, by
decrees of the African councils." Other places, called a diocese, had
more bishops than one. Petilian says, that in the place where his col-
league Januarius was bishop there were four bishops besides, all five in
una diaecesi,^ *^ in one diocese." And thus it was in many other places,
particularly in that called the diocese of Hippo, as I showed by divers
instances, and St. Austin's own testimony.
Hereby it appears that in Africa a diocese and a bishopric were not
the same thing, though they be with us. There were divers dioceses
and no bishoprics, and many bishoprics were but one diocese ; so that
Fussala, and twenty other castles and towns, might be in the diocese of
Hippo, at forty miles distance or more, and yet St. Austin's bishopric
not one jot the larger for it, nor he more a diocesan.
Whereas, he adds, that it never had a bishop of its own ; it is
unquestionable that Fussala had a bishop of its own in Austin's
time ; and this renders it wholly unserviceable to their purpose ; for
the bishopric of Hippo, said to be of forty miles extent, will not, upon
the count*' of Fussala, be forty yards larger. Nor will either of these
bishops, nor any other in that region, be diocesans, unless there can be
two diocesans, and I know not how many more, in one diocese.
I assigned this reason why Fussala had not a bishop sooner, because
Austin declares there was not one Catholic in it, and supposed this
might serve the turn, not dreaming that those who count all the people
in a very large parish, or in one hundred parishes, little enough for a
diocesan, could think his diocese competently furnished when he had
not one soul (or but some few) in communion with him.
He says, the town or castle indeed had none, but the comity belong-
ing to it had some ; he will have the territory or parish depending on
this castle to be a county. I cannot but observe the admirable power
of a fancy tinctured and prepossessed. It will turn a parish into a
county, and a castle into a county town ; and since a county with ns
was a province with them, one province must be as much as all Africa ;
« Con. Carth. ii. Can. v. Cod. Afric. liii. * Coll. Carth. D. i. Num. cxvii. ' •ccoant
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 85
and a yeiy small part of Numidia must be far greater than the whole.
Bat there are some hypotheses which may stand in need of such
imaginations.
However, he likes not my reason ; and why ? Because, though it
had no Catholics in it then, it might have some before ; and concludes
it had, because it belonged heretofore to the diocese of Hippo.
<< But that it formerly had Catholics (says he) we may conclude by
Mr. Baxter's reasoning, because it belonged heretofore to the diocese of
Hippo."
If diocese be taken in a civil sense (as it is frequently in African
authors) this will be no proof that there had been any Catholics in it,
because in this sense Fussala might belong to that diocese, though there
had not been either Christian or bishop in the whole region. Nor will
it be hereby proved, taking it in the ecclesiastical sense, for that part of
Hippo which was under the Donatist bishop, had no Catholic, and yet
dejure, as he tells us, belonged to the diocese (as he calls it) or ch^^
of St. Austin. Tet, since he allows Mr. Baxter's argument, he must
admit what it concludes, viz. that a place that had no Christians or
Catholics in it belongs to no bishop ; and then Fussala never belonged
to St. Austin as its bishop, either before it had Catholics, for against
this the argument is admitted to be conclusive ; not after, for then it
had a bishop of its own. And so all they have to allege for the large-
ness of St. Austin's bishopric comes to nothing.
" So that I conceive the reason will not hold for its having no bishop
of its own, since the same reason destroys its dependence upon the dio*
cese of Hippo, which is expressly affirmed."
The reason I gave for its having no bishop was, because St. Austin
declares there was no Catholic in it. This reason will hold, imless they
think a place may have a bishop where there are no Christians at all ;
when as yet they judge that a place which hath Christians enough to
make a good congr^ation, or many, ought not to have a bishop.
Whereas, he says, this reason destroys its dependence upon the dio<^5se,
I wonder what dependence he imagines, since it is such, as both the not
having of Christians, and also the having of them, destroys it. The
former he here affirms, the same reason (which is its not having of
Catholics) destroys it ; the latter is undeniable, for when Fussala had a
competent number of Catholics, a bishop was there constituted ; and
then it depended no more on the diocese of Hippo than one bishop's
church depends on another when both are independent.
The dependence of Fussala upon Hippo was such as that of a country
place upon a greater town, well furnished with officers for their help, to
convert and reduce the inhabitants, and, when enough arc converted, to
help them to a bishop or pastor. This St. Austin did for Fussala ; he
I
86 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
employed presbyters to reduce the Donatists there, and when they were
reduced he adds them not to his own chai^, woidd not have them
episcopo cederCy but advises them to have a bishop of their own, and
procures one for them. This was the practice of the primitive times ;
in these methods were churches and bishops multiplied ; it was not out
of use in the fiflh age, this of Fussala, as managed by St. Austin, is a
remarkable instance thereof ; and if other bishops had imitated him as
he did the apostles and best ages, the church would not have been
troubled with debates about diocesans.
That Austin would not take the charge of a place so far off as Fussala,
he will have it ascribed to his modesty. But it was such modesty as
this excellent person made conscience of, being convinced certisnmi
ratiom, "by most certain reason," that he was not sufficient for it If
all other bishops had been so modest, so conscientious, there might have
been, as Nazianzen speaks, when bishops were middplied in Cappadoda,
^rvx»y cirtficXcia irXctW, " anxiety for many souls," a much more desir-
able thing, to those that love souls, than a great diocese.
He gives a reason why this must be ascribed to St. Austin^s modesty,
because he discharged the office of a bishop there in more difficult
times, while the presbyters he employed there were barbarously used.
I need not deny that he performed the office of a bishop there, for it
is the office of a bishop to endeavour by himself or others the convert-
ing or reducing of all that he can. Only this will not prove Fussala to
be then a part of his bishopric, no more than it will prove Athanasius
to have been bishop of India ; because he encouraged and sent Fro-
mentius, with others, thither to convert the Indians.*
The learned Dean^ had cited Austin as calling himself the bishop of
that diocese (understanding by it a region of vast extent :) I observed
that in the epistle quoted he only saith, he had the episcopal charge of
Hippo. By this, the gentleman, changing my words, wiU have me to
signify that he was the bishop of the town only. This I did not intend,
bu^ that he was not the only bishop of that whole region. But whether
he was bishop of part of the town only, or of that and some part of
the region also, I am not much concerned. His words are, '' aa if he
had been bishop of the town only, nay, but of part of that neither, for
the Donatists had their bishop there : so this will strangely HiTninwh
the bishopric of St. Austin, which at first appeared so large." Then
he answers, " for the Donatists having a bishop there, it signifies little to
our present purpose, since he was but an usurper."
But this signifies as much to my purpose as I need, for the Donatists
having a bishopric in Hippo, St. Austin^s must needs be diminished
• Soc. lib. i. cap. XV. Soz. lib. ii. cap. xxlii. • StDUngflcei.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 87
thereby, and altc^ther as much lessened as if they had not been
usurpers. And they were counted no otherwise usurpers, but so that if
the Donatist bishop had been reconciled, by a decree of the African
church he was to continue in his bishopric there, as a rightful possessor,
and there would hare been still two dioceses (such as they were) in one
town.
He would have us believe Austin as if he declared that he was not
the bishop of the town only ; but his words are, Ut modttm diapensa*
tionis mecB Tum supergrediar hoc eccksia ad Hipponensem regionempertinenH
produu cantestor^ " Not to overstep the measure of my charge, I protest
that this is for the advantage of a church which belongs to the region
of Hippo," which, says our author, plainly signifies that all the church
belonging, not only to the town, but also to the region of Hippo,
belonged to him.
But if he please to view the words again which himself hath quoted,
he will find it plainly signified that Austin's church belonged to the
region of Hippo, but not that all the church, both in town and region,
belonged to him. Antonius, bishop of Fussala, might have said this as
troly of his church there as Austin did of his church at Hippo ; it did
ad Hipponensem regionem pertinerey " belong to the region of Hippo."
And it may be as justly inferred from hence that all the church, both
in the town and region of Hippo, belonged to the bishop of Fussala.
If our author will allow of this, (as he must, if he will stand to his own
account of this passage,) Austin's bishopric will be strangely diminished
indeed ; it must be confined to a part of Hippo, and made less than I
represent it. For I did not say, nor had I any need to assert, that he
was bishop of the town only. We may allow him, besides his part of
the town, divers villages in the country (though I have not seen it
proved) without any danger of assigning him a diocesan church.
For Kidderminster (as one tells us who very well knows it) hath twenty
villages belonging to it, and some thousands of souls therein, yet accord-
ing to our modem measures will scarce make a diocesan church .<*
To show that there were more bishops in the region of Hippo than
St. Austin, (besides particidar instances, which he passes by,) I alleged
a passage of his, where the Donatists were desired to meet together
with the Catholic bishops that were in that region, and who there
suffered so much by the Donatists : to this he answers, " That these
bishops who are said to be m regione Hipponensi, * in the region of
Hippo,' were not the bishops of that region, but some bishops of the
province met together there."
But that these were bishops of the province met together there, is a
• M[r.] B[axter] of Episcopacy, Part il. p. 9.
88 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT TET DISCOVEBED
mere conjecture of his own, without the least ground either in this
passage or any other in that epistle. It will not be .hard to answer anj
thing &i this rate. If there had been a provincial council then held in
that region, there might have been some pretence for what he says;
but there is not any hint of this in the whole epistle. That which is
desired is a meeting for conference, Hoc eat ergo deaiderium nostrum, ^
" this therefore is what we wish," &c.; prmkniy « fieri poUstj.vi ctan
episcopis noatris pacific^ conferatia, " first, that, if possible ye will peace-
ably confer with the bishops of our parts ;" idea noa eonferre voiumua^
" therefore we wish a conference :" and the prime occasion of it was
the outrages committed in that region by the Donatists, wherein tl^
bishops of that place were particularly concerned. This is signified,
as in other parts of the epistle, so particularly in the passage cited|
Epiacopoa nostroa qui aunt in regione Hipponenai, vbi tanta mala patmuTj
" the bishops of our party who are in the region of Hippo, where we
suffer so many calamities." This meeting was to be with the Catholic
bishops upon the place, in regione Hipponenai, " in the region of Hippo,"
not any to be called from other parts. And these words seem brought
in to prevent an objection which the Donatists might make against a
more general, or more public meeting, as that which might bring them .
in danger of the laws in force against them, an fortk iatca legea imperatorii
voa nan permittunt nostroa epiacopoa convenire; and then immediately
follow these words in answer to it, ecce interim epiacopoa noatraa qui aunt
in regione Hipponenai, " look in the mean while to the bishops of our
party who are in the region of Hippo," &c. ; so that this to me seems
the plain sense of both objection and answer. If because of the laws
you dare not meet us in a more general or provincial council, yet give
a meeting to the bishops of this particular region, where there can be
no appAhension of danger. All which makes me judge what he says,
concerning the bishops of the province as here intended, to be no
better than an evasion.
To prove that there was but one bishop in the region of Hippo, he
tells us, " that the clergy there, called in the inscription of an epistle,
Clerici regionia Hipponensium, * the clergy of the region of Hippo,* do
call him their bishop, and not one of their bishops," &c.
But the clergy so called, may be only the clergy of Hippo, and so
they are in the title of the epistle, Clerici Hippone catholicij **The
Catholic clergy, at Hippo ;" and well may they of Hippo be called the
clergy of the region, both because they were in that region, and were
the clergy of it, kqt i^x^^i " ^^ ^ special sense." But if the expressioa
should be extended to more or to all in the region, their calling him
epiacopua noater, " our bishop," will be no proof that they had no other
bishop but him at Hippo. For that phrase epiacopua noater, " our
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 89
bishop," or epiacopi nostriy " our bishops," all along in this epistle, doth
not denote the bishop of that particular church to which they belonged,
(as he would have it) but a bishop of their party or persuasion. So
they call Yalentinus nostrum catholicum episcopumj " our catholic
bishop," who yet was not bishop of Hippo. So they call them
qriscopos nostros, whom they desired the Donatists to meet once and
again,' and thrice in another page, where our author finds episcopoa
nosiros.^ He may have many more instances hereof in that epistle. If
there was so many bishops in Hippo, or in that region, as the clergy
call episcopoa nostros^ he must grant many more bishops in that region
than I need desire. So that this phrase, however it be imderstood, is a
medium unhappily chosen ; if it be taken in my sense it is impertinent,
and can conclude nothing for him ; if it be taken in his own sense, it
will conclude directly against him.
He passes to Alexandria, and to page 32. " The instance of Mareotis
he says little to," — so our author: I might think it enough, where there
was so little occasion.
" He insinuates as if Mareotis might not have number enough of
Christians to have a bishop ; but this Athanasius does sufficiently show
to be a groundless conjecture."
I had no intention or occasion to signify that Mareotis had not
Christians enough to have a bishop ; I knew that it both had many
Christians and a bishop also, and named him too ; and therefore the
groundless conjecture may be fixed somewhere else.
" And even before Athanasius, the generality of the people there
were Christians."
How long before ? Dionysius in the- latter part of the third age
declares it ipriyMv t6v adcXc/xoy, " quite destitute of Christians,"^. and the
gaining the generality there to the faith, required some considerable time,
and it is like'' proceeded not far, till Christianity generally prevailed.
Besides Ischyras, I had mentioned Dracontius, both bishops in the
territory of Alexandria, (as Agathammon also was ;') of Dracontius he
takes notice, and says, " possibly he was a chorepiscopus."
But a chorepiscopus is elsewhere with him a diocesan,^ and here he
says that he did accept a bishopric. Now these put together will go
near to make a diocesan bishop. But then if there were two or three
bishops in the diocese of Alexandria, besides Athanasius, they will
scarce be so much as half diocesans.
He says, Athanasius pressed him to accept it. If so, this great
person was no more unwilling to have another bishop in his diocese,
• Page 87S. » Page 871. « Euseb. lib. vil. cap. xi. ' probable. ♦ Apol. il. p. 612.
Page 590.
. G
90 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
and in a country place too, than Austin was to have one at Fussala.
He says further, This was an extraordinary case, though what was
extraordinary in it I cannot imagine: to prove anything there men-
tioned to be 80, will be an hard task.
" And allowing this man a country bishopric, that of Alexandria
would be a great deal too big for the Congr^ational measure.*^
And so it might be, and yet be no diocesan church ; if that will
satisfy him which is too big for those measures, he seems content to
drop his cause, and may leave it in the hands of presbyterians. And
he is in the more danger, because he seems not apprehensiye of it, but
counts it enough if he thinks a church is any where found larger than
one congregation.
I had given instances of several towns that had bishops, and were
but two, or three, or four, &c. miles distant one from another : this he
denies not ; but asks. What does this conclude ?• might not those
dioceses be yet much larger than one congregation ?
I might conclude that these were just such dioceses as our country
parishes are ; and had such congregations as those parish churches
have. And some of them in time might have provision (as some of
ours have) for more congregations than one. And if our modem dio-
ceses were of this proportion, they would be much more conformable
to the ancient models.
" Suppose the chief congregations of HoUand had each a bishop, yet
I conceive they would be diocesans, though those cities lie very close
together."
He might have laid the scene at home, where we are better acquainted,
and supposed this of our country towns ; or of both the chief and lesser
towns in Holland ; if he had designed what would be most paraUeL
But to take it as it is formed, though those cities lay not further distant,
and had each of them a bishop, yet if their churches were goyemed in
common by bishop and presbyters, as the ancient churches were, they
would not be diocesan, but more Uke the model of the churches and
government which Holland hath at present.
" And now after all this, though we have several instances out of
Eg}'pt, how near cities were together in some parts, yet upon the whole
account the dioceses do appear to be large enough, from the number of
them."
He would have us think, where cities are so near together (as I have
showed,) yet because of their nimiber the dioceses might be large
enough. But where they were so near together, they could not be
large enough to make anything like the modern dioceses ; no, nor larger
than our country parishes, if they had bishops in them. And the andents
• argue.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 91
thought themselves obliged bj the apo9tle'8 rule to have a bishop, not only
in some but in every city, twiaKAitw Zt^i 9roXXa>y, " there is need of many
bishops,*' says Chrysostom, koL naff tiuumiv n6kiv irporiyrjo'afUv^v,'^ " and
rulers in every city," and Theophylact expresses kot^ ndkw by koB* fKd<mfv
wSkttfy ^' in every city," without exception of the smallness of the place
or its nearness to others. The reason divers cities had none was the
want, or the inconsiderable number of Christians in them. Nothing but
this hindered any city from having a bishop in the four first ages ;
though the greatest part of their cities (as may be made manifest) were
no greater than our market-towns or fairer villages. And upon this
account many cities might want bishops, and it may be did so, in Egypt
particularly ; heathenism prevailing in many places there, even in
Athanasius's time ; for which I could produce sufficient evidence ; but
will not now digress so far. Afterwards the affectation of greatness
in some was the occasion of new measures ; and orders were made that
towns which had no bishops before should have none afler : though
the reason why they had none before was gone ; and those places had as
many or more Christians in them than most episcopal cities had of old.
" For in Athanasius's time there were not an hundred bishops in all
Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis."*
I was a little surprised to read this, and see Athanasius cited for it.
For I knew that Athanasius reckons ninety-five bishops from Egypt
besides himself, at the Council of Sardica, and others from Africa,
wherein Lybia and Pentapolis are usually included ; and it was never
known that a major part or a third of the bishops in a country did
come to a council at such a distance as Egypt was from Sardica. It is
scarce credible that Athanasius would so far contradict himself as to say
there were not so many bishops in all those three countries, when he
had signified there were many more in one of them. Some mistake I
thought there must be, and constilting the place I found it nut entirely
represented. There is this clause (immediately following the words he
cites) left out, oddcir tovt»v ^fias ffnaro, ^* none of these accused me,"
whereby it appears that the meaning of the whole passage is this, there
was an hundred bishops in the diocese of Egypt who appeared not
against him, or that favoured him. But those who favoured Arius,
(whom he calls Eusebians) and Meletius, to say nothing of Coluthus,
(for in so many parties was that country then divided) are not taken
into the reckoning ; otherwise it would have amounted to many more
than an hundred. Sozomen says, the bishops there, who took Arius's
part, were many, ir($XXoi tmv cirta-jcoirttv,'^ and in Athanasius there is
In 1 Tim. Horn. xi. * Athan. Apol. ii. ' Lib. i. cap. xW.
o2
92 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
an account of many Meletian bishops by name;* and in Epiphanius it
is said, that in every region through which Meletios passed, and in
every place where he came, he made bishops.^
The next thing he takes notice of is the defence of Mr. Baxter's
allegation out of Athanasius, to show that all the Christians of Alex-
andria (M[r.] B[axter]*s words are. The main body of the Christians
in Alexandria) could meet in one church.
*^ It is to be confessed that the expressions of that father seem to favour
him, Koxci irdvras €i5xt<r6ai, ^ and there they all prayed,' and that the church
did ndvras d((aa$aiy *hold all,' " &c.
I am made more confident by all that is said to the contrary, that the
evidence is really such as will need no &vour, if it can meet with justice.
^' Now, suppose that all the Christians in Alexandria, the Catholics at
leastwise, could meet together in that great church, yet all the diocese
could not."
All that was undertaken to be proved by the passage in question was,
that the main body of Christians in Alexandria adhering to Athanasim
could and did meet in that one church. 1£ this be granted, nothing is
denied that he intended to prove. As for a diocese in the country, if he
will show us what or where it was, and that it had no other bishop in
it, he will do something that may be considered ; yet nothing at all
against what this testimony was made use of to evince.
He says, 2dly, " Suppose this great church could reodve all the
multitude, yet if that multitude was too great for personal commimion
it is insignificant."
Upon this supposition it might be too great for an ordinary meeting
in the Congregational way, yet not big enough for a diocesan church.
But the supposition is groundless, and contradicts Athanasius, who says
they had personal communion, they all prayed together, and did not
only meet within the walls, but concurred in the worship, and said,
Amen.
He says, Sdly, *^ Before the church of Alexandria met in distinct
congregations, but we are told that those places were very small, short,
and strait places."
All these save one, I said, which he ought not to have omitted. And
they were so small because those who were wont to meet in them
severally, so as to fill them, could all meet in one church, and did so, as
Athanasius declares.
" But that they were such chapels or churches as [that] some of our
paHshes in England have as great a number as Alexandria, is hardly
credible.
• Apol. ii. p. CM. (Ed. Col. 1686, torn. 1. p. 796.) • Epiph. H«Br. IzvtU. [n. S.]
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 93
I know not how those places could be well expressed with more dimi-
nution than Athanasius hath done it ; he aays they were not only strait
and small, but the very smallest. If he will make it appear that our
churches or chapels are less than those that were fipaxyraroiy " very
little," I shall understand that which I could never before, that some-
thing is less than that which is least of aU. But he will prove they
were not so small, because first, the church of Alexandria was very
numerous from the beginning. Why it should be counted so very
numerous from the b^inning I know no reason, but the mistake of an
historian, who will have a sect of the Jews (which was numerous in or
about Alexandria) to be Christians.
" And if they met all in one place, it must consequently be very
krge."
The ground of the consequence is removed ; Yalesius his own author
says they had but one church to meet in in Dionysius's time, almost
three ages from the beginning.* If that one was large, yet it is not like^
that it stood till Athanasius's time, afler so many edicts for demolish-
ing of all Christian churches, and a severe execution of them in
Diocletian^s persecution.
"Nor is it likely they should divide till they were grown too numerous
for the biggest meeting-place they could conveniently have."
It is as likely as that Athanasius speaks truth in a matter which he
perfectly knew ; he tells us they did divide, and yet were not too
numerous for one great church, in which they met conveniently too ;
yea, better than when dispersed in those little places, as he says and
proves, TovTo /SArtov ijvy " this was preferable," &c.
2dly, He says, " Though before the empire was converted they might
be confined to little places, and forced to meet severally,*^ yet after Con-
stantine became Christian it is not likely that the Alexandrians would
content themselves with small and strait chapels."
Nor did they content themselves with those little ones, for besides
this built in Athanasius's time, there was one greater than those small
ones finished in Alexander's time, where the body of Catholics assem-
bled with Alexander, the other places being too strait, trrMv&v 5vr»y
SKktov T&p r^movf this is that one I excepted when I said (aft;er Atha-
nasius) that the rest, all save one, were exceeding small. But is it any
proof that these were not very small which Athanasius represents as
such, because there was one (expressly excepted from that number)
something larger ? As for what he adds, that then every ordinary city
built very great and magnificent cathedrals, it is easily said, but will
never be proved.
• Page M. « probable. ' In leporate plaoet.
94 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVEBED
<' ddly, Some of these churches had been built with a design of
receiving as many as well could have personal communion in worship
together."
Neither will this hold, unless some of those churches could haTe
received all which had personal communion with A t ha n aai u s in this
greatest church ; which he denies, and makes use of to Constantius as
a plea why he made use of the greatest.
*' As Theonas is said by Athanasius to have built a church bigger
than any of those they had before."
Where Theonas is said by Athanasius to have built a church, &c. I
find not, nor does he direct us where it may be found, I suppose for
very good reason. Indeed Athanasius in this apology speaks of a
church called Theonas (it is like" in memory of a former bishop of that
place) where he says the multitude of Catholics met with Alexander,
<nfvrjy(p tK€i bia t6 nXrjBoSf " met there because of the crowd ;" in like
circumstances, as a greater multitude assembled with himself in the
new church, which was greater, and pleads Alexander's example in
defence of what he did. But Theonas could not build this church, for
he was dead many years before, being predecessor to Peter, whom
Achillas and Alexander succeeded.^
'^ And yet this and all the rest were but few and strait in comparison
of the great multitude of Catholics that were in Alexandria."
I expected another conclusion, but if this be all, he might have
spared the premises ; for one part of it we assert, the other we need
not deny, only adding with Athanasius, that the greatest church was
capable h^^aaBai ndpras, " of receiving this great multitude."
But here he sticks, and will wriggle a little more. " But I conceive,"
says he, "after all this, that the expressions of Athanasius do not
conclude that all the Christians in Alexandria were met in this great
church."
That all and every one did come, was never imagined. It is but the
main body of the Catholics that M[r.] B[axter] intends, as our author
observes a little before.
" For the tumultuous manner in which they came to their bishop to
demand a general assembly, makes it probable that not only women
and children would be glad to absent themselves, but many more,
either apprehensive of the effect of this tumultuous proceeding, or of
the danger of such a crowd."
The women he will not admit ; but was it ever known that such a
great and solemn assembly for worship consisted only of men ? Were
not the women in communion with Athanasius Christians, that they
• prob*blc. ft Euseb. lib. yii. cap. ult. Theodoret, lib. I. cap. U.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 96
must be left out, when he says all the Catholics met ? Can all be truly
said to assemble, when the far greater part (women, children, and his
" many more") were absent ? Are not the women in the primitive
church often noted for such zeal for the worship of Christ, as made
them contemn &r greater dangers than here they had any cause to be
apprehensive of ? The supposed danger was either from the crowd or
the tumult. For the former, did the women and " many more" never
come to Christian assemblies, when there was any danger of being
crowded ? I think there was as great danger from a crowd in Basilis-
cus's reign, when the whole city of C. P.« is said to have met together
in a church with the emperor, but yet the women stayed not behind,
but crowded in with the men, as Theodorus Lector reports it, ndarjs
6iMav rtfs fnSXctt^ aybpaaw dfia Kal yuyai^iV, cV r^ cucXijcrMi Kara /SacrtXiVicov
ovvaBpourBtUnisJ* Besides, Athanasius here signifies the danger of a
crowd was in the lesser churches, (not in this,) where they could not
meet but iwi updww (rwoxrjs, " with danger of a crowd," and so prefers
their assembling together in the great church as better.
As for the tumults, (which might have been concealed in a vindica-
tion of the primitive church,) if there was anything tumultuous, it
was over when Athanasius had complied with their desires to meet in
. the great church. And so no apprehension of danger [was] left to
women, or any else, upon this account.
" And even those that did assemble there were too many for one
congregation, and [it] was an assembly more for solemnity and oston-
tation than for personal communion in worship, and the proper ends of
a religious assembly."
Here he runs as cross to the great Athanasius, and the account
which he gives of this assembly, as if he had studied it ; debasing that
as more for ostentation than for personal communion in worship, and
the proper ends of a religious assembly, which Athanasius highly com-
mends both for the more desirable commimion which the Christians had
there in worship, and for the greater efficacy of it as to the proper ends
of a religious assembly. Let any one view the passages,*^ and judge.
He sets forth the harmony and concurrence of the multitude in wor-
ship with one voice. He prefers it before their assemblies, when
dispersed in little places, and not only because the imanimity of the
multitude was herein more apparent, but because God would sooner
hear them, out» Kal rax^^s o Qt6s cVojcovci. " For if," says he, " accord-
ing to our Saviour's promise, where two shall agree concerning anything
it shall be done for them by my Father, &c., how prevalent will be
the one voice of so numerous a people, assembled together, and saying
• Consunrtnople. » Collect, lib. 1. p. 183, F. ^ Apol. li. pp. 631, 532.
06 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
Amen to God ?" and more to that purpoee, by which we may perceive,
Atbanasius being judge, how true it is that this assembly was more for
solemnity and ostentation, than for personal commimion in worship,
and the proper ends of a religious assembly. And thus much to let uf
see through the arts used to cloud a clear passage alleged out of
Athanasius ; if M[r.] B[axter] had betaken himself to suc^ little de-
vices, in like circumstances, our author would have taken the libertj
to tell him, that he was driven to hard shifls.
Before we leave Alexandria, I am to take notice of what is said by
our author, to part of a letter written by a friend to M[r.] B[axter,]
concerning this city, and the number of Christians therein in Con-
stantius*s time. The writer of it observes a gross abuse put upon him
in the Vindicator's answer to it, and desires his defence may be here
inserted. It contains an argument to confirm what was concluded torn.
that passage in Athanasius here insisted on, that the Catholics then could
meet in one place. Afler that passage, and to this purpose, M[r.]
B[axter] introduced it, as is very apparent." This our author seems
to observe when he begins with it ; " he adds," a&js he, " to this of
Athanasius (the very passage mentioned) another argument given him
by a learned friend."* And after he hath done with it,<^ [proceeds]
" because M[r.] B[axter] has endeavoured to represent the church of
Alexandria [as] so inconsiderable even in Constantius's days, &cJ" And
yet, how it comes to pass I know not, it is quite out of his thoughts while
he is examining it. He was so hasty for confuting, that he stays not to
take notice what he was to confute, though the intent of it be most plain
and obvious, both by the occasion and words of the letter, but forces that
sense on it, and makes that the design of it, which I was far from thinking
would ever come into any man's fancy, when he was awake. The words
of the letter are these, " The city of Alexandria," says Strabo, "is like a
soldier's cloak, &c., and by computation about ten miles in compass: a
third or fourth part of this was taken up with public buildings, temples,
and royal palaces ; thus is two miles and a half, or three and a quarter
taken up." He answers, " I will not say this learned friend hath
imposed on M[r.] B[axter,] but there is a very great mistake betwixt
them."
But the mistake is his own, and such a one as I wonder how he
could fall into it. He takes it for granted, that the argument is brought
to prove what Christians Alexandria had in Strabo's time. Here is not
the least occasion given for this, unless the citing of Strabo showing the
dimensions of that city ; but Primate Usher is quoted too, on the same
• Church Hist. pp. !». 10. ■ Page 58. - Page 63.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 97
aocoimt; and so as much reason to fancy the design was to show what
[number of] Christians Alexandria had in the primate's time. Jerome,
•EpiphauiTis,Theodoret, Socrates, Sozomen, are also cited there ; why could
not these as well lead him to the right age, which their words plainly
point at, without the least glance at any age before, as Strabo alone (cited
without any respect to the time when he wrote) so far misled him ?. Nay,
the fourth age is expressly mentioned in the letter; and the numerousness
of the Novatians and Arians in Alexandria at the time intended, is
insisted on; could he think any man so stupid, that had but the least
acquaintance with those things, as to speak of Arians and Novatians in
Strabo's time ? But it may be, though I would hope better, our
examiner was too inclinable to fix an absiird thing upon the writer of
the letter, that he might be excused from giving a better answer when
it was not ready.
But let us hear what he says to it ; yet what can be expected to be
said by one who makes his own dream the foundation of his discourse ?
However, let us try ii* we can find any one clause that is true and
pertinent in the whole, and begin with the best of iu
Though Strabo says that temples and great palaces took up a fourth
or a third of the city, yet our examiner will have us think there might
be inhabitants there, when Epiphanius says, as I cited him, tliat part
was ?pi7/AOf, destitute of inhabitants ; so he tells us Bruchium was. The
examiner denies not Bruchium to be that region of the city which
Strabo says was taken up with public buildings, but adds, ** What, all
the public buildings of the town in one region ?" But who said ^* all "
the public buildings ? This is his own fancy still.
"And that an outer skirt, too, as it is described by the Greek
Martyrology, in Hilarion,'* &c.
If he mean it was not a part or region of the city, Strabo and
Epiphanius will have credit before a story out of the Greek Martyr-
ology, or him that tells it, when it appears not in the words cited. In
Strabo it is lupos, " part of the city ;*' in Epiphanius it is a region, cV r»
Bpovxi^ Kokovfuvtt KkifUKn," " in the region called Bruchium.'' For as
Rome was divided into fourteen regions, and C. P.^ in imitation of it, so
Alexandria was divided into five, whereof Bruchium was one, and the
greatest of all. So I understand Ammianus Marcellinus,'^ who, upon
the loss of Bruchium, saith, amisit regionum maximam partem j quce
Bruchium appelUUur, " Alexandria lost the greatest of its regions, which
was cidled Bruchium."
" This Epiphanius says was destitute of inhabitants, in his time, and
• De Pond, et Mens. p. 166. * Constantinuple. ' [Lib. xxii. cap. xvL]
98 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
not unlikely, and perhaps destitute of public buildings, too, for it was
destroyed afler an obstinate si^e in the reign of Aurelian, as Ammianus
Marcellinus [testifies] ; or of Claudius, as Eusebius.**
When he hath granted all that I designed, that this part was destitute
of inhabitants, and more too, that it was destroyed, yet he would have
the city no less, " no necessity of this," says he. Sure we are not yet
awake : can a city lose rirofnov ij kxu rpirov rov muror wtptfiokav fupoSf in
the historian^s words, ^' a fourth, yea, or a third part of its laigeness,**
and yet not be so much the less ? He hath nothing to salve this, but
'< it may be," and ^* it might be," — ^groundless surmises, without either
reason or authority.
" They might enlarge upon another quarter, being, it may be, for-
bid[den] to build Bruchium ; they might dwell closer than before, and
so their multitude be imdiminished."
How far it is from being true, that their multitude was undiminished,
and how needless either to enlarge, or to dwell closer, may soon app^.
The multitude must needs be much diminished in such a war, and a
close siege of many years* continuance, for so it is reported both by
Eusebius^ and Jerome f and it was much wasted and in a consumptive
condition, before it was thus besieged and dismantled by Claudius IL,
or Aurelian.
It was greatly diminished in numbers by Caracalla, who massacred a
great part of the inhabitants. Herodian says, roamrros tytvm fftitos
its pfiBpois atfiarosy &c. ** the slaughter was such that with the streams
of blood, which ran from the place, not only the vastest outlets of
Nilus, but the sea, all along the shore of Alexandria, was discoloured.**
Towards the latter end of the third age, Dionysius gives an account of
the strange diminution of the Alexandrians,*' signifying that " in former
days the elderly men were more numerous than in his time, both young
and old, comprising all from infancy to extreme old age," aw6 prfwim
dp(afi(vij naid<av, p^€\pi riav (is &Kpov yeyrfpaK^ratv.
" However, certain it is, that this city, long ailer the destruction of
Bruchium, retained its ancient greatness, and is represented by no
author as diminished either in number or wealth."
This is certain no otherwise than the former, i,e, quite the wrong
way. For not long after the destruction of Bruchium, in the Egyptian
war made by Diocletian upon Achilleus, which Eusebius, Eutropius,
and others mention, it was greatly diminished both in numbers and
wealth. For Alexandria, after a long siege, was taken by force, and
plundered, great execution done upon the citizens, and the walls of the
town demolished.
'* In Chronic. * Hi«t. lib. iv. [p. 17r>, ed. Lugdun. 1624.] ' In Euseb. lib. vii. cap. xziL
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 99
^ A great part of the dty," saTS the latter, " was assigned to the
Jews, so Strabo indefinhelj as Josephus quotes him; others tell us
more punctuallj,' that their share was two of the five divisions ; though
many of them had their habitations in the other divisions, yet they had
two-fifth parts entire to themselves ; and this is, I suppose, the r^iros
diof which Josephus says the successors of Alexander set apart for
them; thus we see how six or seven miles of the ten are disposed of."
To this he says, " The number of those Jews was much lessened within
a little while after Strabo, by an insiurection of the Alexandrians
against them."
I suppose he means by that slaughter of them which Josephus men-
tions,* where ^fty thousand were destroyed; but what were these to
the vast number of Jews in Egypt, which Philo^ says amoimted to no
leas than a million ?
" The civil wars afterwards under Trajan and his successor had
almost extirpated them."
It was in Palestine where these tragedies were acted, and they were so
hr fit>m extinguishing them in Egypt or Alexandria, that thereby, in all
probabili^, their numbers were there increased ; for being divested of
about <me thousand towns and garrisons by Severus (Adrian^s general,)
as Dion reports, and forbidden all access to Jerusalem, as Aristo Pelleus
in Eusebius,' this made other places more desirable, those particularly
where they might have good entertainment, as they were wont to have
at Alexandria; and what Dion Chrysostom says confirms it.
But all this which he says, if there were truth in it, is impertinent;
for the letter is not concerned what Jews there were near Strabo^s or
Adrian's time, but in the fourth age. Yet this is all that he hath to
say to the rest of the letter, besides the publishing and repealing of his
own mistake, and upon no other ground making himself sport witl^ ^he
writer of it.
Thus he begins : " By the same rule he might have disposed of all at
once, and concluded out of Strabo's division of the town, that there
was not one Christian in it:*' and repeats it thrice in the same page.
" No matter what number of Jews or heathens it had in Strabo's days ; it
is kindly done to provide for Christians before they were in being; surely
8trabo, who makes the distribution, never intended the Christians one
foot of groimd in all that division, and this learned friend might have
spared his little town of eight or ten furlongs, which he so liberally
bestows upon the bishop of Alexandria, before our Saviour was bom :"*
uid he is at it again several times in the following discourse.'
particularly. * D« Bello Judiac. lib. ii. cap. xxi. * Legat. ad Caium, [p. 1040, ed. Turnab.]
' Lib. iv. cap. vi. • Pages 69, 94.
100 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
How desirable a thing is it to have M[r.] B[axter] and his friend
rendered ridiculous, when rather than it shall not be done, our ex-
aminer will publish his own indiscretion so many times over to effect itl
But I will forbear any sharper reflections upon this author; for taking
him to be an ingenuous person, I maj expect he will be severe upoa
himself, when he discerns his error; which I doubt not but he will see
clearly by once more reading that letter.
Next he would disprove M[r.] B[axter]'s representation of the church
of Alexandria in Constantius's time, by giving a view of that church'f
greatness from the first foundation of it;' which because it may conceiii
the letter duly understood, I shall take some notice of it very briefly.
But there is something interposed, between this and the letter, which
requires some observance ;^ there we may have an instance of this
gentleman's severity upon M[r.] B[axter] and how reasonable it is;
" His remark," says he, " upon two bishops living quietly in Alezandzii
is so disingenuous a suggestion, that he hath reason to be ashamed of it'
But what is there in this so disingenuous and shameful ? Does not
Epiphanius say this, and our examiner acknowledge it ?* Ay; bat
M[r.] B[axter] means that there were not only two bishops, but their
distinct churches in this city. Well, and does not Epiphanius gife
him suillcicnt ground for it ? Does he not tell us that Meletius made
bishops, who had their Idlat tKKkrfo-ias, " own churches," in every place
where ho came ? Does he not signify that the Meletians in Alexandrii
had thoir distinct churches or meetings both in the time of Alexander
and Athanasius ? Says he not particularly of Meletius that being fami-
liar with Alexander he stayed long in that city, having Idiap trwa(i9 aw
To\s IBioiSj " a distinct meeting with those of his own party ?" Were
there not innumerable cities in that age which had two bishops and
their churches, some three or four at once? (those of the Arians, the
Douatists, tlie Novatians, the Meletians, &c., besides those who were
styled Catholics.) Would this gentleman take it well if M[r.] B[axter]
should tell him, that he who denies this is disingenuous if he know it,
and hath some reason to be ashamed if he know it not ? Ay, but
Epiphanius was deceived in this account of the Meletians, and mis-
represents them. Indeed, our examiner makes as bold with Epiphanius
(a bishop of great zeal and holiness, a metropolitan, a famous writer)
as he does with M[r.] B[axt<jr], charging him with much weakness,
(as one easHy imposed upon,) many oversights, gross mistakes, diven
absurd things, and such stories, that he will scarce wish worse to hif
adversary, than to believe him.*' Nor does Epiphanius alone fall under
his censure; in his Vindication of the Primitive Church, (as he calls it,)
• rage Gl ' ohheivation. • Page Iu7. * Ptges 112, 113, *c.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 101
he goes near to accuse more particular persons (bishops amongst others)
of eminencj in the ancient church, than he defends ; so that one may
•aspect his design was, not so much to defend eminent bishops, as great
bishoprics, such as the ancient church had none, and to run cross to
M[r.] B[axter] more than to yindicate any.
'' In St. Mark's time Alexandria had several churches, though but
QfDe bishop," &c.*
What Eusebius says of churches in Alexandria at that time, is
grounded upon a mistake, as appears, because immediately after the
words cited^ he adds, " So great was the multitude of believers at Mark's
first attempt there, that Philo in his writings thought fit to give an
account of them," »t kqI ypatf>Tjs afi&a-M r6v ^tXcoya. Eusebius con-
ceived that the Essenes, as Scaliger, or the Therapeutse, as Yalesius,
whom PhUo describes, were the Christians of Mark's conversion ; and
there being assemblies of that sect of the Jews in Philo's time, the
historian speaks of Christian churches at Alexandria in Mark's time ;
but those who believe that he erred in the former, can have no reason to
give him credit in the latter. Our examiner does not deny that he
was mistaken, but says, " It is not material whether they were Jews or
Christians ;" yet those who inquire after truth sincerely, will think it
material ; and little value a testimony which hath no better grotmd
than a mistake.
The next is no better ;* that is an epistle of Adrian, which others are
puzzled to make sense of, or sud sense as can have any appearance of
truth. That very passage in it, which is the only groimd of our
author's argument, himself acknowledges to be false; for he would
show the Christians in Alexandria to be numerous enough for his pur-
pose, because it is there said that ^^some," whom he takes to be
Christians, "did force the patriarch," whoever he be, "to worship
Christ," and yet adds, " there is no doubt but Adrian does the Christians
wrong in this point, for they never forced any to their religion." Will
he have us to rely upon reasonings, which have no better foundation,
than what is undoubtedly false by his own confession ? He says, also,
" It is not material to our purpose whether this patriarch were bishop
of Alexandria, or chief governor of the Jews." If so, then it is not
material with this gentleman, either to argue from that which is not
true, or else from that which is nothing to his purpose. For if this
patriarch was the bishop of Alexandria, that they forced him to wor-
ship Christ, is not true, he did it of his own accord : and if it be not
one, who was no Christian, that they forced; there is not anything in
• Eaieb. lib. it. cap. xvl. • Page 63.
102 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOYERED
this passage to his purpose, and Adrian*8 epistle might have been waived
as a mere impertinency.
That which follows,* hath not a show of a reason: "The great
catechists of Alexandria, as Pantsenus, Clemens, Origen, and Heracks,
did not a little advance the growth of Christian religion in ihaX
place," &c.
Must there needs be a diocesan church there because the catechisti
did advance religion not a little ?
The next concerning Dionjsius*s church meeting at Chebron
(Cephro it should be) and Coluthio, is already fully answered, as it is
offered with better improvement than our examiner gives it.* It cannot
easily be apprehended how a larger church meeting with Dionysiot,
made up of those banished with him, and others from several parte of
Egypt, at Cephro, a village of Lybia, a distant province, should prove
that he had a diocesan church in Alexandria, to any but those who
are very inclinable to believe it without proof. Nor will others uider-
stand that Dionysius is better proved to be a diocesan by the Chrisdani
which came from Alexandria to Coluthio in Mareotes ; (there being
none there besides) for the believers in Alexandria itself, were no more
than one church could hold, as Valesius collects from this very place to
our examiner's regret. Ex hoc loco coUigitury cetate quidem Diomftiiy
unicam adhuc fuisse Al^andrice ecclesiam, in quam omnes urlris ilUm
fideles orationis causd, conveniebant, " From this place we gather that id
the time of Dionysius there was, as yet, but a single church at Alex-
andria, in which all the faithful of that city met for prayer."*
In the next paragraph our examiner argues for the great numben
of Christians at Alexandria, from the multitudes of martyrs at Thebes.
" Under the persecution of Diocletian what numbers of Christians
might be at Alexandria, may be judged by the multitude of mazlyn
that suffered at Thebes," <* &c.
But here he mistakes Eusebius, who gives an account not of the
martyrs which were «V Orj^t, " in the city Thebes," but jcorvk Oi^/Softli,
" the province Thebais," which was half of that large kingdom, accord-
ing to the ancient division of it into the upper and lower Egypt. The
superior Egypt was Thebais, the inferior was called sometimes the
Delta, sometimes Egypt in a restrained sense, and this division in theie
terms we have in Eusebius (to go no further) a little before,* jcori
eri^tSa, " in Thebais," xar "AtyvTrrov, " in Egypt," where he begins hit
account of the martyrs in this country. Now if the Christians in that
province of large extent, and comprising very many cities, may be con-
• Page 63. « No Evidence for D. C. pp. SO, 31. < Not. in Eoieb. Ub. Til. cap. zi.
^ Page 64. • Cap. vl.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 108
luded to be very numerous from the multitudes of martyrs which
mffered there ; yet nothing at all can be inferred for any nimibers to
lis purpose in the city Thebes, by which he would conclude their
mmerousness in Alexandria. But if M[r.] B[axter] had mistaken
me city for so large a country ^^rith multitudes of cities in it, and made
hat mistake the ground of his reasoning, it is like** our examiner would
liave exposed him for it in his preface, as he does for some lesser
natters.
In the following paragraph,^ there is a groimdless supposition, that
'Jhe division of Alexandria into parishes was ancienter than Arius, there
bwing no mention of it by any ancient author ; as also an accusation of
Petavius as mistaking Epiphanius^s words, without any cause that I
am discern in those words, though he says ^* it is plain there.'* That
irhich he says is plain, the learned dean of Paul's^ could not discern,
bfut understood Epiphanius as Petavius and others did before him.
Hiese I took to be preliminaries, and expected his argument, but found
it not, unless it be couched in the first words.
'' The division of Alexandria between several presbyters, as it were
Ato so many parishes,^ &c.
But this signifies nothing for his purpose, if those in Alexandria
;hii8 divided could all meet in one place, as Athanasius declares
hej did ; and that so plainly that any one will judge so, whose
interest is not too hard for his judgment. Yalesius (who had no bias
unless what might lead him the other way) understood it as I do ; and
expresses it in these words, (deciding the matter so long insisted on,
igainst our author.) ** Afterwards in the times of Athanasius, when
^here were more churches built by divers bishops of Alexandria,
iie citizens assembled in several churches severaUy and in parcels, as
Athanasius says in his apology to Constantius ; but on the great
festivals, Easter and Pentecost, no particular assemblies were held,"
Mtf universi in majarem ecdesiam conveniebant, ut ibidem testatur Atharuh-
rttis, *' but aU of them assembled together in the great church, as
Athanasius testifies.**
So that there can be no pretence that the church in Alexandria was
liooesan at this time, unless those who could meet together in one place
night make such a church. Yet this was then the greatest church
ji the empire save that at Rome ; and what he adds makes that at
Borne very unlike such diocesan churches, as are now asserted.
" Valesius infers from the same passage of Pope Innocent's epistle to
Oecentius, which Petavius brings to prove the contrary, that though
iiere were several titles or churches in Rome then, and had been long
• probable. • Page 65. • Dr. Stillingfleet, Senn. of Separation, p. S8.
/
101 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
before, yet none of them was as jet appropriated to any presbyter, but
they were served in common as great cities in HoUand and some other
reformed countries, that have several churches and ministers," &c.
The advocates for these churches, who assign the bounds of a diocese
with most moderation, will have it to comprise a city with a territoiy
belonging to it ; but there was no church in the territory which
belonged to the bishop of Rome, he had none but within the city,
as Innocentius declares in the cited epistle, whereas now the greatest
city with a territory larger than some ancient province is counted little
enough for a diocese. Further it is now judged to be no diocese which
comprises not very many churches with presbyters appropriated to
them ; but he tells us none of the churches in Rome were appropriated
to any presbyter, but they were served in common. How ? as greater
cities in Holland and some other reformed countries, and then they
were ruled in common as these cities are. The government of many
churches is not there, nor was of old, ever entrusted in one hand ; and
thus the bishop of Rome was no more a diocesan than the presbyters of
that city.
He concludes" with two assertions, which will neither of them hold
good. The first that " it is evident out of Athanasius how the bishop of
that city had from the beginning several fixed congregations under
him."
This is so far from being evident in Athanasius, that he hath not one
word which so much as intimates that the bishop of Ale:ltandna from
the beginning, had any such congregations imder him.
Tlie other is, that those of Mareotes must be supposed to receive the
faith almost as early as Alexandria.
How true this is we may understand by Dionjrsius, bishop of
Alexandria, towards the latter end of the third age, who declares that
then Mareotes was €pTffios ad€\<l)a>v koI <nrov6ai<av avOptmwv^^ it was
so far from having any true Christians in it, that it had none of our
author's old Christians, i. e. virtuous, good men.*' Nor is it likely that
the faith was there generally received till many years ailer; and
therefore not almost so early as Alexandria, unless the distance of
above two hundred years will consist with his almost. For Alexandiii
received the faith by the preaching of Mark, who arrived there, sayi
Eusebius, in the 2nd of Claudius,** others in the 3rd of Caligula.' But
in tlie time of Dionysius it doth not appear that Mareotes had so many
Christians, as Bishop Ischyras's church there consisted of, thou^
those were but seven, ov liktov iirra rSav avpayofitvatv ^X^iPf — " had not
« Page 66. • Euscb. lib. vil.cftp. xi. c Page so.
•^ Chron. Euscb. Chron. Alex.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 105
more than seven for a congregation/'' But enough of Alexandria,
though our author is for from bringing enough to prove it, even in
the fourth age, a diocesan church. He may be excused for doing his
utmost to this purpose, considering the consequence of it, for if this
church was not now so numerous as to be diocesan, it will be in vain
to expect a discovery of any such churches in the whole Christian
world in those times ; for this is acknowledged to be the greatest city
and church in the Boman empire next to Home. So that there cannot
be so fair a pretence for any other inferior to this, such as Jerusalem,
Carthage, Antioch, &c., much less for ordinary cities, which were ten
times less considerable than some of the former, as may be collected
from what Chrysostom says of one of them, dtxa irdXf»y frtvtfrat bwarbv
fp $p€'^t, that it was able to maintain the poor of ten cities.^
So &r the writer of the letter. Let me now return to our author's
preface : To show that the Christians in Alexandria adhering to
Athanasius were not so exceeding numerous as is pretended, and not to
be compared with the Christians now in London, I had said, that '* the
greatest part of the inhabitants of that city were at this time heathens
or Jews ; of those who passed for Christians, it is like*^ Athanasius
had the lesser share,' the Novatians and other sects, the Meletians
especiaUy, and the Arians, did probably exceed his flock in numbers; it
may be the Arians there were more numerous.** This last clause (which
[as] appears by the expression, I was not positive in) he alone fixes
on, and would disprove it by a passage out of Athanasius. But
the Greek is false printed, and the sense defective for want of some
word, and so no judgment can be well passed thereon, imless I saw it ;
and where to see it he gives no direction. My concern therein is
not so great as to search for it through so voluminous an author.
It will serve my turn well enough, if the Arians were but very numer-
ous, or as Sozomen expresses them, oCk SKiyrf fwipa rov \aov,' ** no small
portion of the people,** which cannot be denied, though they alone were
not more numerous. The last thing he would take notice of, is the
diocese of Theodoret, but this is remitted to the Dean of Paul*s/
yet one thing he says he cannot omit ; though some may think that he
had better have pa^ed it (as he had many other things ;) than being so
much in haste, to slip at almost every line, as he does in those few
which concern it.
*'If these eight hundred churches, not eighty, as this gentleman
reckons them,** (it was not he but the printer that so reckoned them,
• Athaii.Apol.S,p.S15. [Ed. Col. 1686, p. 790, B, torn. I.] • In Mat. Horn. Ixvi,
• probable. ' Page SO. ' Lib. i. cap. xiv,
/Dr. StilUngfleet.
H
106 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YBT DISCOVERED
as the errata show,) '^ belonged to him as metropolitan, and they were
all episcopal churches,^ (I never met with any before, that took them for
episcopal churches, and how he should fall into this mistake I cannot
imagine ; I will not believe that he creates it, to make himself work,)
" this poor region of Cyrus would have more bishops than all Africa,"
(not 80 neither, for by the conference at Carthage, and the abbreviation of
it by St. Austin, much more to be relied on, than the Notitla published
by Si[r]mond, which is neither consistent with others, nor with itself
Africa had many more bishops than eight hundred,) " notwithstanding
they were more numerous there than in any part of the world besides."
Nor will this pass for true with those who take his own aoooont
concerning their numbers in Africa,' (which he reckons but faar
hundred and sixty-six, taking in those of the schismatics too ; about
sixty-six for each province one with another, coimting them as he does
seven ;) and the account which others give of their numbers, in the
ancient Roman province, the kingdom of Naples, the island Crete,
Ireland, to say nothing of Armenia, and other parts of the world.
That which follows is, I suppose, instead of an answer to the other
part of my discourse concerning the popular election of bishops, which
this gentleman was as much concerned to take notice of, as of the few
passages he hath touched in the former part; why he did not, I will not
inquire further, but satisfy myself with what is obvious, especially since
he tells us he intends a discourse of such a subject. If in this designed
work he satisfies me that it was not the general practice of the ancient
church for the people to concur in the choice of their bishops, he will
do me a greater displeasure than the confutation of what I have written,
or any other that I can fear he intends me, by taking me off from further
conversation with ancient authors, as persons by whose writings we can
clearly know nothing. For if that point be not clear in antiquity, I
can never expect to find anything there that is so.
I intended to conclude this discourse here, without giving the readet
further trouble ; but considering there are misapprehensions about the
subject in question, those being taken by divers for diocesan churches,
which indeed are not such, and arguments used to prove them so whidi
are not competent for that purpose (of which there are many instancei,
as elsewhere so particularly in the latter end of this author's discourse,)
I thought it requisite for the rectifying of these mistakes, and to show
the insufficiency or impertinency of such reasonings, to give an aoooont
what mediums cannot in reason be esteemed to afford competent proof
of diocesan churches.
In general, those who will satisfy us that any churches, in the first
• Vindie. p. 149.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 107
ages of Christianily, were diocesan, should prove them to be such
diocesans as ours are, as large, or near as large; otherwise what they
offer will scarce appear to be pertinent. For the rise of this debate is
the question between us, whether the bishops of these times be such as
those in the primitiye church. This we deny, because modem bishops
will have another sort of churches or dioceses than were known in the
best ages. Not that we reject all dioceses or diocesan churches, for both
wapouda and ^Urftris are used by the ancients for such churches as we
allow. It is those of a later model, that we approve not, as vastly
differing from the ancient episcopal churches. The modem dioceses,
and churches thence denominated, are exceeding great and extensive,
consisting of many scores, or many hundred particular churches,
whereas for the three first ages we cannot find three bishops that had
two particular churches in his diocese, nor in the fourth, one in fifty, (if
I may not say one in a hundred,) that had more. So that the difference
is exceeding great, and more considerable in the consequence thereof,
which I had rather give an account of in the words of the very learned
D[r.] St[illingfleet] than mine own. " Dioceses generally," says he,
** in the primitive and eastern churches were very small and little, as
far more convenient for this end of them in government of the church
under the bishop's charge ;"« and elsewhere, " Discipline," says he, " was
then a great deal more strict, preaching more diligent, men more
apprehensive of the weight of their function, than for any to undertake
such a care and charge of souls, that it was impossible for them even
to know, observe, or watch over, so as to give an accoimt for them :*
men that were employed in the church then did not consult for their
ease and honour, and thought it not enough for them to sit still, and
bid others work."<^ St. Austin, speaking of the third age, makes
account of many thousand bishops then in the world.* Our author
seems to treat that excellent person something coarsely on this occasion,
and goes near to question his judgment or veracity for it:' some may
think this not over decently done (to say no more) when it is his
business to vindicate some ancient bishops who need it, to reflect upon
one so untainted as to need none. However, since he says that father
judged of other ages by his own, when dioceses were exceedingly
multiplied,'^ we may suppose he will grant there were many thousand
bishops in the fourth age. Yet among so many thousand bishops I do
not expect that any can show me twenty, (if I may not say ten,) who
had so many churches in their diocese as some pluralists amongst us
may have, who yet never pretend to have a diocesan chiut>h. Those,
• Iren. p. 376. * Page SS3. ' Page 333.
' Contra Crcscon. lib. iii. [cap. iil.] • Page 584. / Page 535.
h2
A
1 08 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
therefore, who will make proof of such diocesan churches as are in
question, must show us some in the primitiFe times something like
ours in largeness and extent. Amongst the instances produced for this
purpose by former or later writers, I find none anything near to ours,
save that only of Theodoret in the fifth age. But this in the former
discourse was showed to be so insufficient to serve the ends it is
alleged for, that I may hope it will be pressed no more for this service.
More particularly : 1st, It proves not a church to be diocesan because
it consists of more than can n^eet tc^ether in one place, for there are
parishes in this land that contain many himdreds or thousands more
than can meet in the parish church, and yet are but counted sin^^
congregations. Though multitudes in such churches be far from
proving them to be diocesan, yet I think two instances cannot be given
in the third age of more in one church than are in some single congre-
gations amongst us; nor many afterwards, tiU A nanism and Donatism
were suppressed; which the latter was not in Africa till after the
famous conference at Carthage^ anno 410, nor the former in other parti
during the fourth age; for though Theodosius made some sharp decla-
rations against them and other heretics, yet none but the Eunomians
were prosecuted ; if we believe Socrates,* that emperor gave not the
least trouble to the rest, forced none to communicate with him, but
allowed them their meetings, and even in C. P.* when afterwards the
Arians divided among themselves, each party had several congr^atioDS
in that city,' both that which adhered to Marinus, and that also
which followed Dorothius, these keeping the churches which they had
before, and the other erecting new churches.
I know there are those who, from some passages in Tertullian,'
woidd infer that the Christians in his time were the nuyor part of the
inhabitants in all cities, and so enough not only for vast congregations,
but for diocesan churches. But Tertullian was a great orator, and
frequently uses hyperbolical expressions, which ought not to be strained.
Such are those insisted on, and by regular construction they import no
more than that the Christians were very nimierous in many parts of
the empire. Those that will have them strained, and understood ta
they sound, offer great injury to Tertullian, making him intend that
which hath no warrant in any records of antiquity, civil or eoclesiaatical,
that I can meet with. Before they impose such a sense on him, thej
ought in reason to make it manifest, that the Christians were the naajor
part of the inhabitants in some considerable cities at that time ; wben
I believe they cannot produce two instances in the whole empire : I
never yet could meet with one.
• Lib. V. cap. XX. ' ConsUntinople. ' Lib. ▼. cap. xxiO.
tf Apol. cap. xxxvii. et ad Softpulam. [Ed. Lutet. 1675, p. 71, C]
IN THE PRIMiriVE TIMES. 109
Our author from these oratorical exi^essions sticks not to conclude^
that it is evident that the Christians were the major part everywhere,
bat in Rome more eminently so; and Dr. Downham signifies that
Tertullian speaks chiefly of the city of Bome.* This gentleman says,
that by his account it is made very probable, that they were the better
half of the Boman empire; and tells us^^ it is certain that the number
of Christians at Bome was proportionably greater than in any part of
the empire. Now how far the Christians at Rome were from being the
major part of the inhabitants, we may judge by the vast disproportion
between the poor in the church of Rome, and those in the whole city.
Cornelius, near fifty years aiter Tertullian, (when it was of more
growth by half an age,) reckons the poor of his church to be fifteen
hundred; whereas out of Suetonius, and others, the poorer sorts of
citizens, qucB e publico victitabat, '^ who were maintained at the public
expense,** are computed to be thirty-two thousand.'^
Many take occasion, from the thousands converted at Jerusalem,
(Acts ii. and iv.) to conclude the vast number of Christians and exceed-
ing largeness of churches elsewhere. 010* author hath nothing from
Scripture for diocesan churches but this, which is considerable;' nor
will this appear so, if but a small part of those thousands can be
counted inhabitants of Jerusalem, and so fixed in that church. And
this is as demonstrable as anything of this nature can be. For this
miraculous conversion was at Pentecost, one of the three great feasts,
when there was a vast concourse of Jews and proselytes from all parts
to that city. These converted were not only inhabitants of Jerusalem,
but foreigners, and in all reason more of these proportionably, as they
exceeded the inhabitants in number. And then those of the city will
scarce be a twentieth part of the five or eight thousand converts. For
the foreigners that resorted to Jerusalem at these great solemnities are
reckoned to be three millions, ovk ikdrrovi rpioKoa-i^v ftvpiddavf^ whereas
the inhabitants of that city were but about a hundred and twenty
thousand, w€p\ dwdcica fivpiad€s: but of this elsewhere more fiiUy.
The author of the Vindication will not have so great a part of those
converts to be strangers, and to return home when the feast was over,
and assigns something like reasons for it.
1st. " That the Scripture gives no countenance to this conjecture,
but says all those strange nations were inhabitants of Jerusalem ; and
the original word inclines most on this side."
That he should say the Scripture gives no countenance to this, is
something strange. It is plain in Scripture, that Grod enjoined the
• Defenc*, lib. ii. cap. v. p. 9S. * Page 54. « Lipaius da Mag. Rom. lib. ill. cap. ii.
' Page 435, 9te. • Joaeph. Da BeU. Judaic, lib. tt. oap. xxiT.
110 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
children of Israel to repair to Jerusalem from all quarters of the
country where they dwelt thrice a year, for the obsenrance of the three
great feasts. And it is apparent also that they were wont to come up
to Jerusalem at those solemnities, both Jews and proselytes, di^ ri
wcurxa (rvytXrjXvStiowf iraaui tu <l>v\a\ firrh xal t£v ctfv&y,' '' all the tribes,
together with the Gentiles, came together because of the Passover.**
And it is evident in that chapter cited. Acts ii. : the feast of Pentecost
being come, there was a resort of Jews and proselytes from all those
parts of the world to this city. Ay, but the Scripture says, ^aU those
strange nations were inhabitants of Jerusalem.*"
He cannot judge that the Scripture sajrs this but upon a supposition
that the word KaroiKovvrtSj Acts ii. 5, can signify no other thing than
inhabitants ; but this is a mistake, for the word denotes such as abide in
a place, not only as inhabitants, but as strangers or sojourners. Thus
Dr. Hammond will have it translated abiding, rather than dwelling,*
those that were there as strangers,^ and here expresses those abiding at
Jerusalem to be Jews which came up to the feast of the Passover, and
proseljrtes which had come from several nations of all quarters of the
world. Thus also Mr. Mead,' " for the word KaroiKovmSf saith he, which
I translate sojourniDg rather than dwelling ; (for so I understand it, that
they were not proper dwellers, but such as came to worship at Jerusa-
lem from those far countries, at the feast of the Passover and Pentecost,
and so had been continuing there some good time) it is true that in the
usual Greek oiV/o) and KaroiKta signify a durable mansion, but with the
Hellenists, in whose dialect the Scripture speaketh, they are used indif-
ferently for a stay of a shorter or longer time, that is, for to sojourn as
well as to dwell, as these two examples out of the Septuagint will make
manifest, Gen. xxvii. 44, 1 Kings xvii. 20; there Korouctuf is to sojourn
only. In a word, otic«a> and KaToiK€<a answer to the Hebrew verb 2U%
which signifies any stay or remaining in a place.** Grotius saith it
answers the Hebrew word which is rendered not only by jcarocjeclv but
napoiKtltf, &c. adding therefore it is not said only of them " who had
fixed their habitation, but of those who were come to the city for
the celebrating of the Passover or Pentecost, staying there for awhile."
The best and most learned expositors generally take it so in this place,
as denoting, not settled inhabitants, but such as resided there only for
a time. Indeed, when this author would have the Scripture say all
these strange nations were inhabitants of Jerusalem, he makes it speak
things inconsistent. For it is said, verse 9, they were mroticovvm,
dwellers at Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, &c.; bj
• Hegeiip. in Euaeb. lib. il. cap. xxiii. * In loc. ' In Act. x. H.
'In Exercit. in Act. ii. 5.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. Ill
which must be understood, either that they were inhabitants or
sojoomers in those countries ; that thej were now sojourners there no
man will imagine, nor can any man be said to be actually a sojourner
in a place where he is not. And if they were inhabitants of those
regions, they could not be inhabitants of Jerusalem, imless they could
be inhabitants of several distant coimtries at once. To the same pur-
pose Mr. Mead,'* " ol Koroucowrts r^y Mtavtrorafuay, where, note by the
way, that ol Ktmucovmt rijv Mffotnroraft/ay, are comprehended in the
number of those whom my text saith were Kanucovvns iv r^ IcpovcraXV,
which confirms my interpretation that Karoucovyrts there signifies
sojourning, and not dwelling ; for that they could not be said to dwell
in both places."
** 2. Suppose there were some of them strangers," &c.
Suppose, says this gentleman, there were some of them strangers ?
But does any man that understands how or by whom those ieasts were
celebrated ever suppose that there were not very many thousands of
strangers, such as were not inhabitants, present at those solemnities ?
Josephus (and Eusebius after him) says, there were three millions in
the city at the Passover, and declares what course was taken to give
Gestius Gallus a certain account of their numbers ; but then they
were all in a manner strangers, for he adds, iroXv ^ rovro vKrjBos Z^io^v
wWiymii ^^ this vast multitude consisted of foreigners."^ Yet our
author goes on, and confirms himself in the former mistake by another;
the verse he cites to prove them fixed inhabitants of Jerusalem is mis-
understood ; the words are irpoaKoprnpovvrtg if ^^xS » which do not
signify any fixed abode in that place, but only their constancy or per-
severing in the duties mentioned while they were there. This is the
use of the expression in the New Testament, Col. iv. 2, rj irpotrtvxi
irpoowaprtpttn, and SO Bom. xii. 12, continuing in prayer, which they
might do if they never had a fixed habitation, nor continued as inhabit-
ants in any place. And thus the evangelist Luke uses the phrase in
this book of the Acts, chap. i. ver. 14, chap. ii. 46, chap. vi. 4. But
our author, I think, will never find it used in this form for any settled
or continued abode in a place, and had no reason to fancy it here.
He thinks it not probable^ that the zeal and devotion of those con-
verts would suffer them to leave the apostles, whereas it is certain that
the primitive zeal and devotion, though it crucified them to the world,
yet heightened and improved a Christian care of their families, and the
souls of their relatives and others. And their zeal for Christ and love
to souls would hasten them homeward, that they might acquaint their
• In Exeicit. in Act. U. 5. » D« Bel. Jud. lib. vU. cap. 45. • Page 4S7.
112 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
families and others with Christ and the doctrine of saltation, as those
dispersed from Jerusalem did, chap. viii.
The five thousand mentioned chap. iv. ver. 4, he will have to be a
new accession to the three thousand before converted, but should not
have been so positive in it without reason. Those who are engaged in
the same cause with him (besides many others) are not of his opinion
herein, as thej would have been if thej had seen any ground for it
Dr. Hammond* takes the five thousand to be the number of the
auditory, not of the converts ; Bishop Downham includes the three
thousand in those five ;^ and the Dean of Paul V makes account but of
five thousand in all.' To me it is not material whether they were fire
thousand or eight thousand, or many more, seeing there was not the
twentieth part of them other than foreigners, and such as, for anything
I can see or hear, designed not to dwell at Jerusalem, and so intended
not [to] fix themselves in that particular church. There can be no
just reckoning of the numerousness of a church fix>m an occaaonal
recourse of strangers, who inhabit remote parts or foreign countries.
If there had been more Christians in the church of Jerusalem than
could meet in one place, that would be no evidence that it was a dio-
cesan church, whereas the whole is said in the Acts to meet in (me
place.' He hath nothing to say against this which is considerable, but
that the all may denote only those that were present/ and so the sense
will be, all that were in one place, were in one place : if this can please
himself, I think it will satisfy none else. Let Dr. Hammond decide
this business, for in such a cause we may admit a party to be umpire.'
" What follows," saith he, " of the paucit/ of believers, and their meet-
ing in one place, is willingly granted by us. What they say of the
point of time, Acts ii. 41, that believers were so numerous that thej
could not conveniently meet in one place, this is contrary to the evidence
of the text, which saith ejcpressly, ver. 44, that all the believers were
^l TO avTOj which in the last paragraph they interpreted, meeting in one
and the same place : the like might be said of the other places, Acti
iv. 4, and v. 14, for certainly as yet, though the number of believen
increase, yet they were not distributed into several congregations."
Concerning the dispersion, Acts viii. 1,* he tells us, " Though they
are all said to be scattered besides tlie apostles, yet it cannot be under-
stood of all the believers."
No, but of the generality of them, all that could oommodiously flj
as strang^^s might do. Nor must it be confined to all the ofiicers onlj ;
• In loc. * Defence, lib. H. cap. if. page 84. • Dr. StSIUagfleet
' Sem. of Separation, p. H. • Act. il. 44, vi. 2, kc. / Page 44L
r Answer to L[ondon] MiniiterB, pp. 78, 79. « Pftfea 44t, 443.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 1 18
le generaUtj of expositors are misrepresented if this be made their
aise, nor doth it appear that Eusebins so understood it ; fioBfiml is
Bed in Scripture and other writers, and Eusebius himself, to denote
elievers, and not officers onlj. As for the time of the dispersion
though I need not insist on it) probably it was nearer this great Pente-
08t than some would have it. On the first day of the week in the
mmiTig were the three thousand converted ; the next, or (as some tell
is) the same day afternoon, at the ninth hour," the number of the con-
erts was increased to five thousand. While this sermon was preaching
be ^)ostles are apprehended, and committed to custody till the next
doming. Another, it is like^ the day ailer, they are imprisoned, but
nlaiged by an angel in the night, chap. v. In or near that week were
he seven deacons chosen, presently after the disciples were thus in-
leased, and the apostles imprisoned and dismissed. The expression sig-
iifies it, chap. vi. 1. It is not cV cjcfcyoir, in those days, which may admit
i latitude and some good dintance of time, but cV ravrtus, in these days,
rhich denotes the time instant, or that which immediately ensues, with-
mt the interposure'^ of any such distance. And so the phrase is used
}j St. Luke, both in the Gospel and in the Acts. It is Dr. Hammond's
observation upon Luke i. 39. *' The phrase cV rtivratt rcut ^fiiptus, in
hese days, saith he, hath for most part a peculiar signification, difiering
ix>m €v fifUpait cVciKctr, in those days. The latter signifies an indefinite
ime, sometimes a good way off, but the former generally denotes a cer-
ain time then present, instantly, then at that time ; so here, that which
8 said of Mary*s going to Elizabeth was sure' immediately after the
ieparting of the angel from her, and therefore it is said she rose up
4«tA anovdrjt, very hastily ; so ver. 24, firro ravras rht rifitpas, t. e, im-
nediately Elizabeth conceived ; so chap. vi. 12, h raU ^ftipcus ravratt,
'. e. then, at that point of time, he went out to the mountain. See chap,
udii. 7, c. xxiv. 18, Acts i. 5, c. xi. 27, and xxi. 15."
Immediately after the choice of the deacons, Stephen, one of the
leven, is apprehended dfut r^ x«Vo»'<m'^» " ^ soon as ever he was or-
iained, as if he had been ordained for this alone," saith Eusebius,
[lib. ii. cap. i.) And at the same time the persecution began which
iispersed that church. Whereas he saith, " whatsoever numbers were
forced away, it is likely they returned ;" if he understand it of the
itrangers driven from Jerusalem, that they returned to fix there, or
>therwise than occasionally, it is no more likely, nor will be sooner
proved than what he asserts a little after, (page 444,) viz. that *' the
smpty sepulchre preached with no less efficacy than the apostles.'^
This is enough to satisfy' what our author would draw out of Scrip-
• D[r.] L[lghUoiOL] * probftble. • intenral. ' lurely. • aanrsr.
1 1 4 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT TET DISCOVEBED
ture concerning the church of Jerusalem. After some trifling about
objections which he forms himself, and then makes sport with, he comes
to prove that Jerusalem was a diocesan church in the apostles* time.
But first he would have us believe that James was the proper bishop of
that church, and would evince it by two testimonies, those of Clemens and
Hegesippus. But what says his Clemens ? He suth not only that James
was ordained bishop of Jerusalem presently after our Saviour^s asoensioD,
but what I think our author was loth to mention. If he had given us
the entire sentence, it might have been better understood. ^' After the
ascension of our Saviour, Peter, James, and John, the most honoured by
our Lord, would not yet contend for the first d^ree of honour, (jai
im^iKaCfa-Bai ddfi/f,) but chose James the Just bishop of Jerusalem,"'
Apoatolorum episcopum, '^ bishop of the apostles," Ruffinus reads it. This
seems to signify that his being made a bishop there, was some degree
of honour above their being apostles. A learned Bomanist^ tells us,
that the books where Eusebius had this did so abound with errors, that
they were not thought worth preserving, and so are lost, (as those of
Papias and Hegesippus are for the same reason :) this may prove one
instance of those many errors. That which seems to be the sense of
his words is more fully expressed by one who goes under the name of
Clemens too 'S " James, the Lord^s brother, was prince of bishops, and by
his episcopal authority commanded all the apostles;" and so the former
Clemens in Ruffinus calls him the bishop of the apostles.' If he means
such a bishop as ours, (and otherwise his meaning will not serve our
author's purpose,) then the apostles were but the vicars or curates of
James. This is bad enough if James was an apostle— the absurdest
Papist will scarce ascribe as much to Peter ; — but if he was not an
apostle, it is yet more intolerable. If our author can believe his own
witness, some may admire,' but I think few will follow him.
Let us hear Hegesippus, (not quite so ancient as this gentleman makes
him, since he was alive in the reign of Commodus;) he says, James
ruled that church, fx^ra r&v dno(rr6K<ov, If we take this as it is ren-
dered in Jerome, ** after the apostles," it is not only against grammar,
but without truth, and makes James to be bishop when he was dead; for
he was martyred about the fourth [year] of Nero, and all the apostles but
the other James survived him. But if the meaning be that he ruled
that church with the apostles, it speaks him no more the bishop of
Jerusalem than the rest of the apostles, who were not fixed or topical
bishops, but oecimienical officers of an extraordinary office and power,
and accordingly is James described. One ancient author says that
he, no less than Peter, did iniTpoirijv rrjs olKovfitmjt dvad€^€ur$ai. And
• [Clem, in Eus. lib. H. cap. i.] * Valetius. • Lib. U. RecQgnit. [cap. liz.]
* Hlat. lib. it. c«p ii. • xronder.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 115
Epiphanias reports,* that Hyginus after James, Peter, and Paul, was
the ninth bishop of Rome successively, signifying that he was as much
bishop of Rome as Paul and Peter. 1 need not quote that other author
who says he ruled the holy church of the Hebrews, as also he did all
churches everywhere founded.*
" However, certain it is that James was bishop of Jerusalem, not
Cfolj from H^esippus and Clemens A]ex[andrinus,] but also from St.
Paul, who mentions him as one of the apostles that he had conversed
with in Jerusalem ; and it is likely there were no more there at that
time but he and Peter."
This is no way certain from Clemens and Hegesippus, and so far
from being certain by St. Paid, that his mentioning him as an apostle
makes it rather certain that he was not a bishop ; for the o£Sces of an
apostle and of a bishop are inconsistent, as is acknowledged and proved
by an excellent person of your own.*^ " The offices of an apostle and
of a bishop are not in their nature well consistent ; for the apostleship
is an extraordinary office, charged with the instruction and government
of the whole world, and calling for an answerable care, (the apostles
being rulers, as St. Chrysostom saith, ordained by God, — rulers not
taking several nations and cities, but all of them in common intrusted
with the whole world ;) but episcopacy is an ordinary standing charge
affixed to one place, and requiring a special attendance there — ^bishops
being pastors who, as Chrysostom saith, do sit, and are employed in
one place. Now he that hath such a general care can hardly discharge
such a particular office ; and he that is fixed to so particular an attend-
ance, can hardly look well afler so general a charge, &c. Baronius
saith of St. Peter, that ' it was his office not to stay in one place, but
aa much as it was possible for one man to travel over the whole world,
and to bring those who did not yet believe to the faith, and thoroughly
to establish believers.* If so, how could he be bishop of Rome, which
was an office inconsistent with such vagrancy ? It would not have
beseemed St. Peter, the prime apostle, to assume the charge of a parti-
cular bishop ; it had been a degradation of himself, a disparagement to
the apostolical majesty, for him to take upon him the bishopric of
Rome, as if the king should become mayor of London, — as if the
bishop of London should be vicar of Pancras." And [a] little before,
" St. Peter's being bishop of Rome (it holds as well of James's being
bishop of Jerusalem) would confound the offices which God made
distinct ; for God did appoint first apostles, then prophets, then pastors
and teachers ; wherefore St. Peter, after he was an apostle, could not
• Hcret. [xli.] Cerdon. (n. 1.] » [Clem.] Ep. to James. [In Hard. Cone. torn. i. p. 89.]
' Dr. Banow, Suprem. pp. 120, 121.
116 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
well become a bishop ; it would be such an irregalarily as if a bishop
should be made a deacon.**
" Ecclesiastical history makes James the ordinary bishop and dio-
cesan of the place."
There is nothing in ecclesiastical history for it, but what is derived
from Hegesippus and Clemens, whom others followed right or wrong.
''It is strange to see Salmasius run his head so violently against
such solid testimonies as those of Hegesippus and Clemens."
That great person understood things better, and discerned no danger
in running his head against a shadow ; and there is nothing more of
solidity in what is alleged from those authors.
Further, he would prove it a diocesan church by a passage in Hege-
sippus, who says, " That several of the Jewish sectaries who believed
neither a resurrection nor judgment to come, were converted by Jamei,
and that when a great number of the rulers and principal men of the
city were by this ministry brought to believe the Grospel, the Jews
made an uproar, the scribes and Pharisees saying, that it was to be
feared that all the people would turn Christians."*
He says many of the prime sectaries were converted by James;
but this will scarce prove such a diocesan church as he contends
for. That which would serve his turn (that all the people would torn
Christians) was not effected, but only feared by the Jews, who took a
course to prevent it by killing James. But if this were for his pur-
pose, Hegesippus is not an author to be relied on ; part of the sentence
cited is false, that the sects mentioned (and he had mentioned seven)
did not believe the resurrection nor judgment, whereas the Pharisees
and others of them believed both, which Valesius observes.* One false
thing in a testimony is enough to render it suspected, but there
are near twenty things false or fabulous in this account he gives
of James, many of them marked by Scaliger,*^ divers by Valesius,' and
some acknowledged by Petavius.*
He would not have us suspect that the numbers of the church
at Jerusalem were not so great as he pretends, because Pella, an obscure
little town, could receive them all besides its own inhabitants, " but we
must imderstand that town to be their metropolis, and the believers
all scattered through the whole country, and this as Epiphanios
writes."
But where does Epiphanius write this? Not in the place cited;
he writes the contrary both there and elsewhere, that all the believers,
(in one place,/) that ail the disciples (in another place,) warns ol ftaBtfnl
• Page 44«. * In Euaeb. lib. li. cap. 28. • Animad. In Enaeb. p. 178.
' In Enseb. lib. U. cap. S8. ' Not. ad Rmtf. 78. [n. 8.] / Epiph. Hmt, zxx.[n. S.]
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 117
^fiafat» €v UiXXjf ;* what he adds is but to describe where the town was
situated, ''all the disciples, all the believers dwelt bejond Jordan in
Pella." Archbishop Whitgifb brings this as a pregnant proof that
the Christians at Jerusalem were but few in comparison, (and no
more than could all meet in one place, as a little before he affirms
■gain and again ;) his words are, " How few Christians was there
at Jerusalem not long before it was destroyed, being above forty years
after Christ. Does not Eusebius testify^ that they all were received
into a little town called Pella ? yet the apostles had spent much time
and labour in preaching there ; but the number of those that did
not profess Christ in that city was infinite."'^ This might be farther
cleared' by what Epiphanius saith of that church in its return from
Pella, but I design briefiiess.
Our author adds one testimony more, to show that under the
government of Simeon great numbers were '' added to that church,
many thousands of the circumcision receiving the Christian fidth
at that time, and among the rest Justus," <&c. — ^p. 448.
But those who view the place in Eusebius will see, that he does not
say those many of the circumcision were converted by Simeon, or were
under his government, or belonged to that church ; and so it signifies
nothing for his purpose. And so in fine, the account wherewith he
concludes his discourse of Jerusalem will not be admitted by any who
impartially consider the premises.
As for his other Scripture instances, there is not so much as the
shadow of a proof showed by him, that there were near so many Chris-
tians as in Jerusalem, or as are in some one of our parishes, yea,
or more than could meet in one place, either in Samaria, (where he
says it appears not what kind of government was established, p. 451,)
or in Lydda, which was but a village, though a fair one, and far from
having Saron for its proper territory, that being a plain between Joppa
and Cassarea ; or in Antioch, — ^p. 452 ; much less in Corinth and
Ephesus, which he advisedly passes by, — ^p. 456.
Our author does in effect acknowledge that in Scripture it appears
not that these churches were episcopal, much less diocesan ; " It
is to be confessed," says he, p. 461, " that the Scriptures have not
left so full and perfect an account of the constitution and government
of the first churches, &c. Thus we have no more notice of the
churches of Samaria and of Judaea (Jerusalem excepted) than that such
were founded by the apostles ; but of their government and constitu-
tion we have not the least information." What information, then,
• De Ponder, et Meiu. cap. zt. * Lib. Ul. cap. v.
• D^tence of Answer. Treat, iii. cap. vi. p. 175. ' made clear.
118 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
can we have that they were diocesan or episcopal? He goes on,
"And the prospect left of Antioch in Scripture is very confused, as
of a church in Jieri,'^ where a great number of eminent persons laboured
together to the building of it up ; but only from ecclesiastical writers,
who report that this church, when it was settled and digested, was
committed to the govemment of Euodias, and afier him to Ignatius,"
&c. So that after what form the church at Antioch was constituted
does not appear, (it may be congregational and not diocesan, for anj
thing this gentleman can see in Scripture,) but only from ecclesiastical
writers.
But his ecclesiastical writers do so contradict one another as T&aden
their testimcmies of little value. Nor is there much more reckoning to
be made of the traditional account they and others give concerning the
Succession and government of the first bishops, than this author makes
of Eusebius^s traditional chronology, p. 454. Some make Euodias
the first bishop, and he being dead, Ignatius to succeed him ;^ on
the contrary, some will have Ignatius to have been the first, and make
no mention of Euodias ; ^ others will have them to have governed that
church both together ;<* some will have Euodias ordained by Peter, and
Ignatius by Paul ; others report Ignatius ordained by Peter, and some
modem authors of great eminency, both Protestants and Papists, (not
only Baronius but Dr. Hammond,) find no more tolerable way to recon-
cile them, than by asserting that there were more bishops than one
there at once, which quite blasts the conceit of a diocesan church there.
And what is alleged for the numbers of Christians there, to support
this conceit of a diocesan church, is very feeble, p. 452, 453. ''A great
number believed, Acts xi. 21, and much people, ver. 24." The next
verses show, that there were no more than Paul and Barnabas assem-
bled within one church ; meeting cV rg iKKXijaia, for a year together,
and there taught this iKav6v or ndXvv SxXov. The same divine author
says, Acts vi. 7, noki/s ^x^or, "A great company of the priests were
converted :" and will this gentleman hence conclude that there were
priests enough converted to make a diocese ?
He hath no ground from Scripture to think otherwise of Rome,
(that we may take in all his Scripture instances together,) however he
would persuade us that there were several congi'egations there in
the apostles' times. Let us see how : " By the multitude of saluta-
tions in the end of that epistle, he makes appear the numbers of
Christians in that city. ^ Salute Priscilla and Aquila with the churdi
that is in their house.* "
• in the coune of formation. * Euaeb. lib. iii. eap. xxii.
« Chryi. Orat. In Ignat. ' Clemeni Conititut. lib. Tii. cap. xlvi.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 119
The Dean of PaulV will have this church in their house to be but
a &mily ; this author will have it to be a congregation, as if it might
be either to serve a turn. I think it was such a congregation as
nmoYed with Aquila from one country to another, for this church
which was in their house at Ephesus before, (1 Cor. xvi.) is said to be
in their house at Rome, (Bom. xvi.,) that is, there were some of the
church which belonged to their family. It is a question whether there
was now at Home any one congregation such as our author intends ;
Grotius^ thinks it probable there was none at all. But let us suppose
this to be a congrt^ation, where finds he his several others ? why where
another person would scarce dream of any. " It is not improbable,
aaith he, that several that are mentioned with all the saints that are
with them, may be the officers of several congregations," — pp. 457, 468.
But it is manifest that in the apostles^ times one congregation
had many ofiicers ; how, then, can several officers be a good medium
to prove several congregations? The ancient authors which count
those officers (mentioned Eom. xvi.) do make them bishops, (and some
except not Narcissus nor Prisca, t. e, Priscilla, though her husband
also hath an episcopal church assigned him.) Now if they were
not bishops at Rome, but other places, they are alleged to no pur-
pose ; if they were bishops at Rome, there will be very many bishops
in that one church, (it may be more than Priscilla's congregation con-
sisted of,) which rather than our author will grant, I suppose he
will quit his plurality of congregations here. Indeed, what he adds
next, doth no ways favour them ; ** and this number was afterwards
increased considerably by the coming of Paul, who converted some of
the Jews, and afterwards received all that came, whether Jews or Gen-
tiles, and preached to them the kingdom of God for the space of two
whole years, no man forbidding him," — p. 458.
Paul preached at Rome in his hired house for two years ; aU
this while he received all that came to him : there is no question
but that all the Christians there did come to hear this most eminent
apostle; so that it seems from first to last there were no more
Christians at Rome than a private house could receive.
He would prove what he intends from "Nero's persecution, who
is said to have put an infinite multitude of Christians to death upon
pretence that they had fired Rome, p. 458. Tacitus speaks of the
Christians as guilty, and says they confessed the crime, and detected*
many others."
Now those who suffered, either confessed that they fired Rome, and
then they were no Christians ; or they did not confess it, and then he
« Dr. Stfllinfllect. * In Rom. xvi. 5. ' earned the detoetion of.
120 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
wrongs them intolerably, and deserves no credit. But our author
to excuse him (against the sense of such who best understand him,
Lipsius particularly, besides Baronius and others) says, they confessed
not that they burnt Home, but that they were Christians. Whereas
the inquiry being concerning the burning of Rome, the question
was not whether they were Christians, but whether they fired the city;
of this last Tacitus speaks, and will be so understood by those who
think he speaks pertinently. But for truth in those accounts he gives
of Christians, it is no more to be expected than from other heathen
authors of those ages, with w^hom it is customary on that subject,
splendide mentiriy '^ to utter brilliant falsehoods."* Some other instances
hereof we have in this report of Tacitus, which I suppose our author
will scarce offer to excuse, as when the Christian religion is called
exitiabilia superstition " a pernicious superstition,** and when the Chris-
tians are said per flagitia invisos vulgb fuisse, " to have been universally
detested for their crimes."
But suppose he speaks truth, what is it he says ? Nero put an
infinite multitude of them to death, but ingens mtdtitudo, which are
his words, may be far less than an infinite multitude. Two or three
hundred may pass for a great multitude, and extraordinarily great,
when that which is spoke of them is extraordinary. The martjn
burnt in Queen Mary's days were a great multitude ; and few may be
accounted very many, to suifer in such a manner, as these did by
Nero's cruelty. " Some were disguised in the skins of wild beasts, and
worried to death by dogs ; some were crucified ; and others were
set on fire when the day closed, that they might serve as lights
to illuminate the night," Ferarnm tergis contecti ut laniatu canum
interirefity ant critcibus affixi, aut jiammandiy atque ubi de/ecisset dia
in usum nocturin luminis uterentnry in the words of Tacitus.
To this he adds the general account which Eusebius gives of the
success of the Christian faith immediately after the first discovery of it,
that j)resently in all cities and villages churches abounding with innu-
merable multitudes were assembled, &c. — p. 459.
If be will not deal imkindly with Eusebius, he must not set his
expressions upon the rack, nor stretch them beyond his intention,
nor forget what is observed to be usual with him ; Oratorum mare rem
ampUficare, — "to amplify a matter after the manner of the orators."
These churches consisting of innumerable multitudes are said to be not
only in all cities, but villages ; now I believe it will be an hard matter
for our author to show us any villages, even in Constantine*s time,
where there were a thousand, yea, or iiv^ hundred Christians. Those
who will not abuse themselves or their readers must give great allow-
ance to such expressions, and not rely on them in strict aiding.
IN THE PRIMITiyE TIMES. 121
And here it may not be amiss to take notice of what he says
of Borne in another chapter ; M[r.] B[axter] had declared, that he
found no reason to believe that Rome and Alexandria had for two
hundred years more Christians than some London parishes, (which
have sixty thousand souls,) nor near, if half so many.* The chief,
if not the only argument to prove them at Rome more numerous,
is a passage in Cornelius's epistle, shovnng the number of the officers
and of the poor; this was in the middle of the third age, and so
not within these two hundred years, but yet proves not what it is
alleged for in Cornelius's time, near anno 260. The number of
officers signifies no such thing, as hatli been made evident; the number
of the poor, being fifleen hundred, rather proves the contrary. This
was cleared ^ by comparing the proportions of the poor with the rest in
other places, at Antioch in particular, as was showed out of Chry-
sostom, who reckons the poor to be a tenth part of the inhabitants ; and
if it was so at Rome in Cornelius's time, the Christians were about
fifteen thousand. This will serve M[r.] B[axter]'s purpose well
enough. But the time and circumstances being exceeding different,
makes it most probable that the Christians then at Rome did nothing
near so much exceed the poor in nvunber. It is far more likely
that the proportions were nearer that at Constantinople, where Chry-
sostom says, the poor was one-half; this would spoil all our author's
pretensions, and so he advisedly takes no notice of it.
However, something he would say against M[r.] B[axter,] if one
coidd understand it. It is about the word ffki^fuvoi, in Corneliuses
epistle, rendered * the poor.' Valcsius observes the word is used by the
Roman clergy in an epistle to those at Carthage, sive viducB sivt
thlibofneniy t. e. indigentes, saith he, as Rufinus translates it, and tell us
also that Cyprian '^ calls them pauperes et indigentes qui laboranL
These, says our author, were not only poor, but sick and diseased,
alleging that of the Roman clergy for it afler Valesius, and if
he mean not only the poor, but the sick also, and the diseased,
he is right, for Cornelius signifies those that were maintained by the
church, widows and indigent, whether sick or well. But when he
says these poor were such only as were not able to come abroad,
he seems to confine it to the sick and diseased, and then it contradicts
the former, and is without reason, against the use and import of the
word, as rendered by all interpreters former and later that I meet
with, and indeed against common sense ; for the number Cornelius
speaks of is fixed, as that of the presbyters and deacons, such as may
be constantly known, and a certain account given of it, whereas the
> Chuieh Hist. p. 7. Vindieat. p. S7. * made clear. « Ep. It.
122 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
number of the sick is not fixed, but such a contingency as is very
uncertain and various.
But Cornelius says in the same epistle that the people of his church
were innumerable. True, that is, according to the frequent use of the
word, very many (it is granted they were more than in any other
church) as when Dio says the nations conquered by Trajan were innu-
merable, and Socrates expresses those wounded in the fight between
the Christians and heathen in Alexandria about the demolishing of an
idol temple were dvaplBfirjroiy^ " innumerable," which in Sozomen is
but many ; * and another ancient author says, there were innumerable
bishops in Africa, which yet this gentleman can easily count, and
tells us that schismatics and all were but four hundred and sixty-six.*^
M[r.] B[axtcr] may allow him what he falls short in this reckoning,
which is more than half, and may grant there were many more
hundreds of Christians in Kome than any of these innumerables come
to, and yet make good what he supposes.
The great liberality of tlie Roman church is offered as no small
argument of its greatness ; they sent to a great many churches, relieving
those that were in want, and sending necessaries to such as were con-
demned to the mines ; thus in Severus's time, and in the time of
Dionysius, the provinces of Syria with Arabia were thereby relieved
every one, p. 53.
M[r.] B[axter] need not doubt, but some one parish near him
might do what is equivalent to this, if the ancient charity were revived,
which opened the hearts of Christians in those times further than their
purses could well extend.
But the words are oddly stretched, for they did not relieve every one
in all those places, but such as were in great want, and those par-
ticularly who were condc?mned to the miue^ ; and cnapxtly must denote
as it were the all-sufllcicncy of the Uoniaii church, which some would
say is, as it were, blasphemy, but our author meant Ixjtter, the proper
import of the word is no more tlian stipem conferre.
He alleges two passages in Eusebius;*' the former concerns not
Rome more than any other place in the empire, the import of it is this,
not that every soul of every sort, but that many of all sorts were
led to the Christian religion: if iraaav yjn>xv^ ^ stretched to every
soul, Eusebius is made to sj>eak what is in a manner notoriously false,
and monstrously extravagant. The later which concerns Rome does
but signify, that more of good quality for riches and birth, with
their families and relatives, came over for salvation.*- These he will
have to be of the nobility, but those were counted noble who descended
• Lib. V. cap. 15. « Lib. vii. cap. \!i. • Page 131. ' Page54. « Lib. r. cap. 21.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 123
from such as had been magistrates in cities or free towns. How
this can make that church near so great as our author would have it,
or greater than M[r.] B[axter] supposes, I don't understand.
What he subjoins* is very surprising and must seem strange to
those who are acquainted with the state of the church in those times,
that the Christians were the better half of the Roman empire, that they
were the major part every where, but in Rome more eminently. This
hath no good warrant from ancient authors, no, not from Tertullian,
though he writ many years after Commodus. He, like an orator,
draws something bigger than the life, (as our author says of Nazianzen,
p. 137,) and must have allowance on this account by those who will
not be injurious to him. In that very age wherein Commodus reigned,
it is said the Christians were so often slaughtered, that few could
be found in Rome who professed the name of Clirist.* And near one
hundred and fifty years after, when Constantine had reigned near
twenty years in Rome, the generality of the inliabitants showed
such disaffection to Christianity, as that is given for one reason why
he transferred the seat of the empire to Byzantium.*^
He runs beyond M[r.] B[axter]*8 bounds towards the middle of the
third century, and tells us the greatest part of Alexander Severus's
family were Christians. And so they might be, and yet no more
Christians in Rome for that, if they were Christians before they came
into his family, which is more likely than that they were converted in
it. However many more such additions will not increase that church
beyond M[r.] B[axter]'8 measures, nor make it near so numerous
as that parish to which Whitehall belongs.
What he next offers neither concerns Rome,** being general expres-
sions, nor M[r.] B[axter], referring to the ages after those which
he is concerned for : whether by fivpuufdpovs tmavvdyofyas we understand
the great multitudes which were gathered into the Christian profession,
(as Valesius,) or that assembled together for Christian worship, (as our
author,) is not material ; though the former is more likely, unless
we can think Euseblus, an elegant writer, would use so much tautology
in so few Unes. That from which he may expect more service is
the next expression, which he renders, " the multitude of their meetings
in every city," but may with better reason he rendered, " the numerous-
ness or multitudes of those that assembled in several cities ;" for it
is so far from being true, that every city had many congregations
of Christians in it, that there were many cities long afler, which had
no Christians in them. And two instances cannot be given of any
cities in the whole empire that at this time had more congregations
• Page 54. * Platlna ViU Xjttl. « Zotimuc, Hiit. lib. il. p. 61. ' Page 55.
1 2
124 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
than one ; unless where they all might have assembled in one place,
they thought it better in prudence to disperse themselves into seyeral
meetings. For in Alexandria, which was the greatest city next to
Rome, and the most populous church in the whole world, there is
no appearance of more assemblies till the end of the tenth persecution,
and the death of Peter, bishop there, who suffered in the ninth year of
it.« And therefore the elegant gradation, in discovering of which this
gentleman would have us take notice that he has a more comprehensive
faculty than Valesius, seems not very well founded.
That which follows* is an hundred years or more beyond the time to
which M[r.] B[axter] limits his assertion: "About this time, or not
long after, Rome had above forty churches, which we must not imagine
to be built all at the same time, but by degrees, according as the num-
l)er of believers did require," &c. — page 55.
From the number of churches, he cannot reasonably conclude such a
multitude of Christians as he contends for. There were many churches
in Alexandria when Athanasius was bishop of it, and yet there were
no more Christians in his communion than could meet together in one
place. Baronius tells us, that there was a city in Germany which had
four hundred churches in it;^ and yet no reason to think that town was
comparable for circuit and populousness either to Rome or Alexandria.
If I should say that in Optatus there were not so many churches, but
the number mistaken by the transcribers, this would be as good an
answer as that of our author, who will have the twelve or fourteen
years of Athaua^jius's banishment in Epiphanius not to be so many
months, and that years arc put instead of months by the mistake of the
copies. — page 113. Or that other about the number of bishops in the
council at Antiocb, where he will have thirty in divers authors to be a
mistake of the transcribers, for ninety (or ninety-seven, or ninety-nine*)
Onuphrius must have liked such an answer to this of Optatus, who
though he was as much concerned for the greatness of the Roman
church as any, and no less inquisitive into the ancient state of it, yet
delivers it as a thing manifest and certain that Rome had but twenty-
eight titles, and this number not completed till the fifth age.* But
there is no need to insist on anything of this nature ; it is not so materisi
how many churches there was, as when there was so many, and about
the time he will have Blondel to mistake, and M[r.] B[axter] to
follow him therein ; he had been nibbling at Blondel a little before
upon a small occasion and with as little reason, as might be showed, if
it were fit to follow one in his vagaries. Let us see whether he doth
• Euwb. lib. vii. cap. 32. * Page 55. ' Anno lOIS, No. 1
' Pages 123, 124, 125. ' Interpret. Voc. Ecclet. art. Titulua.
I
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 125
not follow Valerius in his mistake, who will have Optatus to speak of
the churches at Borne in the time of Diocletian's persecution, tempore
pereecutionie Dtodetiani.^ But Optatus speaks of those churches when
extant, and capable of recdving congr^ations, as is plain by his words ;
but what churches were at Borne or other places, in the very beginning
of that persecution, were all quite demolished, and that in one day, says
Theodoret,^ or the paschal days, as Eusebius f and there is no probability
they could rebuild them while the persecution lasted, or that so many
could be raised in less than many years afVer. Nicephorus speaks but
of fourteen churches at Constantinople in the reign of Theodorius
junior ; nor meet I with any author that gives an account of more, yet
this was about an himdred years after Byzantium was re-edified, and
both Constantine and the succeeding empercn^ endeavoured to make that
city as populous as could be, and furnished it with churches answerable
to the niunbers of the inhabitants.^ So that there is no likelihood
there could be forty churches at Borne at any time nearer Diocletian's
than Optatus's.
But to help this, our author tells us out of Optatus, that there were
three Donatists bishops at Borne successively before Macrobius, who
was contemporary with Optatus, and that the first of them was Victor
Garbiensis, and he will have Optatus to speak of the state of Borne (the
forty churches there) not as it was in his own time, but in that of this
Victor; when this was, he says, is not easy to fix. — page 56.
Yet this is certain, it cannot be in the time of Diocletian's persecu-
tion, for the schism of the Donatists did not break out till Majorinus
was ordained, (who was the first bishop of the faction made in Africa or
elsewhere) and this was some time afler the persecution was there
ended, as Optatus, and Valerius afler him, and others declare ;' and
scHue time must be allowed after this for the Donatists' settling in B<xney
and such an increase of them there as to need a bishop. Baronius
makes this Victor to be bishop in Silvester's time, which might be
long enough after Diocletian's persecution, for he lived till 335. All
which our author hath to allege for the more early date of Victor's
bishopric is that there were two or three Donatist bishops between
Victor and Optatus ; but this will scarce serve his turn ; for there
were four bishops of Bome in the former part of that very age wherein
we are now concerned, who held not the chair ten years among them :
MarceUus, Eusebius, Melchiades, and Marcus. But we may allow the
three Donatist bishops at Bome near ten years a-piece, from the time of
Optatus, 378, as both Blondel and Valesius agree ; and yet Victor
• In Euteb. Hb. t1. cap. zliii. * HUt. lib. v. cap. xxxviil. ' Chroo.
* Lib. Tli. esf . zHz. • De Scbii. Donat. cap. ill. [Ed. Paris. I679« p. 76, la]
126 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT TET DISCOVERED
Garbiensis may not be bishop till anno 850, and so nearer to Optatus's
time, than Diocletian^s.
2. It is no proof of diocesan churches, that those who belong to them
occasionally divide tliemselves into distinct meetings. A large church,
and sonjetimes a small congregation, may hare occasion to divide and
meet in parcels, for their convenience or security ; particularly in time
of persecution ) that they may assemble with more safety, and be the
better concealed from those who would disturb or apprehend them.
The people that belonged to Cyprian did meet all together on several
occasions, as is apparent in his epistles ; yet when persecution was hot,
he thought it advisable, caute non glomeratim nee per midtUudmem
simul junctam, convenienduniy** '* to meet cautiously, not in large bodies,
nor in a compact multitude." They durst not, in some parts, tU ni
<t>dvtpov cMcXija-mCciv, ** keep their assemblies in public,'* in the beginning
of Constantine*s reign. *
Damasus, the supposed author of the Popes' Lives, says, EuaarisiuM
titulos preshyteris divisit, " divided the titles in Bome to the presbyters ;"
and by titles, some will have us to understand parish churches. But it
is incredible that the Christians, in Trajan's time, when Euariatus was
bishop, could erect any structures in form of churches, or had any
distinguishable from other houses, so as the heathen might take notice
of them, as used or designed for the religious exercises of Christians.
Wlio can imagine, that when it was death for any one to be known to
be a Christian, they should frequent any known places for Christian
worship ? It is far more reasonable, which Platina says of Calixtus's
time, more than an hundred years afler, that then the ^'meetings of
Chiistians were all secret, and rather in chapels, and those hidden, and
for tlie most part underground, than in open and public places.** Cttm
ed tempestate oh crebras persecutiones occulta esaent omnia^ et aaeeOa
potiuSy atque eadem abdita et plerumque subtenwiea; quam aperUa m
locis ac puhlicia fierent. Dr. St[illingfleet] says,*^ " I confess it seems not
probable to me that those tituli were so soon divided as the time of
Euaristus, who lived in the time of Trajan, when the persecution was
hot against the Christians ;" but Damasus seems not to believe himself,
for in the life of Dionysius, he saith. Ate preshyteris eccUsiaa divisit^ **it
was he who divided the churches to the presbyters.** His reason
concludes as much or more against the titles under this notion asciibed
to Marcellus two hundred years afler, (which some will have to be
twenty-five, but Onuphrius shows they could not be more than fifteen')
for Marcellus was bishop of Rome for six years of the tenth persecution,
• tEp. V. ) [Ed. Paris, 1726, Ep. iv. ) » So«. lib. i. cap. ii.
• Iran. p. 857. rf Interpret. Voc. Eccks. Ml. Tttnlus
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 127
begun by Diocletian^ which was the longest and fiercest that ever befel
the church ; when the Christians were so far from erecting any
churches, that all before erected were bj severe edicts to be quite
demolished. But what is said of titles divided bj Euaristus, may be
true in this sense, that since they could not safely meet together in the
persecution under Trajan, they dispersed themselves into distinct
meetings, and had presbyters assigned to officiate in each of them.
And yet the Christians at Rome were then no more, nor long after,
than might all meet together for worship, and did so when it could be
done in safety. In the time of Xystus, who had the chair at Rome
under Adrian, it is said, *' because of the frequent slaughters of the
Christians, there were few foimd who durst profess the name of Christ,**
propter frequentes ccedes pauci reperieidur qui nomen Christi profiteri
auderent.^ And there was an order in that church, that when the
bishop celebrated, all the presb3rters should be present. Zepherinus
vohdt presbyteros omnes adesse celehrante episcopo, quod etiam Euariato
placuit, " Zepherinus would have all the presbyters present, when the
bjshop celebrated, which was also the rule of £uaristus f^ this is said to
be made in the time of Euaristus, to whom this division of titles is
ascribed, and it was in force an himdred years after, being renewed by
Zepherinus, who was bishop till anno 218, about thirty years before
Cornelius, who speaks of forty-six presbyters at Rome. Now the
Lord's supper was frequently administered in those times, at least
every Lord's day ; and when the bishop was present, he himself did
celebrate ; and if all the presbyters were to be present when he did
celebrate, then all the people likewise were to be present, or else they
had no public worship, for they could have none without bishop or
presbyters.
8. A church is not proved to be diocesan by the numbers of presby-
ters in it ; this 1 have made evident before, and made it good against
our author's exceptions. But he brings a new instance,^ and vdll have
Edessa to have been a diocesan church, because of the numerous
clergy ; " the clergy," says he, " of the city of Edessa, were above two
hundred persons, not reckoning that of the country within his diocese,
and this was a diocesan bishop to purpose."
He did weU not to reckon that of the country in liis diocese, unless
he had known that something of the country was within his diocese.
It was not unusual for the bishop's charge to be confined to a town or
city — Rome itself is an instance of it ;*" cum omnes eccleske nostrce intra
civitatem cmistitutce sunt, " all oiu- churches are fixed within the city.'*
But why it should be judged to be a diocesan church, because two
• Plalina. Vita Xyiti. • Page 552. ' Innocent. P.p. ad Decentimn. [cap. v.]
128 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT TET DISCOVERED
hundred such persons belonged to it, seeing the great church at C. P.*
had above &ve hundred officers assigned it after Justinian had retrenched
the numbers,* and yet was never counted a diocese, I do not well
understand ; but he hath some other reasons for it, and because he
thinks they prove the bishop of Edessa to have been a diocesan to
purpose, let us, on the by,^ a little examine them. These he gives in'
summarily — '' This was a diocesan bishop to purpose, who, besides a
large diocese, had excommunicating archdeacons, and a great revenue."
I find nothing alleged to show he had a large diocese, or any at all,
but this — The city of Battina was in the diocese of Edessa ; for Ibas is
accused of having endeavoured to make one John bishop of it, &c.
Battina had a bishop of its own ; how then can it be said to be in
the diocese of Edessa, unless province and diocese be confounded?
Edessa was the metropolis of Mesopotamia ; the bishop of it was the
third metropolitan in the patriarchate of Antioch, as they are ordered'
in the ancient Notitia. The bishop of Battina was one of the many
suffragans belonging to that metropolitan. How then comes the
diocese of Edessa to be any ways large upon this account? Is the
diocese of Canterbury one foot the larger because there is a bishop of
Peterborough in that province? These things are not easily appre-
hended, nor can be well digested.
2.) The greatness of his revenue is no more apparent ; there is nothing
to prove it but the riches of that church, and its great revenues, and
hereof our author gives us no clear account, no value of the nttmismatajf
nor is there any evidence in the council for the manors he speaks of,
but only the felling of some wood in a certain place there named. But
where there was a diocesan and archdeacons, deconun required there
should be manors and vast revenues for the bishop. Nor do I quarrel
with it, only this breaks the squares a little, and disturbs the corre-
spondence between those and our times ; that if the revenues of that
church had amounted to ten times more, yet the bishop would scarce
have been one jot the richer for it. This will not seem strange to any,
who take notice of the ancient orders concerning the revenues of an
episcopal church. The bishop was to have nothing thereof if he could
maintain himself otherwise. When he was necessitous, nothing wai
allowed him for himself but necessaries, food and raiment.' He was to
purchase nothing while he lived, nor to leave anything got by his
bishopric when he died, to his relatives or others, but only to the
church that maintained him.* The bishop of Edessa, or any other in
these circumstances, must be a poor diocesan, and one in a good English
• ConsUntinople. * Novel, iii. cap. iii. ' in pasting.
• arranged. / tributes. r Con. Antioch. Can.'xxT.
' Cod. Justin. Lex xlii. sect. ii. cap. De Episc. Nov. cxxxi. cap. xiii. Con. Garth, iii. can. ilix.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 129
rectory or yicange, is in a fairer way to be rich than any in the ancient
bishoprics, so ordered. And if riches or revennes be good arguments
to prore a diocesan, one of our vicars may be a better diocesan than
the bishop of Edessa. It is true there is some intimation from Rome,
that the bishop should have the fourth part of the church's revenues ;
but there is no appearance of such a distribution till ailer the time of
the four first general councils, nor in any country but Italy till an
hundred years after : nor did it ever obtain (that I can discover, after
some inquiry) in the Greek churches.
3.) The other proof that Ibas was a diocesan, viz. because he had
excommunicating archdeacons, our author would make good by telling
us, that one of his archdeacons excommunicated Maras. Now this,
though it prove not what it is alleged for, may prove more than he
likes. An archdeacon in the ancient church (though he be another
thing now) was not so much as a presbyter ; he was but in the lower
order of deacons, though chief amongst them, and chosen by them, as
Jerome signifies:' diaconi eligunt dt se quern industrium noverint, et
archidiac<mum vacant^ ''the deacons choose from amongst themselves
one whom they know to be industrious, and call him archdeacon.'*
Now if a deacon had the power to excommunicate, there can be no
doubt but the presbyters had it, being of a superior order and power.
And excommunication being counted the highest act of jurisdiction, it
cannot be questioned but the other acts thereof belonged to them ; and
BO the presb3rters having all the jurisdiction of bishops, (all the power of
government) what did they want of being bishops but the honour of
presiding in their assemblies ? And if they were no farther from being
bishops, they will go near to be as much diocesan ; and so this gen-
tleman may choose, whether he will have all of both sorts to be
diocesans, or none of either.
4. It is no argument to prove a diocesan church, to show that it
consists of such who live at a good distance one from another. Dionysius
had a great congregation at Cephro, a village in Lybia; but those
which made up this church were of another country, coming partly
from Alexandria, partly from other parts of Egypt, as Eusebius shows
us, yet none ever esteemed that to be a diocesan church. In Justin
Martyr's time, those that were in the country, and those that were in
the city, when those were no more than made one congregation, met
together in one place, irdvr^v Karii n6ktig koi aypoifs fttvovrc^v cVl t6 avT6
crvycXf ucrtr ; the meeting consisted of such as lived at a good distance,
but none will imagine it to be a diocesan church, but those who will
have a single congregation to be such a church. "All the Christians
• £p. ad Evafrium.
130 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT TET DISCOVERED
in city and country/* says Dr. Downham, '- if tfaey had been assembled
together, would have made but a small congregation.*'*
Our author would prove the largeness of Basil's diocese by the
distance between Csesarea and Sasima.^ He makes much of it, and
takes the pains to measure the distance between these towns, or rather,
as he says, to make some guess at it out of an itinerary and Putinger's
tables ; yet tells us the distance must be as great, at least, as between
Hippo and Fussala, that so St. Basil's diocese may be as great, at least,
as that of St. Austin's. I think they will prove much alike, for as I
have showed that Austin's diocese was not one foot larger for Fussala,
so it will appear that St. Basil's had not the least enlargement upon the
account of Sasima. That he might not be out in his measures, nor
have lost all his labour, two things should first have been cleared,^
neither of which is (or I think can be) proved. First, that Sasima was
in Basil's diocese ; for if it was but only in his province, how &r
soever it was from Csesarea, his diocese can be nothing the larger for it,
though his province might. To prove it in his diocese, I find nothing
but his own assertion, that Sasima is said expressly to be taken out of
the diocese of Basil ; but where is this said expressly, or by whom,
except by himself? The words in the margin signify no such thing,
but only some attempt to deprive a metropolis of Sasima ; for a
metropolis may be deprived of a town which is in any part of the
province, when another metropolitan seizeth on it. And I believe our
author is yet more out in taking the metropolis which Nazianzen
speaks of to be Cajsarea, when it appears by the epistle to be rather
Tyana ; for as the whole epistle is writ to Basil, so these words cited,
after many others, by way of sharp expostulation, are directed to him
as endeavouring to deprive a metropolis of this town, called ironicallj
rSv XaynrpQiv ^aaifiav, " the illustrious Sasima :" now Ca^sarca was not
the metropolis which Basil would have deprived of Sasima; he
earnestly endeavoured to have it annexed thereto : but he would have
deprived Tyana of it, if Anthimus, the metropolitan there, had not
made a stout opposition. Secondly, he should have proved, that after
this part of Cappadocia was divided into two provinces, Sasima was in
that province which fell to Basil's share ; for if it was not in his
province, how could his diocese be any larger for it ? But instead of
this, our author offers what may serve to disprove it, telling us that in
the ancient Greek Notitia, Sasima is set down in the second Cappadocia,
which belonged to Anthimus as the first did to Basil ; and so, says he,
it is not likely to be very near Ccesarea. No indeed ; it is thereby
proved to be so far from Csesarea, that it did not enlarge Basil's
« Defence, lib. ii. rap. iv. p. 69. ' Pages 516, 547. <^ made clear.
IN THB PBIMITIVE TIMES. 181
jvoyince, much less his diocese. Thus it is also placed in the
AoirvviMrftff of Leo Sophus, tinder die metropolitan of Tyana, not of
Ccsarea. It is true Basil laid claim to it, but after some contest he
yielded, and Anthimus carried it, placing Eulalius there as one of his
suffi^igans, when Nazianzen had quitted it.
He goes fiirther on to show the largeness of dioceses in Basil's
province.
'^ It is plain, by Nazianzen, that Cappadocia had but fifty bishops,
for so many he says Basil had under him ; and considering the extent
of that country, the dioceses must needs be large."
He does not say Basil had no more imder him, nor that he was
im^king no more ; he knew Basil was constituting more bishops in that
part of Cappadocia which was his province, and Nazianzen commends
him for it as an excellent undertaking on several accounts.'
'* Considering the extent of that country, the dioceses must needs be
large, for the country, as Strabo computes, is near four hundred miles
in length, and little less in breadth."
If he means Basil's own province, where he told us there were fifty
sofilragans under him besides Sasima, &c.,^ (as I know not what he can
mean else, if his discourse be not impertinent and inconsistent, for
Basil, as metropolitan, had no bishops under him, but those in his
proper province,) Strabo is strangely misrepresented to serve a turn ;
fiir it is the whole country which passed under the name of Cappadocia,
that the geographer gives us the dimensions of in the place cited, and
tells us it was divided into ten prefectures — Mdetena, Cataonia, Cilica,
Tyanitis, Isauritis, &c., whereof Basil's province was but one, viz. that
called Cilica, and that of Anthimus, Tyanitis, another, &c. ; Mazaca,
aftierwards called Csesarea, being metropolis of Basil's, and Tyana of
Tyanitb, &c. ; and aft«r he hath given some account of these ten
prefectures, he adds the dimensions of the whole coimtry in these words
— ^*^ The extent of Cappadocia in breadth, from the £uxine to Taurus,
is eighteen hundred furlongs ; in length, three thousand." So that
our author will have the extent of Basil's province to be no less
than that of the whole country, when it is but the tenth part thereof.
And as if this were not enough, he makes the breadth of the whole
country to be near twice as much as it is in Strabo ; but he hath some
salvo for this, such as it is.
''And little less in breadth, as Casaubon restores the reading of
eighteen hundred furlongs in the twelfth book, by a passage in the
second, where the breadth is made two thousand eight hundred."
It is true Casaubon observes some difference in the places cited, but
• Ont. de Bm. * Page 546.
182 DIOCESAN CUUBCHES NOT TBT DISCOVEBED
he shows how they may be easily reconciled without changing the text
here, or making the coimtry brcMder than it is here described, viz. by
taking Pontus in one place for the sea, in the other for the region so
called, separated from Cappadocia by mountains parallel to Taurus;
and then concludes, Sic non erit discedendum h vtdgatd lectiane, " thus
we shall not have to depart from the common reading/' So that he
hath no relief by Casaubon without curtailing the passage.
'' And in this compass bishops may contrive fifty dioceses of very
competent extent, and not inferior to many of ours."
Let him try how in Basil's province of about forty miles in length, he
can contrive room for above fifty bishops, with as large dioceses as
those he pleads for. That which is now thought little enough for (me
bishop, Basil conceived too big for fifty.
What dioceses Basil (and others before him) thought sufficient for
bishops, both then and in former times, appears by a passage which
our author next cites, where Amphilochius, bishop of loonium, is
directed to constitute bishops for the province of Iconinm, in " little cor-
porations and villages."^ Hundreds of instances might be brought of
bishops elsewhere, in such little places and villages, but I will go no
further now, than the instance himself offers us, whereby it is nuuiifest
that a little corporation or a village might furnish a bishop with such
a diocese, as was then thought competent, both by Basil and the church
before him ; for in such little places there was bishops before, ai
Basil there signifies, and he gives direction that it should be so still
Yet he that would advise the reducing of bishops to such sees now,
would be counted an enemy to episcopacy, and his advice destructiYe
to bishops. So much do we now differ, both from the judgment and
practice of the ancient church, and the most eminent bishops in it.
Hereby also it appears that the multiplying of metropolitans was no
such occasion of multiplying bishops, but that their nimibers increased,
when there was not that occasion : and this in Cappadocia, which is
our author's eminent instance.* For bishops were multiplied by erect-
ing episcopal sees in villages, and little places ; this was done in Isauiia,
a province in Cappadocia, as appears by these passages in Basil, before
the contest between him and Anthimus, upon the constituting a new
metropolitan : and after that difference was composed, Basil thought it
advisable that it should be done still. And the like may be said of .
Africa, the instance he most insists on, and spends many pages upon,
pretending [that] the occasion why bishops were so numerous there, was
the schism of the Douatists, whereas the rule by which the African
fathers proceeded in erecting bishoprics in little places, and so increasing
• £p. ccccvi. * Paf e 5i6.
IN THB PBtMlTIVE TIMES, 1S&
the number of bishops p was^ as themselvea declare, who best knew it, tha
iaereflae of the number of Chrisrianfl." Where these were mtiiliplied»
and desired a bishop, they thought themselvca bound to let them hare
one; not eicepdug the meanness or smallnessof tlie places where he was
to be constituted. And we must believe (Lf we have any reverence for
llioee fathers) that they would have done what they judged theniselvea
obliged to, though there had been no Donatista amongst them. And
when there can be no such pretence of occasion from the Donatists, the
practice was continued , as appears by St. Austin's procuring a bishop
for Fossala, which he calls a caatJe, upon some increase of the Catholaca
there, divers years after the noted conference at Carthage, where the
heart of the Dooatists was broken. Nay, many years aAer the invasion
of the Vandal J?, and the death of St. Austin, Uiey proceeded in the same
methods, or rather exceeded their predecessors in multiplying bishopflt
by erecting episcopal seats in smaller, and more inconsiderable placesj if
Leo's epistle may be credited,*
But to return to onr-author, and the passage of Basil insisted on, hj
wliich, says he, ^* it appears thai isauria was part ot Basil b pnjfvinoe.''
How tliis appears by anything therein, I cannot imagine. Onr anthoir
signifies before that Isauria was a distinct province, the metropolis of it
(as he supposes) Seleucia, which had a metropolitan and suffragans
before ; and being now destitute, the bishops in the vicinity were
careful to provide others. Which being so, that it should be part of
BasiTs province, seems as incongruous, as if it were said, that the
province of York is part of the province of Canterbury ; but if this
oould be digest^, that one province is part of another, yet Isauria
nbuld rather be part of Amphilochius's province, who (as he tells us)
was to constitute a metropolitan and other bishops therein, than of
Basil^s, who is only represented as giving advice about it. Or if giving
advice and direction, would prove anything of this nature, the Papists
might think it a good argument, that Africa was part of the Roman
province, because Leo, bishop of Rome, gives advice, how bishops
should be there constituted.^
Next he brings in the chorepiscopi in order to his design,, and teUs
us' they were " country bishops, and their churches consisted of many
congregations, and those at a good distance one from another ; and also
that some of them had the inspection of a large territory, no less it is
like' than the country of Fussala.**
But not a word for proof of this, save Basil's mentioning a chor-
episcopus r^y r<Sirfi0v, of some places ; whereas, if he had been the bishop
of two or three villages, this might be enough to satisfy the import of
• C4meil. Carth. 2 Can. ▼. * Ep. Izvxt. [cap. ii.] ' Ibid. ' Page 550. • probable.
134 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
that expression. Yet he knows there is some one country parish, that
hath ten times as many, or more villages in it, but never pretended to
be a diocesan church, and that such a pretence would be now counted
ridiculous.
He adds that which, if it were true, would go near to dethrone these
country bishops, (for Basil speaks of them as having their thrones in
villages,) and render them less than ancient presbyters, for all their
large territory, and their being diocesans.
"But yet these were but the deputies or surrogates of the city
bishops in point of jurisdiction, for they were to do nothing of moment
without their bishop."
If this be so, it would be less wonder that the pope will have bishops
to be but his substitutes, and that some bishops will have the pastors of
parochial churches to be but their vicars or curates. I hope our author
intends better ; however, it is well that such odd hypotheses have no
better support than that which is added ; for, says he, " they were to
do nothing of moment without their bishop :" this is his argument, and
he is not alone in urging it. Let us sec whether it will not do the
bishops (for whose advancement it is designed) as much disservice as it
can do the chorepiscopi, or presbyters, divesting them of that which
is counted more necessary and advantageous to them, than a laige
diocese. The provincial bishops were obliged to do nothing, fAifih
TrpiiTTfip (^(7rix*ip€iv) di)(o. rov firjTpo7r6k€os fVtcricoTrot;, without the bishop of
the metropolis ; tliis the synod at Antioch decrees, according to an
ancient canon of the fathers." By this argument we must conclude,
that the bishops in a province were but the deputies and surrogates of
the metrojx)litan. And it may proceed proportionably against the
metropolitans with respect to the e^apxoi or primates, and also to their
prejudice in reference to the patriarchs. It will go near to destroy the
bishops likewise, if we follow it downwards. In the ancient church the
bishops were to do nothing of moment without the presbyters ; this the
most judicious and learned asserters of episcopacy acknowledge.* Nay,
further, in tlie l)est ages of the church, the bishops were to do nothing
without the j)eople, that is, without their presence and consent. This is
most evident in Cyprian's epistles, and is acknowledged by such
prclatists as are otherwise reserved enough.*^ Now by this argument
we may conclude tliat bishops were but the deputies or surrogates of
the presbyters ; or, which will be counted more intolerable, that bishops
had their jurisdiction from the people by deputation and vicarage. It
may Ixj this gentleman will not like his argument so well, when he sees
• Can. Ix. Can. Apoxt. xxxv. Concil. Milcv. Can. xiii.
» BLp.] Bilion, Dr. Field, Dr. Downham. B[p.] Hall, M[r.] Ttaorndike, B[p.] Uih€T.
«• Vide Defence of Dr. St[illingfleetl p. 407.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 135
what improyement it is capable of; yet in pursuance of it he adds,
*' Basil is so resolute upon his prerogative, that he will not endure they
should ordain as much as the inferior clergy, without his consent ; and
if they do, let them know (says he) that whosoever is admitted without
our consent shall be reputed but a layman."
I suppose the prerogative for which he will have Basil so resolute, is
a n^ative in ordinations upon the country bishops ; but this cannot be
concluded from the words cited ; for the council of Nice gives the
metropolitan a power as to ordinations, in the same words,*^ declaring
that if a bishop be ordained by the provincials, x^P^^ V^t^l^i without
the judgment of the metropolitan, the great council will have him
accounted no bishop ; and yet the metropolitan had no negative upon
the provincials in ordinations, for the same council determines, that in
ordinations, plurality of votes shall prevail, whicli is utterly inconsistent
with any one's negative voice. What, then, is the import of Basil's &¥tv
yp»fui^ ? Take it in the words of a very learned and judicious Doctor
of this church : " It is indeed there said, that none should be ordained,
X^pit yywfu^f, without the opinion of the metropolitan ; but that doth
not import a negative voice in him, but that the transaction should
not pass in his absence, or without his knowledge, advice and
suffrage," &c.*
6. It is no proof of a diocesan chui'ch, to show that a town, besides
the clergy or officers in it, had some presbyters or congregations in the
country belonging to it. The instances which signify no more, or not
so much, are produced as sufficient arguments to prove there were such
churches. As that of Gains Diddensis, presbyter, supposed (with what
ground I examine not) to have been a country presbyter belonging to
Carthage, and under Cyprian.*^ And that of Felix, said to do the office
of a presbyter, under Decimus, another presbyter, a thing unheard of in
those times ; but let us take it as we find it, and upon the very slender
reason alleged against Goulartius, (who is of another judgment) believe,
that he was a priest in some village belonging to Caldonius's diocese.!'
And that order for the presbyters from their churches, to repair to their
proper bishop for chrism in Africa,* in Spain,/ and in France.' To
these are added, for further evidences, the churches (said without
ground to be many) belonging to Hippo Dioeritorum ; also the church
of Thyana, belonging to Alypius, bishop of Tagesta, which without
reason, we must take to be a considerable city,* and the city Milevis,
because Petilian says Tunca belonged to it once, though now it had a
bishop of its own ; and by our author's art of computation, towns,
• C*n. vi. » Barrow of the Pope'n Supremacy, p. 314. * Vindication, p. 504.
' Paget 500, 507. ' Con. Garth, iv. Can. xxxvi. / Cone. Tol. i. cap. xx.
r Cone. Vasens. Can. ill. ' Page 527.
136 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
villages, and cities must belong to Milevis, upon the sole account of
Tunca sometime appertaining to it;* and- these with Fussala, (of
which before) are the chief instances to prove that Africa had very
large dioceses, not inferior to those of ours, in extent of territory.*
Besides, in the council of Neoccesarea, country presbyters are dis-
tinguished from others ; ^ and that of Antioch provides' that country
presbyters shall not give canonical epistles,^ and allows the bishop to
order/ his own church, and the country places depending on itJf And
Epiphanius speaks of a church belonging to his charge, which we must
understand to be his diocese, though in the passage cited, it is twice
called his province ; * in fine, Jerome speaks of some baptized by pres-
byters or deacons in hamlets, castles, and places remote from the bishop.
These and such like are used as good arguments for diocesan
churches, wherciis there are divers towns in England, which besides
the officers in them, have many congregations and presbyters io
villages belonging to them, and contained within the parish ; and yet
our author and those of his persuasion, would think diocesans quite
ruined, if they were reiluced, and confined to the measures of those
parish churches, and left no bigger than some of our vicarages azMi
parsonages, though such as Mr. Hooker affirms to be as large as some
ancient bishoprics ; he might have said most, there being not one in
many greater or so large. I yet see no ground in antiquity, nor can
expect to have it proved, that the larger sort of ordinary bishoprics in
the fourth age, and sometime after, were of more extent than two such
vicarages would l^e, if united. Yet a bishop of such a district in our
times would be counted so far fi-om having a competent diocese, that he
would scarce escape from being scorned as an Italian episcopellus.'
But his greatest argument, (in comparison of which his other
allegations, he tells us, are but accidental liints,-^') which he most
insists on, and offers many times over, so that it makes a great part of
his discourse on this subject,* — is drawn from tlie number of bishops
in councils, by which he would evince the largeness of ancient dioceses,
when it no way proves diocesan churches of any size. He proceeds
upon this supix>sition, that there were great numbers of Christians in
all parts and cities,' in the first age ; and that the bishops were fewer
in former times than afterwards. The former part of his hypothesis, if
he understands the numbers of Christians to be anytliing comparable to
what they were after Constantine, wlftiu bishops were much multiplied,
• Page 528. * Page 516. ' Can. xlii. * Can. Till.
' The canonical oplitlen were letters of recommendation given to personK who were in the peace
and communion of the church, on their passing from one fellowihip to another. See BLaghan-
Antiq. Book ii. chap. iv. Kcct. v.
/ regulate. t Can. ix. p. 530. * Page 555. < bithopUng.
} Page 508. * Pages 508 to p. 535, to p. 539, p. 556 to 562. ' Page 530.
IM TBB PftJJilTiyK TtHKB. IW
{m3 he mutt uBd^rstand il^ it he expect anj service fronn it) wan^
proof; ami he offefs tione but aofna podea^ei in Tertaliian, stzaxQed hr
beyond what is agreeable to otiier aDcieni anthoTB, of whidi bdbic.
Let me add, that Na.ziaasen, comparing the Qumberii of CfafifltiKiB in
fcrmer times with thoae ia JuHah'^a reigHt sajv, ^^J ^r^re not numj id
^ fijnner perBecutioiis, (Chiiauamty bad not reached many^ o^» M
ff&XotTf,) no, not In that of DiocIetiaD, 4ci, (though ibej were at that
time far more numerotis than in TertuHian's agv) but that Christianiiy
was found ooJy in a few, « ikryott^* The other part, which needs no
fffoof, ainoe it is grants, (and may be without any advantage to him)
he attempts to proTe lar^'ely sn«l industry i.-'r : hut by mch a medium
at makes that which is granted to be qoestioiiable, such a one which,
as it IS ordeiedy may oonchidfi backward, and prore the contrary to
iHiat he designs. That this may be manifest, let it be observed, that
he win have as take an acooont c^the number (^bishops in the church,
by their appearing in coondls, more or fewer ; and accordingly judge
ia sereral periods, whether ihej were less nmnerous, and consequently
Acir dioceses larger in former times than afterwards. And to this
purpose, we need view no other instances than himself produces. At
Tambose, in Africa, there were ninety bishops against Priyatus ; but
not so many in any council after, (though not a few are mentioned in
dist country) tiD ihe Donatists grew numerous.* In Spain, the council
of Eiiberis had nineteen bishops in the b^inning of the fourth age,
and the first council of Toledo had no more in the beginning of the age
after. But the foUowing synods, at Saragossa, Gerunda, Herda,
Valentia, Arragon, had not so many.'^ In France, the council at
Valence had twenty-one bishops in the fourth age, but those following
them, in that and the after ages, had still fewer, viz. that of Riez,
Orange, the third of Aries, that at Angers, that at Tours, and Vannes,
lad another at Aries. For general councils, the first at Nice had three
kindred and eighteen bishops in the beginning of the fourth age ; that
at Ephesus, above an hundred years after, had but two hundred ; that
>t C. P.,' in the latter end of the fourth age, had but one hundred and
Sfty bishops.
So that if we take account how many bishops there were of old, as
he would have us, by their numbers in councils, there will be more
before the middle of Uie third age, than in the beginning of the fourth ;
^oom in the beginning of the fourth than in some part of the fifth ; and
inore in the b^;inning of the fiftli, than in some part of the sixth ;
I 9ute contrary to the hypothesis on which he proceeds. Whether by
•OmtBLpSd.PVit, 16M,toai.i.p.80, A.] * FuifiMi.
' PhmU7. iM. ' OopttMtiaople.
K
138 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
bis argument he would lead us to think dioceses did wax and wane so
oddlj, as it makes bishops to be more or fewer, I cannot tell. However,
since he grants that in the fourth and fifth ages dioceses were Yery
smaU,** and crumbled into small pieces,* (and so nothing like oun)
there is no expectation he can find any larger, if anything near so
great, in any former age : unless they can be larger, when incomparably
fewer Christians belonged to these bishops, which will be no less a
paradox than the former. For it cannot but be thought strange, that
the bishop^s diocese should be greater, when his flock was undeniably
fiu: less. And they seem not to be Christian bishoprics, whose measures
must be taken by numbers of acres rather than of souls ; or by
multitudes of heathens rather than Christians.
He denies not, that the generality of bishops, for a long while afier
the apostles, had but one congr^ation to govern.^ " What then ?" says
he ; "if all the believers in and about a city would hardly make a
congregation, that is to be ascribed to the condition of those times.*
Dioceses with him, were largest in the first times ; but bishops being
still multiplied, they became less and less, and so were very small, and
crumbled into very little pieces in the fourth and fifth ages. This is
the tendency of his discourse all along. Thus dioceses must be largest
when a bishop had but one congregation ; but in after ages, when he
had more congregations under his inspection, dioceses were very small.
If he will stand to this, our difierences may be easily compromised.
Let him, and those of his persuasion, be content with the dioceses in the
first ages, when he counts them largest ; and we shall never trouble
any to reduce them to the measures of the fourth and fifth ages, when,
in his accoimt, they were so lamentably little, and crumbled so very
small.
The particulars premised, contain enough to satisfy all that I have
yet seen alleged out of antiquity for diocesan churches, so that no more
is needful ; yet let me add another, which will show there is a medium
between congregational and diocesan churches. So that if some
churches should be showed out of the ancients exceeding the congre-
gational measures, (as some there were in the times of the four first
general councils) yet it cannot thence be immediately inferred that they
were diocesan, since they may prove a third sort of churches, and such
as will as little please those of this gentleman's persiiasion as congre-
gational.
6. It is no argument for a diocesan church, that there were several
fixed churches, with their proper presbyters in a city or its territoiy,
so long as these churches, how many soever, were governed in common
• Page 552. • Page 516. • Pag* 71.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIME8. 139
by the bishop and presbyters in such a precinct For though few
inatanceB can be givai of such churches, in or belonging to a city in the
fourth age, yet whererer they were extant in that, or the following age,
in things of oommon concern to those churches, they were ordered in
eonrnKWi by a presbytery, that is, the bishop with the presbyters of that
pcednot Jerome declares it dejure^ [that] they ought to be governed
in oomman, m eonmuni dAert eocUaiam regere,*
And Felix, third bishop of Rome, (than whom no bishop was higher,
or mate absolute in those times,) declares it de facto^ when he speaks of
the presbyters of that church, as duworrw fur ifiov r^ airwmikiKhw
6pA^w^ <« ruling that church with him." It is the same word that
the governing of churches by other bishops, is expressed by, lura
wimft rmw hnan&nmw ol rhs wipi^ d«ciirop iKkkffaias yv^fu/r, " with the
perfect consent of the bishops who ruled the neighbouring churches,**
as Alexander saith of Narcissus, 6 wp6 iftov dUwmv t6v t6ww hruTKxmri^f
" who preceded me in the administration of the episcopal office.'* It
imports no less than prasidere, and is ascribed to bishops and presbyters,
jointly by Tertullian,^ Cyprian,' and Firmilian.' Hence the presbjrters
aze frequently said to be tniXXtirovpyol with the bishop/ for then the
governing power of bishops was but counted a ministry, \€iTovpyia£ yhp
hrrX r6 ri^t hrunamfjt irofta diyXwrwc^v,' " the name bishopric is significant
of ministry,** and the presbyters fellow-ministers with him, and joint
administrators in the goyemment. They are styled ovfurotficycr,* fellow-
pastors; they did not then dream that a bishop was sole pastor of many
churches. They are also called oiWdpcvroi, which is no less than
mmOpAiKHy* for the presbyters had thrones with the bishop. So Nazian-
sen speaks of Basil when ordained presbjrter, as promoted UpoU 6p6voi£j
to the sacred thrones of the presbyters^ They are also called trwdp-
Xomtf or KoamytH r^r dpxfjty " partners in government.***
But further evidence is needless, though abundance may be produced,
since the great patrons of episcopacy seem not to question it ; that " the
dkurch was governed in common,** and the bishop was to da nothing
of importance without the presbyters, is acknowledged by Bishop
Bilson,' Bishop Downham,*" Bishop Hall asserts it, as " that which is
universally accorded by all antiquity, that all things in the ancient church
were ordared and transacted by the general consent of presbyters.**"
• In TltOM L [5.] * Eateb. lib. vi. cap. xi.
• Apol. cap. xxxlx. ^ Lib. 1. Ep. 111. • Ep. Ixxv. Apud Cyp.
/ Theod. Hist. Ub. It. esp. tIU. Eptphan. Her. xUi. [p. SOS, C. Ed. Col. ItSt.]
f Isidore, lib. It. Ep. [ecxix.]
» Nss. Orat. L [Ed. Par. 1630, torn, t p. 45, A. Orat. vU. p. 144, A.]
< Ignat. ad Tral. [n. 8. Ed. Jaoobion.] > Orat. xx.
• Chrjrs. in 1 Tim. Horn. i. ' Perpet. OoTem. cap. xl.
« Defence, lib. iiL Ub. i. c. Tfll. " Ixen. p. 47.
k2
140 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT YET DISCOVERED
Mr. Thorndikc proves at large, that ''the gcnremmeiit of churcheB
passed in common ;"' Primate Usher more suocinctlj but effectoallj.*
Add but Dr. St[illingfleet] who both asserts and proves it,*^ " there waa
still one ecclesiastical senate, which ruled all the several congr^;ation8
of those cities in conmion, of which the several presbyters of the con-
gregations were members, and in which the bishop acted as the president
of the senate, for the better governing the afiairs of the church,*' &c.
Let me add, when the churches were so multiplied in ci^ and terri-
tory, as that it was requisite to divide them into parishes, and constitute
several churches, the bishop was not the proper ruler or pastor of the
whole precinct, and the churches in it, or of any church, but one. The
parishes or churches were divided among presbyters and bishop, they
had their several distinct cures and charges ; the bishop's peculiar
charge was the ecclesia principaUs^ the chief parish or church so called,
or av6€VTixri KaBcdpaj '' his proper see." The presbyters performed all
offices in their several cures, and ordered all afiairs which did particu-
larly concern the churches where they were incumbents ; those that
were of more common concern were ordered by bishop and presbyters
together, and thus it was in the bishop's church or parish, he performed
all offices, administered all ordinances or worship himself, or by pres-
byters joined with him, as assistants. He was to attend this particular
cure constantly, he was not allowed to be absent, no, not under pretence
of taking care for some other church ; if he had any business there
which particularly concerned him, he was to make quick dispatch, and
not (j(poviCtiv Koi dfifXtlv rov olKiiov \<wv, as Zonaras) '' stay there with the
neglect of his proper flock ;" this is all evident by a canon of the council
of Carthage,'' Ruraum placuit ut nemini sit facultas, relicta principal
cathedra^ ad cUiqiiam ecclesiam in dioeesi conatitutam se conftrrt^ vd in
re propriay diutius quam oportet consHtutum, curam vd freqtientationem
proprias cathedroB negligere. " Again we decree that no one shall have
liberty to the neglect of his principal church, to betake himself to any
church established in the diocese, or by delajdng longer than is becom-
ing over his real business, to neglect the care and attendance due to his
own see." Of this church or parish he was the proper pastor or ruler,
called there tbiO£ 6p6vo£, and elsewhere' oUiia tcaBtdpOj in contradistinc-
tion to other parts of the precinct, called here dioceses ; and the people
of it are called ohflos \a6s by the ancient canonist,/ his proper flock or
people, his own special charge. This was the particular church under
his personal government, but he was not ruler of the precinct, or any
other churches in it, save only in common, and in conjunction with the
• Prim. Oovern. • Reduct. of Epiaoopacy.
• Iran. pp. S54p 855, 356. ' In Zona. N. 77, in Code 71.
• Can. im. / Zona, in loc.
IN THE PRIMITIVE TIMES. 141
Other presbyters ; who jointly took cognisance of what in his church or
theirs, was of greater or more general consequence, and concerned the
whole, and gave order in it by common consent.
And while this was the form of government, if there had been as
many churches there, thus associated, as Optatus in the fourth age says
there was at Borne, or far more, they could not make a diocesan church,
unless a diocesan and a presbyterian church be all one. For this is
plainly a presbyterian church, the ancient presbyteries differing from
the modem, but in a matter of smaller moment ; in those their president
being fixed and constant, in these commonly though not always circular.
The presbyteries in Scotland comprised some twelve, some twenty, some
more churches ; their moderators were at first, and for some years, circu-
lar, king James afterwards, anno 1605,' would have them to be constant,
and so it was ordered ; yet when they were fixed, no man ever coimted
these presbyteries to be diocesan churches. The church of Geneva
consists of twenty-four parishes, governed in common by a presbjrtery
with a moderator, who is sometimes changed, sometimes continued for
life. Calvin was president while he lived, yet that of Geneva is not
wont to be taken for a diocesan church. Nor were those ancient
churches such, while they were governed, not by one bishop, but by
a senate of presbyters where he presided ; as in the coimcil of Constan-
tinople all things in the province are said to be governed, not by the
metropolitan, but by the provincial synod.^
Finally, the presbyters are in the ancient church acknowledged to
have had the power of the keys, both as to the ministration of the word
and the sacraments, and the exercise of government and censures. This
power they exercised either jointly in conjunction with the bishop and
senate of presbjrters ; or distinctly in the particular churches whereof
they had the charge. The former power concerning the word and
sacraments is not questioned; nor is there any ground to question the
latter, if some were not swayed more by the practice of their own times,
than the principles and declarations of the ancients. Chrysostom
ascribes to presbyters, not only iidaa-Kokiav, the power of order, but
wpoarafriavj the power of government,^ giving this as the reason why the
apostle gives the same rules for the ordering both of bishops and pres-
byters; there is but little difference betwixt them, says he, for they are
ordained both to the teaching and ruling (irpocrrao-uiv) of the church.
Now that irpo<rraata denotes jurisdiction or presidentiam cwn potestate,
" presidency together with authority," and is as Hesychius renders it,
Kufitpyrja-isy is plain in Chrysostom himself ; he tells us the apostle Paul
• Hist. p. 559. [What particular Uiitory Mr. Clarkaon here refers to, the Editor ia unaMe to
conjecture.]
* Can. [Ui.] Soc. lib. ▼. cap. vUi. ' In 1 Tim. Horn. xi. [p. 289, Ed. SaviU.]
142 DIOCESAN CHURCHES MOT TET DISCOVERED
had rfjs ohcovfUvijs rffy irpoanurUmj* **ihe preddencj of the world,"
which he elsewhere expresses by ri^ olKovfunjp Swatraw Kvfiipfimw f and
speaking of Moses, he sa3rs, It was wonderfhl, that he who was to be a
ruler, 6 TrpoaTarrjs fi«XXtty Za€<r6<Uj should be bom at such a time.'
Theophylact makes the difierence as little between bishop and presby-
ters, and ascribes as much power to the latter, almost in the same
words.'' So Theodoret declares wpoarwrUv, jurisdiction, to belong to
every presbyter ;• " against an elder, especially, no less than two wit-
nesses must be admitted, because he having cmcXi^mv wpoaraaiawy ^ the
government of the church," and in the exercise of it often grieving
delinquents, they being iU-afiected to him, will be apt to bring fidse
accusations." And this is the ^fiot4a included in the presbyters* office,
ctrc "XdTovpyiav xp^ Xrycur, ttrw ^ytfioyUuf/ '' whether we speak of ministzy
or of rule,*^ as Nazianzen speaks, and much more to that purpose.
And besides many other passages of like import, the title of govemon
is all along in ancient writers given to presbyters ; and all the exjoes-
sions which signify authority and government, are ascribed to them.
Thereby those that would curtail their power, and make it no more of
old •than it is now, are not a little encumbered ; to extricate themsehrei
a distinction is devised of a power internal and external, the former
they will allow to presbyters in their respective churches, not the latter.
But this is devised to disentangle themselves, and salvef the deviations
and irregularities of later times, not that there is any ground for it in
antiquity. For the highest act of that external power of jurisdiction is
excommunication ; and if this was in the presbyters' power of old, no
other act of that power will, or can in reason be denied them ; but this
the ancients ascribe to them ; so Jerome,* Miki ante prednfterum sedert
non licety illi si peccavero licet me tradere Satance ad interitum camUy nt
spiritus salvus sit, ^^ It is not lawful for me to sit in the presenoe of a
presbyter ; he has power, if I transgress, to deliver me to Satan for the
destruction of the flesh." Chrysostom threatened some of his auditory,
while he was a presbyter, to excommunicate them, ^frayop€vtrm Xoorar
vfiiv tS>v UpSv TovTciv C7ri/3^vai wpo6vp»v :* to waive all of like nature insisted
on by others, Justinian in the sixth age signifies plainly that not only
bishops but presbyters might excommunicate offenders ; in his Gcxisti-
tutions he forbids bishops and presbyters to exclude any from com-
munion, till such cause was declared for which the canons appointed it
to be done, waai dc vols hna-Konon Koi Trp€(rfivTfpoif anayopfvofjLtp, aifiopifaf
• In I Cor. Horn. xxUI. et Horn. xxv. [p. S88.] • In 2 Cor. Horn. xxr. [p. 681.]
• In Act. Horn. xyi. * In 1 Tim. [lii. 8.]
« In I Tim. y. 19. / Orat. i. [Ed. Paris. 1630, p. 3, A, torn, i.)
r iMlliate. * Ad Hvliodorum. [Col. z. torn. if. par. il. £d. Par. 1106.]
' Horn. xvU. in Matth. [p. 125]
IN THB PBIMITIVB TIMES. 143
TI90 nff aylas jcocattWof, &c., and will have the sentence of ezcommnnica-
tion rescindedy whioh was passed by bishops or presbyters without
cause.* In the Code, both bishops and clergy are forbid to excom-
municate in certain cases, and then mention is made of the cases for
which they must not, if a/^iC^tv if camBtfun-iCtty, " either excommuni-
cate or anathematiae,'' kov (Bos tquwtov inpaeniafv,^ ^^ although they had
been accustomed to [do] it"*
Now while presbyters had this power there could be no diocesan
churches, whether they exercised it in common, as was showed before,
or particularly in their several churches, as will now be made apparent;
for by virtue of these powers the presbyters were really bishops ; though
they had not always Uie title, yet, they are called bishops, as a learned
prelatist observes, by the most ancient authors, Clemens, Ignatius,
Tertullian,^ and have frequently the names and titles which some would
appropriate to bishops, and which the fathers use to express the office
of bishops by, [viz. ] irf)0€<rrwns, prapositi, antistUeSj prcesidentes^^ &c. And
so there were as many bishops really in every diocese as there were par-
ticular churches and presbyters there ; and well may they be said to be
really the same, since they were of the very same office ; for bishops in
the ancient church were not a superior order to presbyters, but had only
a precedency in the same order. This some of the most judicious and
learned defenders of episcopacy assert. And those who hold that
patriarchs, metropolitans, and bishops differed not in order, but in
degree only, which is the common opinion of episcopal divines, and yet
contend that bishops and presbyters were of a different order, will never
be able to prove it. The difference they assign between bishops and
metropolitans is, that these presided in synods, and had a principal
interest in ordinations ; and what more did the pre-eminence of ancient
bishops, distinguishing them from presbjrters, amount to ? It consisted
in nothing material but their presidency in presbyteries, and their power
in ordinations. This last is most insisted on, as making the difference
wider between these than the other. But with little reason all things
considered. For those to be ordained were first to be examined and
approved by the presbyters, /x^ SKK^as x^H'^'^^^'*'^^^^^ «^^ '"«" ^pBM^wf
kkf)piK£p doiufMC6vT»Vy^ the ordaining of one to the presbytery was to be
^(f)cS KoX Kpi(r€i rov icX^pov iravros/ " by the vote or judgment of the
whole clergy." It was a crime for which the greatest bishop in the
world was censurable, to prefer any, or make ordinations wapa yimpnv
rov Kkr)pavy " against the consent of the clergy," as appears by what
• Novel, cxxiii. cap. xl. * Lex. xxxix. sec. li. Tit. lii. de Episc. et Clericb.
^ Thorndike, Prim. Govern, pp. 73, 74. ' Idem. Of Religious Assemblies, p. 68.
' Thevphilus Communilor. cap. vi. / Clem. Constitut. lib. viii. cap. xvili.
144 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT TBT DISCOYBBSD
Chiysostomwasaccosedofyihotigli itislike^&laelj;* andduBiaooaiited
by some the substance of oidinationi wherein the presbyten had no
less share (to say no more) than the biihop. And in imposing handii
which was the rite of ordaining, the presbyters were to concur with the
bishop, for which there is better authority than the canon of an Afiican
council, for, saith a very learned doctor,^ '' to this purpose, the laying on
of the hands of the presbytery' is no ways impertinently allied,
although we suppose St. Paul to concur in the action ; because if the
presbytery had nothing to do in the ordination, to what purpose were
their hands laid upon him ? Was it only to be witnesses of the fact, or
to signify their consent ? Both these might have been done without
their use of that ceremony, which will scarce be instanced in,' to be
done by any but such as had power to confer what was signified by
that ceremony." And divers instances are brought by the same hand
to show that ordination by presbyters was valid in the ancient church/
But if the presbyters had been quite excluded from ordination, and
this power had been entirely reserved to the bishops, yet this would not
be sufficient to constitute them a superior order. For the rite of ordain-
ing was so far from being an act of government or jurisdiction, that it
did not infer any superiority in the ordainer ; nothing being moare
ordinary in the practice of the ancient church than for those who were
of a lower degree and station to ordain their superiors.
While there was no more distance betwixt bishop and presbyters bat
only in degree, so that as the bishop was but Primus presbyter, (as
Hilary under the name of Ambrose, and others ;') or Primicerius as
Optatus, defined by a learned civilian to be vpwroy nyr rd^ms^^ " the first
presbyter," so the presbyter was a second bishop, h dcvrcpocr Bp^voif, as
Nazianzen. As the bishop was summus sacerdoSj in the style of Ter-
tullian and others, that is, chief presbyter, so the presbyter was bishq>
a degree lower ; not that he had less pastoral power, but because he
wanted that degree of dignity or pre-eminence for which die other was
styled chief. As the proeter urbanus was called mtutimus^ '' chief," yet
had no more power than the other, (Frcetorum idem erat colUffium,
eadem potestas,^ ^* That which the pnetors possessed in conmion was the
same to each ; their authority was equal,") but only some more privilege
and dignity, {dignitaU coeteros anteSbat propterea maximum dicebcUWj^ '' he
surpassed the rest in dignity, whence he was called Maximus;") and the
HpX<op fircjwfMs at Athens was Frcptor mcunmuSj yet all the rest were
pares potestatej' " equal in power ;" [so] bishops and presbyters hstdidem
« probable. * Phot, in Chrys. torn. viii. p. 155. Concil. Carth. !▼. cap. xxii. CodcU. Tnnio. H.
• Ircn. p. J75. ' I Tim. ir. 1,4. • shown by a case in point. / Pa|ce ST».
r In 1 Tim. v. Aug. Quest, in V. et N. T. [cap. cL] ' Ootbofrid. in Code. [vid. torn. I. p. 436.]
• Bodin. lib. ill. cap. vi. * Fest. in Verb. M^or. ' IMd.
IN TH£ PRnfrnvE times. 146
^ tbe same mmiatry," as Jerome, eadtm ordmaHo^^^ the same
CRimakkm,** as Hilaiy,* they were of the same order and office, had the
f Mme power, the power of the keys, all that which the Scripture makes
eneatial to a bishop. While it was thus there could be no diocesan
ehniohes, that is, no churches consisting of many congregations which
lad but one bishop only.
POSTSCRIPT.
A late writer presumes he has detected a notable mistake in the
author of '' No Evidence for Diocesan Churches^ (ascribed to one who
owns it not) about /ivpioi, which, I suppose, he would have translated
^ ten thousands" definitely; but there it is rendered indefinitely *' thou-
sands," as we are wont to express a great many, when the precise number
is not known. Those who imderstand the language, and have observed
the use of the word, will be far from counting this a fault : and those
who view the passage will count it intolerable, to render it as that
gentleman would have it. That of Atticus, bishop of C. P.,^ may satisfy
any' concerning the import and use of the word, who, sending money
for the relief of the poor at Nice, to Galliopius, thus writes, ZfUM$op
IMVplavt tp r$ irdXfft iriwwrras dturBai irapk r&v tvcffiovyrc^y iXtov, Mvplovs
dff XeytB TO wkrjBogj ov t6¥ oKpifirj drfKAp dpi6fi6¥y " I leam that there are
myriads starving in the city who need the charity of the pious ; I call
the multitude myriads, not as though I would define the exact number;"
where he tells him that by fivpiavs he understands a multitude whose
number he did not exactly know ; thus (t. e, indefinitely) is the word
most frequently used by Greek writers, and particularly by Eusebius,
the author of the passage cited. So he tells us, Nero killed his mother,
his brothers, his wife, ow SKkots nvpioisj *' with myriads of others," of
her kindred f and Timotheus of Gaza, he says, endiured fivplovs paadpovt,^
** myriads of torments." Many more might be added, where the word
is not rendered by the translators (Yalesius particularly) ten thousand ;
but still indefinitely inniemerabiles, or infiniti, or seacenti, &c. Nor have
I met with one instance (though possibly there may be some) in him
where it is used to express ten thousand precisely.
However, it had been an unpardonable injury to Eusebius, to have
rendered it so in this place ; as if he would have deluded the world
with a most palpable tmtruth, which both he, and all men acquainted
• In I Tim. iii. * Cnnttantlnople.
' Hi«t. lib. iL [cap. xzr.] Ub. Yiii. cap. xili. ' [Pe Martyr. Pal«tt. cap. Ul.]
146 DI0CK8AN GHUBCHB8 HOT TST DIBCOVKRBO
with the state of tibe obimslL in thoie timBB, kmnr to be 00. For thia
makes him saj that ten thousand bishops mefc in ooimcil at Antiodi in
the ihird age ; when as* he nerar knew a synod of six hondred bishops
in the fourdi age, while he lived ; though then biahi^ were fiur mon
nmneronsy and had all eneonragement to meet in greatest uamlMn:
This makes him signify, that ten thousand bishops aasnmhkd in tfas
skirts of the east part of the empire : when as* there was not near so
many (this gentleman is oonoemed to maintain there was not one thou-
sand) in the whole Christian world.
This is more than enough to show, that there is sufficient wamnt to
translate /wpun thousands, more than once ; though that it is in liist
discourse (which he styles a little pamphlet) so translated mora disa
once, is another of his mistakes. And a third (all in two lines) is, Ast
the author grounds his aigument on it. Whereas those that tisw As
passage, and the occasion of it, will see it had been more £ar his adfsa^
tage to have translated it, ten thousands. He that oan allow himself to
write at this rate, may easUy be ToUmiinoas, and look too big to be
des[nsed, as the writer of little pamj^ets.
The letter mentioned, page 96, being oonunnnicated to me by M[r.]
B[axter], that port of it which concerns Alexandria is here sdded|
that it may ai^>ear how much it is mistaken, and how fiv from beiqg
answered.
<* [As] for Alexandria, it was the greatest city in the empire, neit
to Rome, fuylcmi ftcr^ rffv Pwfi^y ^ inSXiff, says Josephus.^ And Epipha-
nius gives an account of many churches in it assigned to several pici-
byters, viz., besides Ciesarea finished by Athanasius, that of Dionyrius,
Theonas, Pierius, Serapion, Perseas, Dizia, Mundidius, Anianns, Banr
calas, adding xol SXXaif ' and others besides.* This, notwithstanding that
the Christians at Alexandria, which held communion with AthanaMns,
might and did meet together in one church, he himself dedarei
expressly in his apology to Constantius.' The whole passage is too
large to transcribe or translate: this is the sense of it. He being
accused for assembling the people in the great church before itwsf
dedicated, (irply oMjp TtXtimBrjmi) makes this part of his defenoa
' The confluence of the people at the paschal solemnity was so grsift
that if they had met in several assemblies (jcar^ lUpot ml duiptii»am)
the other churches were so little and strait, that they would haws
l^een in danger of suffering by the crowd, nor would the nniveml
harmony and concurrence of the people have been so visible and efect-
ual, if diey had met in parcels. Therefore he appeals to him, whether
• whereat. * De Bello Judaic, lib. ▼. evp. nit.
• H»iw. ixiz. p. 7t8. ' Pag« Ml, torn. 1. Ed. CooumIIb. Aium MSI.
IN THE FRXMITIVS TIMES. 147
ii WW not better for tibe vdiole multitade to meet in that great church
(being m place large enough to receiTe them altogether, Uros ip^ rw
vtfrar dumtfUwav U(Qv&tuw69ratf hf ahu9 owtKBtw^ and to have a concor-
lenoe of all the p^ofde with one voice (koI njfr aMpf lurh, uvfju^wUu
fWF Xafiv yhtvBai rifv ^h^') ^^ ^9 ^J> ^®> according to onr
fl a i i o ur^ g paromise, where two shall agree as teaching anything, it shall
be done fiir them of my Father, &c., how prevalent will be the one
veioe of so nnmeroos a people assembled together and saying Amen to
God I Who, therefore, would not wonder, who would not count it a
hi^ipiness, to see so great a people met together in one place ? And
how did the people rcrjoice to behold one another, whereas formerly
Ontj asaembled in several places ?'
^Hereby it is evident that in the middle of the fourth age, all the
Cbostians at Alexandria which were wont at other times to meet in
seferal assemblies, were no more than one church might and did con*
tun, so as they could all join at once in the worship of God, and concur
m die Amen*
« He tells him also that Alexander, his predecessor, (who died anno
825) did as much as he in like circumstances, viz., assembled the whole
mnltitode in one church before it was dedicated.*
" This seems clear enough, but being c^Mible of another kind of
pBoof which may be no less satisfactory, let me add that also. This
dty was, by Strabo's description of it, xKofivdi ttdhs r6 (rxqftaj like a
soUier's ooat, whose length at either side was almost thirty furlongs, its
breadth at either end seven or eight furlongs,^ so the whole compass
will be less than ten miles. A third or fourth part of this was taken
up wi^ public buildings, temples, and royal palaces, l^ct rt ^ wdKis
rtfuhff, rii rt KOipii /cdXXurra Koi ro fiaaiXtta rtrofyroP f Ij mai rpirow rov
vorr^f wMptfiSkov fupos,^ * the dty possesses temples, and fine public
buildings and palaces, which take up a foiuth or even a third of its area ;'
two miles and half or three and a quarter is thus disposed of. I take
this to be that region of the city which Epiphanius calls Bpovxtow,
(where he tells us, was the famous library of Ptolomeus Philadelphus)
and speaks of in his time as destitute of inhabitants, Ifprffiop toivvp
(nFopx^'* A great part of the city was assigned to the Jews, frcXcMc
ai^mpum fuya fitpog rf l^c rovrf . So Strabo indefinitely, as Josephus
quotes him.' Others tell us more punctually, their share was two of
Uie five divisions/ Though many of them had their habitation in the
other divisions, yet they had two-fiflh parts entire to themselves, and
• Page 63S. * Oeogr. lib. xvll. p. 646.
« Ibid. ^ De Punder. et Mensur. n. 9, p. 166.
• Antiquit. Jiid. lib. xIy. cap. xii. / Usher's AnnaU Latin, p. 859.
148 DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT TET DISCOVERED, ETC.
this is, I suppose, the ndror S^, < qoarter of their own,' which Josephus
saith, the saocessors of Alexander set apart for them, airdU aKf>mpunw.*
Thus we see akeady how six or seven miles of the ten were taken up.
The greatest part of the citizens (as at Rome and other cities) in the
beginning of the fourth age, were heathens. Otherwise Antonius
wronged the citj, who, in Athanasius*s time, is brought in thus exclaim-
ing by Jerome,^ Vcb tt&t Alexandria qua pro Deo portenta veneraris;
vcB tibi civitae meretrix in quam toHua orbie dcemoma oonjltueerej &c. ' Woe
to thee, Alexandria, who worshippest monsters instead of God ! Woe to
ihee, harlot city, to which the demons of the whole world resort f
A chai*ge thus formed, supposes the prevailing party to be guilty.
But let us suppose them equal, and their proportion half of the three
or four miles remaining. Let the rest be divided amongst the orthodox,
the Arians, the Novatians, and other sects : and, if we be just, a laige
part will fidl to the share of heretics and sectaries. For, not to moi-
tion others, the Novatians had several churches and a bishop there,
till Cyril's time.^ The Arians were a great part of those who pro-
fessed Christianity, rov \aov o^x ^tyif /Mtpa,' and if we may judge of
the followers by their leaders, no less than half. For whereat
there were nineteen presbyters and deacons in that church,' (twehre
was the number of their presbyters by their ancient constitutioii,
as appears by Eutychius, and seven their deacons, as at Bome, and
elsewhere,) six presbyters with Arius, and five deacons fell off from the
Catholics/ But let the Arians be much fewer, yet will not the propor-
tion of the Catholic bishop's diocese in this city be more than that of a
small town, one of eight or twelve furlongs in compass. And so the
numbers of the Christians, upon this account, will be no more than
might well meet for worship in one place."
• Bello Jud. lib. H. cap. xzi. * Vit. Paul. p. S4S.
• Vid. Socrat. Hiit. lib. vli. cap. vii. ' Sosom. Hiat. lib. i. cap. zIy.
• Theod. HiBt. lib. Iv. cap. xxiU. / Sosom. Hltt. Ub. i. cap. rly.
PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY
•TATXD AVD CtMAMMD rSOV THV
HOLY SCRIPTURES AND ANCIENT RECORDS.
Bj the late BeTerend and Learned David Clabxson, sometime Fellow of
Clare Hall, in Cambridge.
London : Printed for Nath. Ponder at the Peacock in the Poultry.
1688.
The original edition of Uie ** PrimiUfe Ej^feoptey" it a mall oeta;vo voloM^
which, by one who looked merely to the end of tlie treatiae^ mSght be imnioaad ii
eontain 285 pagea. In hct, howerer, H eontaina only 187 pegea i §», by a tmkm
error of the printer, the paging, after proeteding regularly to pi^ ISS,
adraaoea to page 174^ and ia ^aoee eoiitimed«eciMdy totfta ekai^g pi«i^ S8C
I
THE STATIONER TO THE READER.
Though a preface be a civility due to the following tract, the
name of the author is reckoned much more significant than any
preface. Those that knew the calmness of his disposition, and
his sincere desire of contributing all that he could to the com-
posure of those unhappy differences that have so long troubled
the Christian church, will think this work very suitable to his
design; and being so esteemed by divers judicious persons of his
acquaintance, those in whose hands his papers are, have been pre-
vailed with to send it abroad into the world with this assurance,
that it is his whose name it bears.
Nath. Ponder.
/•y
THE CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
IE benefit of this undertaking — What a])pear8 of Scripture times — Not a tenth
part Christians in any city in the apostles' times ; scarce a twentieth — Act. ii.
45, cleared from what is confessed by prelates — 1 . The number of the converted
in the greatest cities were but small — 2. That in those times there were more
than one bishop in one city ; it is also proved from Philip, i. 1 — Philippi no
metropolis — Objection from Act, xvi. 12, removed — Act xx. 17, 18, vindi-
cated — Acknowledged that one altar was sufficient in those times.
CHAPTER II.
(ishops in villages, viz. Hydrax, Olbium, Zygris, &c. — Fuller's testimony in this
matter — Instances of this kind in Cyprus, Armenia, Pontus, Lycaonia, &c. — An
account of the higness of the places mentioned. Act. xiv. — Many bishops in
Pis.idia, Cappadocia, &c., yet but few cities — Three sizes of villages then —
Bishops in villages made provincials by the synod of Laodicea.
CHA1>TER III.
Cities for their largeness were for the most part but like villages, or market-towns —
That n6\is signifies, in the Testament, a city no bigger than a village — Many
instances of a city's bigness taken out of the Old Testament — Strabo's and
Ptolemy's authorities and instances of the several sorts and dimensions of cities
— The ancients understood bishops to be presbyters in the apostles' sense, Tit i,
— For one bishop, afterwards in a great city, ten or twenty — The reasons of lessen-
ing the number — What numbers of people accounted competent for an ancient
bishopric.
CHAPTER IV.
V. consideration of the cities accounted great — How many cities a metropolis had
under it — Some great cities had but few inhabitants, as Philadelphia, Laodicea,
and others — Many of the great cities contained no more Christians than could
meet together in one congregation — Instances in several cities, and the number
of Christians — An account of the Novatians and Donatists of several cities in
particular.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
Concerning the g^atest cities of all — ^Proof g^ven that they did not contain
Christians than could meet together in one place — Instances of Rome, AlenB.^
dria, Antioch, Carthage, Jerusalem, &c.
CHAPTER VI.
Objections against what hath been insisted on, considered — I. From the largenett c»i
the territories about that city — 2. Such as credit the premises must think tk ^
ancient bishoprics crowded so near as to be more like parishes than diocese^b,
that become the honour of a bishop.
CHAPTER VII.
More objections answered — Several rules obsenred — Practices about receiving in of
penitents — Duties to which the bishop was obliged — Of one communion table —
Requisites in admission to church communion and reconciling of penitents-
Reasons why bishops in alter ages increased their churches as to largeness d
jurisdiction.
CHAPTER VIII.
The thoughts that some of the best and most eminent bishops of the fourth and tSh
ages had of a very large bishopric, and a flock exceeding numerous.
CHAPTER IX.
The epilogue to the whole discourse; or, what things may be inferred fnm the
premises.
PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY
PROVED FROM
RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY.
CHAPTER I.
I AM sensible that a discourse representing ancient bishoprics as
Vastly differing from what they are and have been in latter ages, is
Hot likeQy] to be well entertained with many ; when it must encounter
with prejudice and interest, things that do frequently baffle the best
evidence, in persons otherwise very discerning and judicious.
To those who take the measures of ancient times and things by their
own, or are much concerned that they should not be otherwise than
they now are, it will seem a great paradox to hear that a bishop of old
was but the pastor of a single church, or that his diocese was no larger
than one communion-table might serve, and contained no more than
were capable of personal commimion. But being also apprehensive
that great advantages may be expected from a clear discovery of the
truth in this particular ; since thereby not only many passages in the
ancient writers may be cleared and secured from misconstruction, and
divers mistakes corrected, into which men otherwise learned have slipped
themselves, and drawn others after them ; but that it may contribute
much to the deciding of the controversies amongst us about church
government, and bringing them to a happy composure, I was encouraged
to offer what I had observed to this purpose in the records of antiquity
to public view.
As for Scripture times, there will be little difficulty, since as much is
acknowledged by the most learned and judicious asserters of prelacy as
need be desired.
First, It is confessed that the numbers of Christians, even in the
greatest cities, was small. Archbishop Whitgift, concerned to make
154 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACT PROVED
the best of them, acknowledges this :" after he had told us, '' The gospel
was preached in all parts : it was not generally received in any one part
of the world ; no, not in any city, not at Jerusalem^ where all the
apostles were, not in any the least town :" he adds, " There were Christians
at Jerusalem, at Antioch, at Ephesus, at Rome, &c., but not the tenth
part in any of these, or any other places in comparison to the Jews or
Gentiles. In the apostles' times, the visible church of Christ at Borne
was but a handful in comparison. When Matthias was chosen, the
whole church was gathered together in one place, and so was it when
the deacons were chosen. The election might be in the whole
church when it was together in one place. It might well be that the
people in every city might meet in one place without confusion, when
scarce the twentieth part of the city were Christians ; but it cannot
be so now." So Bishop Downham tells us, " That at the very first con-
version of cities, the whole number of the people converted (being
sometimes not much greater than the number of the presbyters placed
among them) was able to make up but a small congregation.^ "At the
very first, all the Christians in the city and country, if they had been
assembled together, could have made but a small congregation."^
No instance can be brought against this, but the three thousand con-
verted at Jerusalem, Acts ii. 41, to which some would add five thousand
more. But what may be argued from hence for great numbers of
Christians in cities proceeds upon a mere mistake, which I shall clearly
remove ; for it is but a small proportion of those thousands that can in
reason be accounted the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and so fixed members
of that church : for they were converted at one of the great feasts, at
which times the inhabitants were not by far a twentieth part of those
that were assembled in the city. That this may appear, let us inquire
both after the number of the inhabitants, and of those that from o^et
places resorted to those solemnities. To begin with the latter of these ;
Josephus** tells us, and out of him Eusebius,* that Cestius Gallus, will-
ing to represent to Nero (who contemned the Jews) the strength of
that people, desired the priests to take an account of their number;
they, in order thereto, at the Passover, when several companies (the
least consisting of ten, many of twenty) were each of them to hare
their sacrifice, numbered the sacrifices, which came to 255,600 ; then
reckoning as though each company had no fewer than ten, they col-
lected the number of the people at the Passover to be 2,700,000, «D
legally clean ; but allowing the families or companies their just number,
it amounted to three millions ; so Eusebius, Tpianoaias fivptal^y ; and
• Defens. of Ans. tr. iii. chap. vi. p. 175. • Def. lib. Hi. cap. i. p. 6. ' Page &.
* De Dell. Jud. Ub. vii. cap. i. f 5. p. 968. « Hilt. lib. iU. cap. r.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 155
Josepbus elsewhere, olm iXArrovs rptajcoo-/c»y fivpiddwy' " not less than
three millions."
But then they were all in a manner foreigners, iroXv d« rovro nkrjBos
l{ii^ ovXXcyfTm.* The inhabitants of Jerusalem were but 120,000, as
we learn by HsBcateus,' irtpl d^fxa fivpMts (not centum et quinquaginta
twHw, 150,000, as the translator.) And it may be Hsscateus, or his
informer, over-reached, as well in the number of the citizens as
in the measures of the city. He makes the circuit of it fifty
feriongs, whereas Josephus says, it was but thirty-three,^ and
the drcumvallation of Titus in the siege but thirty-nine ftirlongs.'
And when twelve thousand were slain in Jerusalem in one night, the
lo88 is represented as though the greatest part of the citizens had been
destroyed/ But there is no need of these advantages. Let us suppose
the inhabitants to have been 150,000 (thirty thousand more tiian
BiBcateus makes them) yet this will but be a twentieth part of three
millions, (and no less were wont to be at Jerusalem at the three great
solemnities,) and then in all reason no more than a twentieth part of the
ooDverted must be accounted inhabitants of the city, and so fixed
members of the church. For that this happiness should fall in greater
proportion upon those of the city than upon the foreigners at that time
in it, both being in all the same circumstances, none can upon any
ground imagine. And if but a twentieth part of the converted were
inhabitants, let them be twenty, or forty, or eighty thousand, or as
many as the myriads, Acts xxi. 20, amount to, the church at Jerusalem
will not be so much greatened^ by them, but that it might well meet in
one congregation. If the converts had been a hundred thousand, the
proportion of that church therein would have been but five thousand ;
and more have been in one congregation in the primitive times else-
where, or else Eusebius could not have found fxvpidvdpovs eirtavvayoryas,^
« congregations of ten thousand.*'
2. It is confessed that in those times, and after, there was more than
one bishop in a city. And if the Christians in any city were but few,
and those divided betwixt several bishops, how small a diocese would
the share of each make up ! D[r.] H[ammond] (whom others follow)
tells us, that there were two bishops at once in Jerusalem, in Antioch,
at Ephesus, and at Rome.' He ventures to name the several bishops,
and assigns the reasons why distinct congregations, under their
respective bishops, in each city were necessary. He affirms it was so,
not only in the four cities specified, but in others ; and indeed upon
« Page 798. Edit. Genev. an. 163S. • Lib. vii. cap. xvii. • Joaep. contr. Ap. lib. i.
^ De BeU. Jud. lib. ▼!. cap. xyU. p. 914. « Lib. ri. cap. 81. / Lib. iv. cap. zx.
r incieaaed. * Lib. Tiii. cap. i. ' Annot. in Revel, zl. 8, p. 662.
T 2
156 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
this account it must be so, in all cities where a competent number of
Jews and Gentiles together were converted to Christ
But there is no need of this acknowledgment. Nor wUl I insist on
the grounds on which he proceeds. There is evidence enough in
Scripture for a plurality of bishops in several cities, which may be
easily vindicated from the attempts of some who would deface it. That
of the apostle to the Philippians is pregnant, Phil. i. 1 :" To all the
saints in Christ Jesus that are at Philippi, with the bishops and
deacons." To this it is said, that Philippi was the metropolis of
Macedonia, and the bishops mentioned were not those of that city, but
of the several cities of the province which was under this metropolis.
But that Philippi was then a metropolis, or long afler, (which is all
the support this opinion hath,) is a presumption without any ground,
there being nothing for it in Scripture, or in ecclesiastical or foreign
authors, yet produced for the proof of it. A very learned doctor thinto
that one text. Acts xvi. 12, affords two arguments to evince it; it is
irpmrrjy " the prime city," and it was beside that, KcXttwioy " a colony ;"
and of such colonies and chief cities, it is no question they were
especially chosen to be the places of their assizes, whither the neigh-
bouring cities resorted for justice, and so were metropolies in the civil
account.'' But in answer to this, vrpttn; is there the first, (as it is
rendered by our translators) not the chief city ; the first in sitoatiGni
not the principal in dignity and pre-eminence ; the first city that
occurred in passing from Thrace to Macedon/ it being seated at the
edge of Macedon, and so near Thrace, that some geographers count it a
city of that country. And so it was the first city of Macedon, as
Berwick is the first English town to one passing from Scotland, but
far from being the chief town in England. The very notice of its
situation, which the best geographers give us, leads us so to take wpmrn ;
but that it was the chief city, as he takes it, is not only without, bat
against, all evidence. For it is known with what general consent
Thessalonica has the pre-eminence amongst the cities of Macedon ; and
that in Theophylact is taken notice of, where Philippi is called a little
city, being under Thessalonica the metropolis : it is said that this was
taken out of an old geographer, and belonged^ to that city, as it was
built by Philip, not to those latter times under the Roman empire.
But even in the latter times, and under the Roman empire, when
Macedon was made a Roman province, Philippi was a place so incon-
siderable, that it was not thought worthy of mention by Livy, when he
• D[r.] Hlammond], Vlnd. p. 111.
* Or M Dr. Du Veil, *' Such as go to Macedonia fh>in the iile of Samotbnoe, the flnt dty
they meet that Is a colony upon the coast of Edonis is Philippi."— Explan. of Acta xri. II, ^ *'•
- referred.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 157
gives an account of the principal cities in the whole country.' Paulus
^milius divided it into four regions, and the metropolis in each is by
Uai specified ; regionum ubi concilia Jierent (which shows where their
courts of judicature or assizes were held) primce regionis Amphipolim,
kcundcB ITiessalonicain, tertice Pellamy quarUe Pelagoniam fecit, '* of the
legions in which coiurts are held, Amphipolis was fixed on for the first
r^on, Thessalonica for the second, Pella for tlie third, and Pelagonia
ior the fourth." So not Philippi, but Amphipolis, was the metropolis
of that part of Macedon where it was situate ; thither the neighbouring
cities were to resort for justice, not to Philippi.
The other argument, viz. its being a colony, is of no force at all,
luless none but metropolies were colonies, which is apparently^ false,
amce colonies were commonly planted in inferior cities. So that often-
times we find near twenty colonies where but one metropolis, as in
Mauritania Caesariensis, where there were nineteen ; sometimes above
twenty, as in Africa Propria, where four-and- twenty ; and in coimtries
where there were fewer colonies, they were placed in the meaner cities,
rather than the chief In Macedon, three of the four cities which m
livy are capita regionum^ " capitals of regions," were without colonies ;
Thessalonica, Amphipolis, and Pelagonia, if we may credit Ferrarius's
Bocount of them ; and in England, where there were four colonies,
London had none. Onuphrius indeed will have it a colony, but Brier-
wood shows his mistake out of Tacitus, his own author.^
In fine, not only meaner cities, but villages, might be colonies. The
Emperor Severus gave the honour of a colony to a hamlet. Patavi-
centium vicus a D. Severo jus colonice impetravit, " the village Petavi-
oentium has obtained the colonial privilege from the Emperor Severus."^
Let me but add another text to this vindication. Acts xx. 17, " From
Miletus he sent to Ephesus, and called the elders of the church," who
are said, ver. 28, " to be made bishops by the Holy Ghost." To evade
this, some by church will not understand that of Ephesus, but the
several churches of Asia ; and so by elders, not those of Ephesus only,
but the bishops of the Asian churches ; whereas, this sense, neither the
text, nor other Scriptures, nor the ancients will allow. The text itself
gives it no countenance, but rather refuses it ; nor must it be admitted
by the best rules expositors follow, of interpreting a text by itself.
** He sent to Ephesus, and called the elders of the church :" of what
church, but of that there mentioned — of the church of Ephesus ? who
would imagine other, but those who find it cross their pretensions ? I
need not say that the Syriac version, Chrysostom, Theophylact, (Ecu-
menius, Theodoret, and the whole stream of the ancients are against
• Dec. r. lib. v. p. 90. • nuuilfettly. ' Inquir. p. 19. * Lib. 1. Digest. [Tit. xt. lect. Ix.]
158 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
this new sense, not anj favouring it, but one' amongst tbem all ; and
he in such terms, as those who allege him will not admit the entire
expression, nor that it crosses the Scripture in its constant style.
Christians in a town or citj are called a church, and still expressed
singularly ; whereas those in a country or province are called churches,
and expressed plurally. 1 pass these as touched by others ; that which
I insist on is this :
The apostle Paul resolved to be at Jerusalem at the day of Pentecost,
and made all haste possible that he might be there, Acts xx. 16, and
accordingly was there at that day, as D[r.] H[ammond] tells us. Acts
xxiv. 11 ; and the many myriads that he found there assembled, are an
evidence of it. But he was not, he could not be, there at the day of
Pentecost if he stayed long at Miletus ; and he could not assemble the
bishops of Asia there, miless he stayed long there. Let us make both
these manifest. If he stayed longer at Miletus than three or four dajs
at most, he could not be at Jerusalem at the feast of Pentecost ; for
there being but seven weeks betwixt that and the Passover, he came but
to Miletus in the latter end of the fourth week, as is clearly discernible
from Acts XX. 6, 7, 13, 14, 15 verses. He sailed from Philippi after
the days of unleavened bread were past, ver. 6, and so when one of th»
weeks was past, he came to Troas in five days, and stayed there seven;
and so departed from thence on Monday in the fourth week, ver. 6
and 7 ; iu four days more he arrived at Miletus, in the latter part of the
fourth week, ver. 13, 14, 15. And three weeks more we have an
account of, after his departure from Miletus, before he arrived at
Jerusalem, Acts xxi. ver. 1 — 4, 7, 8, 10, 15. From Miletus by Coos,
Rhodes, Patara, in four or five days he came to Tyre. Chrysostom
reckons them five days, iKtlBtv de fifi€pi^v ir<Wc els Tvpop,^ " thence it is a
journey of five days to Tyre." At Tyre he stayed seven days, ver. 4,
at Ptolemius one day, ver. 7, and the many days he stayed at CsBsarea,
ver. 10, €15 Kai(Tdp€iav Trkeiovs /xcv€t rS)v aXXa>i', '^ at Caisarea he remains
more days than at the other places." And what was requisite to bring
him from Csesarea to Jerusalem, which was seventy miles distant, could
not be less than would make up the other days forementioned, as near
to three weeks as we now suppose.
So that hereby it is evident, that tliree or four days was all that can
be allowed for his stay at Miletus ; and this was not time sufficient to
send smnmons to the several bishops of Asia, and for them to come to
Miletus upon such summons. It was time little enough to send to
Ephesus, and to have the bishops and presbyters of that city come to
Miletus, being three or four days' journey going and coming ; for in the
■* [Ircn. lib. iii. cap. xiv.] * Ilomil xly. on AcU.
FBOX ftECO&DS or AXTIQCITY. IM
emmun redknni^^ m dsjs jooraej hy hod w dbu- tv^emr mikS) 160
or 166 fbrloqgs ; or bj m kzger •coogpu 200 farioi^^ fiT«-«iMi-fw«oty
milo, as rMiiilwir ofaKTret oat of Hexx)docus« liTj, Fohrbius, Jcc«
Nov Ephems was ^Ay mOei horn MSetns, 400 fbrioDgs, as CaiMsarius
teDs DSy and so four dajs jouniey to and &cs aocoidiog to the lavger
veckooii^; and if tlie mo ss CT ^ c r were acoo mmod a te d for extraoidinsiy
^eed, one ds^ at least most be aUowed for Epbesus, and no less than
two for the bishops or presbjters, being nsnally aged persons, especially
if they came on foot, as the apostks and their disciples were wont to do
when they trareUed by land ; and a good part of the day might be
taken up by the apostles' exhortation, prayer, and their conference with
Um. Bat it is not imaginable, that this time, that was little enough to
bring the bishc^ from Ephesus, could be sufficient to assemble thcan at
IQ^os from many several and remoter parts ; or if they will have us
to understand the bishops through aU the lesser Asia, all Natolia, as
they sometimes express it, * many weeks* time will be little enough for
the oonvocating so many dispersed through so vast a mgion : or if we
Qoderstand it only of the Lydian or proconsular Asia, and of the bishops
of the principal cities nearer to Ephesus, such where there are mention
of churches in Scripture, many days (more than can be allovred) would
be necessary for their assembling together at Miletus, as ¥rill appear by
the distance of some few : for as Ephesus was fifly miles north of
Uletos, so Smyrna was 320 furlongs (forty miles) uortli of Ephesus, as
Strabo f Pergamus further north of Smyrna, 540 furlongs, t. e, nlK>ut
ozty-eight English miles, and so 158 from Miletus going and coming.
Sanhs was three days' journey from Ephesus, as Herodotus,^ and the
bishops coming by Ephesus to Miletus, it will be twice more, besides
what must be allowed the messenger going thither from Miletus. So
that there is no possibility of assembling the bishops of Asia at Miletus
in so few days, as would leave it possible for the apostle to be at Jeru-
salem at the day of Pentecost. And therefore the elders sent for could
not be those of the several cities of Asia, but of Ephesus ; and then it
cannot be denied, but in that church there was a plurality of elders or
bishops.
3. It is acknowledged, that both in Scripture times and long oiler,
the bishop's diocese was so small that one altar was sufficient for it.
See Mr. Mede, " Proof for Churches in the Second Century,*' p. 29.
^ Nay, more than this," saith he, " it should seem that in diose first
times, before dioceses were divided into the lesser and subordinate
churches we now call parishes, and presbyters assigned to them, tliey
had not only one altar in one chureh or daminicum, but one altar to a
« iB SCnb. Ub. uL • [Dodwen] Diw. iv. cmp. tUL feet, vf . ' Ub. xW. Inlt. ' Ub. r.
160 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
church, taking choich for the company or corporation of the fidthfbl
united under one bishop or pastor, and that was in the city and place
where the bishop had his see or residence ; like as the Jews had but
one altar and temple for the whole nation, united under one high priest;
and yet, as the Jews had their synagogues, so perhaps they might have
more oratories than one, though their altar was but one, there namely
where their worship was. Die soliSy saith Justin Martyr, ommtitn qui
vel in oppidis vel rure degunt in eundem locum conventus JU, " On Sunday
there is an assembly in one place of all who live in the towns or in the
country -" namely, as he there tells us, to celebrate and participate the
holy eucharist. Why was this, but because they had not many pbioes to
celebrate in ? And unless this were so, whence came it else that a
schismatical bishop was said instituere or coUocare aliud altare^ " set up
another altar,** and that a bishop and altar are made correlatives?*
And thus perhaps is Ignatius also to be understood in that forequoted
passage of his, h dvaiaoTTjptov, unum altare (mini ecclesice, et ttntu epitcopu
cum presbi/terio et diaconisy " one altar for the whole church, and one
bishop with the presbytery and the deacons.'' Where he extends tho8e
first times, before dioceses were divided, to the latter end of the third
age, alleging Cyprian for proof To the same effect D[r.] H[ammond],*
alleging for it Ignatius, Cyprian, and other learned men. The same nxj
be concluded from D[r.] T[aylor] citing Damasus speaking of the titles
in Rome.^ Hence he infers that there was yet no preaching in parishes,
but [only in] the mother church, and so but one pulpit in a diocese. So
that Damasus, and the Doctor out of him, leave us evidently to conclude
that there was no communion celebrated, no communion-table but in
the mother church. The parishes mentioned at Rome were only ap-
pointed for baptism, and penance, and burial, and this three hundred
and five years after Christ, and at Rome too, the greatest and most
populous church in the world. To these I might add Petavius, who
had no superior for learning amongst the Jesuits, nor any to whom
prelacy is more obliged. He is positive, that in the fourth age there
was but one church or title ordinarily in a city, and proves it by Epi-
phanius, who speaks of more titles in Alexandria as a thing siogular
and peculiar to that city (there being no other instance thereof before
* St. Cyprian'8 Epist. x1. 72, 73, and De Unitate Ecdesiie. * Diasert. iJi. cap. iil. sect. XT.
• Dr. T[aylor,] (Episcopacy Asserted,) giving an account out of Damasus what Enariitui aod
Dionysius did. about dividing of parishes or titles in the city of Rome; adda, MaroeQaainatMrf
the number in the year 305. Hie fecit caemeterium, et 25 titulot in urbe Rowut eotuiUmit fMri
Dicecetrt propter baptismum et pcenitentiam multorum qui eonvertebantvr ; he'made a aepultnittf
cemetery for the burial of martyrs, and laid out twenty-five parishes in th« city of Rome. Aat
the use of parishes, which he subjoins, alters the business, for he appointed them only ,pr«y<er
baptismum et paeniteniiam niultorum et aepulturas, for baptism, and penance, and burial; for si
yet there was no preairhiBgr in parishes, but [only] in the mother church.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 161
but Rome,) singalarem tunc temporis AUxandricB morem huncfuisse^ <&c.,*
« also by the Council of Neocssarea.^ And Dr. Stillingfleet,*^ " For
lithoogby when the churches increased, the occasional meetings were
^aent in several places, jet still there was but one church, and one
iltsr, and one baptistery, and one bishop, with many presbyters assisting
liim ; and this is so very plain in antiquity, as to the churches planted
hy the apostles themselves in several parts, that none but a great
stranger to the history of the church can ever call it in question.^
So that this is not barely delivered by persons of excellent learning,
and intimate acquaintance with antiquity ; but proved by those records
which are most venerable in their account ; and the evidence reaches
not only the apostles* times, but divers ages after.
Hereby it appears that a bishop's see of old was evavptmrot^ '* such as
admitted of oversight,** as Nazianzen styles his own ; and a diocese far
from such a thing as hath now the name. For that wherein there was
but one commimion-table did not differ much from one of our parishes ;
and the bishop's flock [was] but like the cure of one of our parsons or
Ticars, when one table would be sufficient for it ; indeed, one is too little
for divers of our parishes.
But to give fuller proof of this, let us view the bishops' seats of old,
and we shall find them either so small, or so few Christians in them, as
will convince the impartial that we have not made their bounds too
narrow. There were many bishops in villages ; many in cities, no
bigger than villages ; most of them in cities which were but like our
market towns ; no more under bishops in those cities which were
counted great, than could meet together for Christian communion ; and
scarce any of the few largest cities contained more Christians for some
hundred years than are in some of our parishes.
CHAPTER II.
Those that are concerned to extend the ancient bishop to the modem
pitch and largeness, will not endure to hear, nor would have any believe,
that it was usual of old to have bishops in villages, or such little
places ; and tell their opponents, that " the most learned amongst them
• Epiph. Hmt. xoTi. p. S76. * Can. xiil. • Senn. against 8«parat. p. 27.
162 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PBOVED
have not been able, with great labour and hard study, to prodooe above
^ye instances hereof,"* and that this is not enough, if none of them were
mistaken, to prove it usual. But there are aevenl things counted usual
in the ancient church, of which no more instances can be given, nor so
many. And yet more have been and may be produced for bishops in
villages than some are willing to take notice of.
In the diocese of Egypt, Hydrax and Pakebisca, two villages (km^mi
dc avrai ncyroYroXcciiff, *' these are villages of Pentapolis," says Synesius,)
had their bishops ; he went thither, as he tells us in the same place,*
np6d€<r6ai riyv vrrpt tnurK^irov aKt^^iw^ '' to make a proposal about a bishop.**
So had Olbium, a village in the same region ; d^fior cM KmfOfnit,
<< they are a village community ;" after the death of Athamas, bishop
there, ihiritrtv alp€a-€<as eiria-Kdfrov, the election of a bishop was needfiil,
and Antonius was chosen.^^
Zygns is an Egyptian village, in Ptolemy. Athanasius gives us the
name both of the place and person that was bishop thei^ Maptm
ZvypSiv,^
We meet with *Aprias Kaprf, " the village Antia," in Diodorus.' And
in the Council of Ephesus with episcopus AnteensiSf " bishop of Antis.'^
I cannot find any other place that wiU suit him.
Schaedia, in Strabo, is KoroiKia Tn^Xcwr, rendered pagita arbi swnlis, **»
village like a city."^ Athanasius tells us who was the bishop of it,
AyadodoLfiwv ^x^Blas.
In the Breviary of Meletius, wherein he gives Alexander an aooount
what bishops he had made ; amongst the rest there is Kp6vM£ tw McnSVy,
in Athanasius.' And a place called Andromene was the episcopal seit
of ZoiluB, as Athanasius informs us, ZtoiKos 'Avdpwfu^Mw.'^ Which two
last (with divers otliers which I will pass by) are in all probabilitj
.villages, since there are no such cities discovered in Egypt.
"YyfniXis is a village in Stephanus. And Hypselis had two bishops at
once, Arsenius of the Meletian faction, and Paul for the orthodox.'
Dracontius, eV rfj *AX€(avbf}i(0¥ x^P^ KaraaraB€i£j^ being made a bishop
in the territory of Alexandria, could have no city for his seat
Secontarunis was a very small and contemptible village, that Ischyros
was made bishop of, containing so few inhabitants that there was never s
church there before, as Athanasius,** kco/xi; ppaxyranf, koi oKiyvw mfOpmwmv,
" a very smaU village, with few inhabitants."
And that was little better, where the writers of the life of Chiy-
• D[r.] D[ownham], lib. ii. cap. vii. pp. 132, 1.H, and J[ereiny] T[ayloT], Ep. AMert. p. 904.
• Epist. Ixvii. ' Synes. Epist. Ixxvi. ' Ad^Antiochen. p. 452. torn. L
• Lib. i. [cap. ii.] / Crab. Cone. p. 747. r Lib. xvH. p. 550.
A Ad Antioch. p. 452. torn. i. ' Apol. ii. p. ni2. * Ad Antioch. p. 45S.
' Atlian. Apol. ii. - Athan. Epist. ad Dracont. p. 736. ■ ApoL U. p. 622.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. IGd
ntom tell lis, Theophilus of Alexandria settled a bishop ; thej all call
it imfivdpiow, a small hamlet.*
In the CJouncil of Ephesus there was qnscopits Bacathensisy^ " a
liahop of Bacathum.** And Epiphanius calls Bacathum firiTpoK^itfAiav rrjs
'Afofiiaff "a chief village in Arabia.'''^ In that part of Arabia which was
nnexed to Palestine there was good store of bishops in villages, as
ippears by the ancient catalogue in Gulielmns Tjrius. There is no
need to mention particulars, since Sozomen assures us that there cV
■^fioif oruTitoiroc Upowrai,^ *' bishops are consecrated in villages."
In Syria, Theodoret tells us of Paul, a confessor, in the persecution
hf lacinius, one of the fathers at the first Council of Nice, and bishop of
Neociesarea, which he says is (l>povpiov, a castle or fort near Euphrates/
Maionia is described by Jerome to be a village thirty miles from Antioch,
lod we meet with a bishop there, and the name of him Ttfi6$€os Map«-
nuv, in Greorgius of Alexandria, in the life of Chrysostom, § 60, p. 236.
Athanasius gives us the name of a bishop in CalansB, Ev^porccov 6 cV
toXayatff ; and of another in Siemium, Aofivi6if cV Stcfii^/ which were
tillages, or such obscure inconsiderable places as no geographer takes
notice of. Particular instances are needless here. The council at
Antioch, in their synodal epistle concerning Paulus Samosateuus, men-
tion bishops both in country and cities, hna-K^irovs rSiv SiAopc^v ay pap rt
In Palestine, Jamnia was a village in Strabo*s account, cV rijs wkija-low
mmiui£ lafjt»€ias,^ So is Lydda in Josephus,' yet both [are] bishops'
seats in Tyrius's catalogue. So is Nais there, and Zoara, (in Ortelius,
Zoapof pagus, '^ a village.^') And in one of the three Palestines, there
is an aocoimt of fourteen villages which were bishops' sees. Comes
(GiT. ic»fufs) NaiSj seu vicus Nais, comes Charus, and many more. Hence
Mineus observes. Comes idem est quod vicus Greeds, quo nomine multi
qnscopatus sub patriarcha Jerusolymos pramotantur a Gulielmo Tyrio,^
'' Comes means in Greek the same as vicus in Latin, and by this name
are distinguished by Gulielmiis Tyrius many bishoprics under the
patriarch of Jerusalem.*'
In the same list we meet with Pentacomia, in the province of Baba;
with Tricomia' in that of Csesarea ; with Tricomia,' Pentacomia," Hexa-
comia," and Enneacomia* in that of Beccrra, each of which probably
was a precinct consisting of so many villages, as the several words
denote, under the inspection of one bishop, who had no city, but such
• Oeoi^. Alexand. p. 210. Anonymus Vit. Chrys. p. S45. Sim. Metaphr. p. 407. inter Chrysost.
opera. * Crab. t. i. p. 826. ' Anacephal. p. 141.
' HIrt, lib. vii. cap. xix. • Hist. lib. i. cap. vii. Ortel. / Ad Solitar. Vit. Agent, p. 689.
r Eoseb. lib. vii. cap. vU. « Lib. xvi. p. 522. [Ed. Casaub. p. 1100 B.J Ed. alt. p. 759.]
< Antiquit. lib. XX. cap. v. p. 692. * Notit. Episc. p. 301. ' Three-hamleta.
» Five-hamleU. " Six-hamlets. • Nine-hamleU.
164 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
hamlets for his bishopric ; as of Pnepedius it is said iroXXar htlvnamr
KtttfuK,' " he was bishop of many villages."
But there is no need to insist on this ; only it is to be noted what i^
friend of episcopacy speaks ingenuously of that r^on. " But at thiv
time/' says Mr. Fuller, " bishops were set too thick for all to grow, and
Palestine fed too many cathedral churches to have them generally fat
Lydda, Jamnia, and Joppa, three episcopal towns, were within fimr
miles one of another ; and surely many of their bishops (to use Bishop
Langham's expression) had high racks but poor mangers. Neither left
it stagger the reader, if in that catalogue of Tyriua he light on manj
bishops' seats which are not to be found in Mercator, Ortelios, or anj
other geographer ; for some of them were such poor places that they
were ashamed to appear in a map, and fell so much under a geogn-
pher's notice that they fell not under it : for in that age bishops hid
their sees at poor and contemptible villages."^
In Cyprus, Sozomen tells us it was usual to have bishops in villsgei,
cV K&fjMi? inia-Koiroi l€povvT(u irapa Kvirpiois, and also in other countiiei,
cV SXXots tBvtfTiVy without regard, it seems, of any restraint which some
bishops endeavoured to put upon that practice. And thus it continuei
with the Cypriots to this age ; for whereas there are betwixt twenty
and thirty bishops in that island, (and it is like^ the number has de-
creased there as in many other places) there are but four of their seiti
which have the face of a city, Potiits pagi qitam urbis speciem pnt m
ferunt, says Ferrari us, " They are more like villages than cities." The
Catholic of Armenia had above one thousand bishops imder his obedieooe,
as Otho Frisingius writes from the report of the Armenian l^ates.'
And after him Baronius, ctd an. 1145, [§ 23.] and our Brerewood; yet
both the Armenias in Justinian's time (who made the most of them)
made but four provinces ; and in the first, he tells us, there was but
seven cities, in the second but five, in the third but six, in the fourth but
one city, (Martyropolis) and a castle, (t6 KtBapiCov (f>povpiowy "the castJe
Cethurizum,")' [making] but twenty in all, and divers of them taken
out of Pontus. If the Armenian bishops had not amounted to above the
twentieth part of the number recorded, yet more than half of them
must be village bishops. Justinian, giving an account how maaj
cities there were in the provinces of Pontus and the r^ons near, in
Lazica finds seven castles and but one city, and that made so by him-
self, [viz.] Petra, v<f> fjfiSiv to n-oXtr tlvai re kcu 6vofid{€<rBat nyxHrXd^Sowro/
Yet in the biarvrraxris of Leo Sophus, in Lazica, there are fifteen bish(^
belonging to one metropolis.
• Soiom. lib. vi. cap. [3*,1 p. 403. * Hist, of Holy War, bk. ii. chap. II. p. 45, 4«.
« probable. d Chron. lib. vii. cap. xxxii.
• Novel, xxxi. chap, i / Novel, xxvill. prafat.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 1 05
la Ljcaonia and the parts adjacent we have more instances hereof,
adoonfiimed by the best authority. The apostles having preached
fteie, Acts xiv., and their ministry being successM to the conversion
rf many, so that there were competent numbers for the constituting of
dmrches in the several places mentioned, they ordained elders for every
etarch, ver. 2, 3. Those elders were bishops, as they assure us who
f kave new modelled the principles by which prelacy may be maintained
with most advantage, and without which (whatever their predecessors
thought) they judged it not defensible. The places where those churches
with their bishops were constituted, are mentioned ver. 20 and -21, viz.,
Antioch, Iconium, Derbe, and Lystra. Now, if we take the account
which the best geographers give us of these places, it will be manifest,
ftat the apostles did fix bishops, not only in great cities, but in lesser
towns, yea in country granges or villages. Antioch was the metropolis
of Pisidia, says Chrysostom ; a great city, and yet not so great but [that]
ill the inhabitants in a manner could meet together to hear the word,
Act. xiii. 44. Iconium in Strabo is iroKixviovy only tinrvu^x^f^^^* *
small town, but well built." By which we may judge of those places
which were bishops' seats under it ; there are fifteen of them in the
iiarvirwrK of Leo Sophus.
Derbe, in Stephanus, is <f>povpiov^ a fort or castle of Isauria ; it was,
•ays Strabo, in the borders of Isauria ; and agreeably with Stephanus,
he calls it not a city, but rov 'Avrindrpov n/powftov, the seat of Antipater,
who, he tells us, was Xijor^r, a robber,* a <l>povptov being the fittest
receptacle for such a person ; this could not be populous, being of no
lai^ge compass. Polybius speaks of Tychos, such a fort, (in the territory
of £lis,) which he calls also xa>piov ov piya^ a small country place or
grange but a furlong and a half in compass f and in him, as in others,
X^o¥ is a village or castle,' a country place distinct fi*om a city, ob
vdXiff aKKa xo»piov.
Lystra seems a place no more considerable; it is a small place in
Isauria, in Ptolemy,' and Strabo, though not by that name. In Ptolemy
it is ACa-tpaj (which in the Greek manuscript in Selden is Avcrrpa, (as is
noted in the last edition of Ferrarius,) and in the Latin version which
Ortelius used, Lystra,) and Ausira is the same with Isaura in Strabo,
one of those two places in Isauria, which he says were of the same
name with the country, (for Ausira and Isaura differ but in the trans-
position of tvi'o letters, as Casaubon observes) and both these with him
are villages, ^Wavpia Kafias bvo ^xovaa opavvfiovs/ " Isauria has two vil-
lages of the same name as itself" So that Lystra, which is Ptolemy's
• Lib. xU. p. 391. » Lib. xii. p. 368. • Lib. iv. [c. Ixxxlii.] pp. 346, 846.
• Lib. U. p. 1S». • [lib. T.] / Ub. xii. p. 391..
166 PRIMITIVE EPI8C0PACT PROVED
Ausira, and Strabo's Isaura, was in his account bat a Tillage ; though,
it is like,' of a larger size, such as the Scriptures and other andiani some-
times call a city, r^r fuyakas Kmfuu iritis 6¥Ofia{opT€t,* " Large Tillagea
are called cities." Hereby it further appears, that in Scripture and other
authors, villages, and other such small places do pass under the name
of cities ; Dcrbe, a fort or grange, and Lystra, a village, are called
cities of Lycaonia, Act. xiv. 6. Also that where there is a church,
whether the place be small or great, there ought to be a bishop. And
likewise that the apostle ordained bishops in villages and other places
as inconsiderable, and left the practice warranted by apostolical example
and authority.
Artemidorus, giving an account of all the cities in Hsidia, reckons
but eleven, whereas there are twenty-two bishoprics in the catalogue of
Leo.*^
Strabo divides Cappadocia (that part of it which was called Taurics)
into five (rrpanjyias, or prefectures, three of which had no cities in them,
dvo df txpva-i fM6vov oTpar/jyiat vrAccf , *' two only of the prefectures possess
cities.*' One of these had Tyana for its metropolis, the other Masact,
called Cffisarea ; so that Melitene, Cataonia (which Ptolemy makes ptrt of
the lesser Armenia, though Stephanus and Pliny agree with Stiabo)
and Isauritis had not one city in them, and yet there were numj bishop-
rics in them. In the other two prefectures besides Nazianzum, whidi
in Gregory, who had his name from it, and best -knew it, is not onlj
fiiKpaf " small," but cXaxtcm; €k ir^ttrivj* " the least among cities," and so
short of many villages ; there was Doara, which is «c»/ii7, a viUage m
Basil, and met with a bishop poorer than the place, ^o&pois rt nkf^
if>dop6v tivBpatrrovy which Basil expresses his resentment of (as a dispa-
ragement of the episcopal name) in his epistle to Eusebius SamoeatensiB.
And Basil advises Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium, to oonstitiite
bishops for that province in little towns and villages.'
Sasima, in Nazianzen is angusta villula, " a small village,** who,
by the importunity of Basil and the senior Gregory, was ordaiiied
bishop there, but with such reluctancy, that he would never settle there,
being indeed a place far below a person of such eminency/
Likewise a country place, where one of a servile condition, having been
made bishop by Basil, Simplicia, his mistress, after Basil's death, fbraed
him into her service again, which lady, Nazianzen is importunate with to
restore him to his episcopal see ; this he calls x^p^v,^ which in him, m
• probable. * Strab. Ub. iU. p. 112. [Ed. Casaub. p. S47, B. Ed. Paiii, 16S0,p. la]
• Vid. Strab. lib. xii. p. 392. * Orat. 1x. p. 155. • Epitt.40S.
/ [Carmen, de Vita sua. Ed. Paris. 16S0, torn. ii. p. 7.]
i Eplst. xxvill. p. 801. [al. Ep. xxxvlii.]
FROM BECOBDS OF ANTIQUITY. 167
B Others, is a place inferior to a city, Ka\ ovdi ir^Kig dXX^ x^P^^^'^ So
ke represents the Arians expressing the meanness of the place where he
vas bishop. Such also were those other places which Basil (when a
gieit part of the province was rent from him upon the partage^ of it
betwixt him and Anthimus of Tyana) made bishops' seats (for the
dties were taken up before) : and those bishoprics were not a few, as
^ipeais by Nazianzen's expression of Basil's action, irXciWty nruric<$frocr
ffr warpUia KommvKvwras^ ** he studded the country with many bishops ;**
nd Gr^ory applauds this multiplying of bishoprics, i^t Ka)<Kurra dutrl-
ifni,^ as an excellent art, souls being hereby better looked afler, ^x^^
^icXfia 9rXct6)y,^ though others would have had this less regarded, and
the bishop's honour more.
In Pontus Polemoniacus, Pityus alid Sebastopolis were bishops' seats,
jet they were not cities in Justinian's accoimt, nirvoOvra jtal 2cj3a<rn(-
9nkt9 €v if>povptots fuOXXop dptdfirjT€ov fj irSKtaw* " Pityus and Sebastopolis
ire rather to be coimted castles than cities."
Coracesium is but a castle, in Strabo,/ iciXixoy </>povpu>y, yet a bishop
)f it is found amongst those of Pamphylia, in Leo Sophus.
Thymbria is a village, in Strabo.*" A bishop of Timbria imder Ephe-
los we find in Cone. Chalced. Crab. p. 892.
Amyzon and Heraclea, (another in Caria besides that ad Lathmum)
ire both bishops' seats. Vid. Mirseus. 107, 108, 237, yet no more
hmn castles, as Strabo.*
Heraclea ad Lathmum, another bishop's seat, but irokixviovj* '* a little
hj.^ So are Ceramus and Bargesa, iroKLxyui^^ " little cities."
Docimia is a village, AoKifUa K»fiTj,^ a bishop's seat oflen mentioned in
rabecriptions of councils, [and] in Leo's Catalogue under Amoreus.
There is Nea, which in Suidas and Stephanus is a castle, and a Nea
Q Pliny' and Strabo? that is a viDage. In the council of Chalcedon
here is a bishop of Nea imder Laodicea, and another under Ephesus."
Pannonion is a castle in the territory of Cyzicus, says Stephanus, and
here is a bishop of that title under the metropolitan of Cyzicus, Leo,
iiarvir. And such a bishop mentioned ConcO. P.* vi. Crab. t. ii. p. 61.
There is a bishop of Gordi under Sardis, [and] of Midei under Synnoda
n Phrygia, which in Strabo are Midov and Topdlov oliajTripia — ovd* ixvri
•^oyra irSKet^v akXh K^fuu fitKpov fi€iCovs r&v ^Xuv,'* '' the habitations of
« Orat. xxY. p. -135. * partition. • Drat. xx.
* Page 356. • [Nov. xxvlli.] / Lib. xiv. p. 459.
r Lib. xiv. p. 438. [Ed. Casaub. p. 943, B. Ed. Paris. 1620, p. 636.]
A Lib. xir. p. 453, Kdit. Atrebat. [Ed. Casaub. p. 943, C. Ed. Paris. 1620, p. 635.]
« Str. lib. xiv. p. 437. / Page 451. [Ed. Casaub. p. 969, C. £d. Paris. 1630, p. 656.]
* Str. lib. xU. p. 397. [Ed. Casaub. p. 8C5, A. Ed. Paris. 1620, p. 577.] ' [Lib. U. cap. xcrL]
« [Lib. xii.] Crab. p. 892. • CofDstantlnople.
p Lib. xii. p. 393.
168 PRIMITIVE EPI8C0PACT PROVED
Midas and Gordias, which presenre no trace of being cities, biU
villages little above the common size."
There were villages of several sizes then, as there are now.
1. Some very little, such as Zonaras calls /uwoucui,* or such as tho^^
mentioned in the constitutions of Isaac Conmenus,* which had but cicoc»^
or d€Ka Kcnrvoiftj " twenty or even ten hearths.'*
2. Some pretty big, as those of the Phocenses in Pausanias, when
their conquerors had reduced their cities into villages, th tcmfMos ^curAyoar,
(and stinted them that they might not be too great) which consisted of
fifty houses.
3. Some greater, such as Justinian calls luyiaras K&iAas^^ " very Lu]ge
villages."
It would be too tedious to give ^m account of all tho0e paiticiilin
which are obvious. The synod of Laodicea, which forbade the making
of bishops in some villages, gives evidence that in such places there
were bishops, Can. Iv., ov bti cV rais Km/uus Ka\ cv reus X'^P^^ KaSitma^
ima'K67rwSf* " bishops are not to be ordained in villages or hamkti."
This was the only synod in the east that prohibited bishops to be made in
viUages ; and no wonder, since in those parts of Asia, where the autho-
rity of the synod reached, there were so many cities, and so dose toge-
ther, that there seemed no need of any in hamlets; and indeed the
prohibition was understood of lesser villages, so the Latin version in
Crab. lib. i. p. 380, qtwd non oporteat in villulis vd in agria comHtMi
episcopus, or as Leo hath it, in vicuUa' In Zonaras it is such phoei
Ma fiff 7r\7j3o9 dvBpmirfovj when not enough to make a good congngft-
gation/ Elsewhere he observes, that it was not needful there should
be great multitudes, but fitVpac irapouciai Koi ov iroXvirXi^iff, ^'imall
and thinly-populated parishes," might have bishops, and they were
allowed cV raU TrapoiKiait rj yovv raU fiucpaig evopUus, in little parishes
with the consent of him who had the chief seat.^* Those mentioned
by Nazianzen and Basil were made in the next diocese after this decree,
and so in other places ; so that this canon was either thus undenrtood,
or not regarded, or counted not worthy of observation.
However bishops that were in such country places before tKia synod,
the words of the canon are plain for it, (roift fUvroi fp^ wpo mi r utfw
d€VT€s, those who are before this already made bishops in villages and
country seats) nor does that which follows degrade them, enjoining
them firjdiv irparrtlv avrv yva>/ii;ff rov iwiaK&rrav rov cV r^ rdXci, '' to do
• In Cone. Chalced. can. xvil. * Cod. p. 283. • Novel. xzIt.
' [In Hard. can. Ivii.] • Epi«t. Ixxxv. c. H.
/ In Cone. Laod. can. Ivil. [Bevereg. Pandect, torn. i. p. 480.]
i In Can. Ix. Cone. Garth. [Bevereg. Pandect, torn. 1. p. 692.]
/
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 169
i^'og without the cogpusonce of the city bishop/' no more than the
pn^vincial bishops were degraded bj being obliged to do nothing with-
out him who had his church in the metropolis;" nor he, by being
6DJoiiied to do nothing without them, ^^cv fijs r&v \otv&¥ yvoifirft.
For Europe, and the more eastern parts of it, not to insist on parti-
cular instances, such as Melanicus, a castle in Cedrenus, and Tzurulimi
in Zonaras, and Bisa or Bizia and Macroatichos in ^milius Probus,
sod Diabolis, a castle in Macedon, as Nicephorus, and Alalcomens no
great village of Bceotia in Pausanias, and Cenchrea a bishop's seat in
Clem. Constit. lib. vii. cap. xlyiii., as the rest are in others ; that
which is allied against this practice will be a sufficient proof of it, viz.,
the coimcil of Sardica held in those parts, and the only synod in Europe
for six hundred years after Christ, that did forbid the making of bishops
in some small towns and villages, if so be it can be counted a prohibition ;
for however it is in the Greek, yet in the Latin, which is the original,
the restraint is laid upon foreign bishops, that they shall not erect such
bishoprics in another province which is not their own, and into which
they are occasionally sent.^ Thus it runs in the Greek copies (though
it was not received by the Greeks in Photius's time, if we may believe
him,) nor known in Africa to Augustine otherwise than as a convention
of Arians,*^ itfj €^€lyai airkas Ka3t<rrav iwia-Konov €v K&firj tipX tj ^paxd^ TrAct,
** it is altogether unlawful to ordain a bishop in any village or small
city." They except such places where there had been bishops already,
and forbid it to none for the future but such for which one presbyter was
sufficient, (and it was less than an ordinary parish, for which they then
thought one presbyter sufficient.*') In Leo's words, there was to be none
m victdis et possemonibus vel obscuris et solitariis municipiis,' in hamlets
and country farms or obscure and iminhabited towns. And so there is
room enough lefl for bishops in large and populous villages. However
hereby they signify sufficiently, that it was usual before this to have
bishops in small places. For, according to Justinian's rule, foimded
upon the wisdom of ancient lawgivers, T6 cnravta>r yiv6fi€vov {Ka36. koi i
mtkatit Xryct <ro<l>ia) ov rripova-iv oi vofAoBtraif aXX^ t6 y(v6fi€vov a>r initrav
jcal 6pwn Koi ^r/xnrcvovo-i/ " that which is rare (according to the saying
of ancient wisdom) legislators do not guard against, but regard and pro-
vide for what commonly happens."
In Crete, they tell us, (more than once) there were a hundred bishops ;
no fewer suffragans must their metropolitan Titus have under him,
when enthronised there by the apostle; yet Pliny, who writ in Vespa-
• Cone. Antioeh. Can. ix. * See Crab. torn. 1. p. 331.
* Contra Cretcon. [lib. iii. e. zxxly.] and Epiat. clxlii. [al. £p. xliv. cap. ill. j
' Every place that had twelve Cunilies, was to bave a rector, as is decreed by thif lynod.
' Epiat. IzxxT. cap. li. / Novel, xclv. cap. U.
M
170 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PBOVED
objolB time, a little after the apostles* death, found but faity citiee tfa^e,
(only the memory of sixty more;) and Ptolemy gives an account of the
same number. So that the far greatest part of Titus's sufiragans, must
have their thrones in country villages; and the most of the forty called
cities were little better than villages. Strabo sajrs, CJrete had irXc^ovc-
ntJXcif," " many cities," but only three of any great note (and one of those
three lost its greatness before Titus knew it.) It is most like to be
true which Julius Scaliger makes their character.
Centum olim eincku <^tero$U meenihut urhe$
Reddidit ad pametu iw^teriom dUi.
Oppida porva lamen reor iUafuiue, §ed aueta
Quod deest ex reliquis Candia sola rffert.*
In provincia et ditione Romana aemd hoc loco indicasse mfecerit,
oppida epiacopali dignitate cohoneatata qtumtumvis exigua ab ItaUs juita
stylum et phrasim curice Romance civitates nuncupari ; reUqua veto iMa
dignitate carentia non nisi caateUa vel oppida nominari. " Let it suffice
to remark here, once for all, that towns invested with the episco-
pal dignity, and situate in the Roman province and jurisdiction, how-
ever small they may be, are called by the Italians, according to the
style and mode of speech appropriate to the Roman court, cities; whilst
others, which possess not this dignity, are designated but castles or
towns."
In Italy it is known that almost every petty town has a bishop; and
I cannot discover that there are more bishops now there, than of old:
in that called in special the Roman province, there are now fewer by
many than anciently, as, Miraeus tells us, is evident, by comparing the
old provincial code with the new,^ and all the new erections that I can
find, (discounting those which are upon old foimdations,) amount not to
the number of those which are either dissolved or united. And if that
was the mode of other writers, to call every place a city which had a
bishop, we need not wonder if they discover to us no more bishops in
villages ; we must go to some other author to know of what quahtj
the place was, not to him who, calling it an episcopal seat, la obliged to
style it a city, though it was otherwise nothing better than a village.
It is true those small towns (that diocese which had but five hundred
souls in it was not the meanest of them) though no better than viUaget
• Lib. X. p. 328.
* " A hundred cities girt of yore with massive walls imperious Time hM dvlndl*d to « fev.
Yet were they small towns, I ween, though dignified ; their poverty, thia apait, detert QndJa
reveals."
' Notit. Episc. lib. iv. pp. 160, 161.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 171
^ OUT country towns, pass under the names of oities; but that is
"fctnae every plaoe which had a bishop was called a city upon that
^cccmt, though it had nothing else to make it a city, but merely its
Iiemg made a bishop's seat, as MirsBUs informs us.'
In Spain the twelfth coimcil of Toledo^ takes notice of one made a
tiakop in numasterio viUulcBj "in a village monastery," another in
fuiurhio TdeUmo in eoclesia prastoriensi Sanctorum Petri et Fauli, " in
tbe praetorian church of Sts. Peter and Paid, in the suburbs of Toledo,"
and of others in cdiia vicis et viUulis similitery " in other villages and
bamlets in like manner." It is true the bishops there allow it not,
(though such ordinations might be better justified than their consecra-
tion of Eringius in the place of Wamba, considering by what means he
supplanted him ; and they were approved while Wamba had the throne)
but order it otherwise for the future, yet there is no mention of dis-
placing any, but only of Convildus, who was made bishop in the
monastery ; but in this they were singular, since bishops were allowed
in monasteries both before this 83mod and after. And so these also
will be a proof of the question in hand, since monasteries were parts of
a diocese, and also generally less than villages : let me give some
instances hereof
Barses and Eulogius had a monastery for their diocese, no city nor
territory, nrtVcontu cv irdXccof riv6r, as Sozomen tells us, but xf^poTovtjBeyrts
iv rotr Idiots fumurrrfplois,'' " bishops of no city, but ordained for their
own monasteries." And one Lazarus also, 6v rpAnov Koi Ad{apos.^
To whom we may add those monastics which Epiphanius speaks of,
one of them a bishop in the desert of Egypt, the other in Mount Sinai,
iwuntAwtbv lit^fitwoi xtipoBtfrlav, jcal KoBrja-Oai re koI rh. hruTK^nav vpoTTtU
mt dvrol itrtx^lpow,^ '^ having received the episcopal ordination, used
thentiselves to ordain and do the work of bishops."
In the council of Chalcedon, Act. iii. we meet with Helpidius, a
bishop, Th^mensis monaaterii, " of the monastery of Therma," who gave
his suffrage amongst the rest, for the deposing of Dioscorus, patriarch
of Alexandria/ and the same person, or another of his name and title,
subscribes, amongst other bishops in the sixth cocumenical synod under
Symmachus.^
In Theodorus Lector,* Timotheus of C. P.' ordains a bishop in the
monastery of Studita, after the decease of another who presided there,
rod ifyoviUvav r^^ it6vris rov arvdirov rcXfvr^(ravrof, ott^X^c TifioSfov 6 ini-
• Lib. ▼. p. »7. » [Can. iv.]
« Lib. t1. cap. zzxfT. p. 402. ' Id. ibid. ' Sxpocit. Fidei, p. 109S. / Cone. torn. i. p. 851.
r Elpidlua Thermensis Monaaterii, in Crabb p. 1026. [Romana vi. in Hardouin.]
« CollacC. lib. il. < Conatantinople.
m2
172 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
a-Kotros (h rh fiopotrrrffHop,^ In Spain itself Dmnimn is an episcopal aeat,
locus episcopalis in HispamOj says Ortelius; adding, acepiua ejus membat
ex coneiliis, '* mention is often made of it in the cotmcils.'' MonasUrvtm
est apud Isidorum et Honorium unde Martinus episcopus {qui scripsit de
quatuor virtutibus cardinaUbus) orhmdus, '' In Isidore and Honorius it
is said to be a monastery, whence Bishop Martin, who wrote of the
four cardinal virtues, received his title." He tells us also of Hadrian,
bishop of Niridanum, a monastery near Naples.
In Britain there were commonly bishops in monasteries, and such too
as were in subjection to the abbot of the convent, (though but a pres-
byter) as appears by the synod of Hereford, cap. iv. Ut qnscopi
monachi non migrent de loco in locuniy hoc estde monasterio in monasterium,
nisi per dimissionem proprii dbbatiSf sed in ea permaneant obediential quam
tempore suce conversionis promiserantj^ " Bishops who are monks miut
not wander from place to place, t. e. from monastery to monastery, unless
dismissed by their abbot, but shall observe that obedience which thej
promised at their conversion." And this is one of the constitutioiu
they made in observance of what was determined by the canons of the
fathers, qucB definierunt stare canones patrum, as Theodorus, who pre-
sided there, shows in the preface.
For the rest, in general, Rabanus Maurus sa3rs, though there were
fewer bishops at first, tempore vero promovente non solum per dvitata
ordinati sunt, at (for sed) per singula loca in qutbus nee adeo necessitat
flagitabatj*^ " in process of time bishops were not only ordained in cities,
but in particular places where there was no such necessity."
And so let us come nearer home. I need not tell you how few cities
there are in Ireland, yet Primate Usher tells us out of Nenius that
St. Patrick founded there three hundred and sixty-five churches and as
many bishops.
Ailerwards the number increased ; muUiplicabantur episcopi, " bishops
were multiplied," says Bernard, so that when Malachias went into
Ireland (near six himdred years after Patrick,) an. 1150, Unus eptaeo-
patus uno non esset contentus episcopo, sed singulce pene ecclesice singuloi
haberent episcopos,^ " bishops were so multiplied that one diocese was
not content with one bishop, but almost every parish church had its
bishop."
Yea, there was not only one bishop in such a little precinct, but
more than one, not only in cities but even in villages, as Lanfranc
writes to Terlagh, then king in Ireland, in villis vd civitatibus pluret
ordinantur."
' Page 188. * Spelm. p. 155. Bed«, lib. iv. cap. ▼. * Tom. iv. p. 14.
^ Bernard. Vit. Malach. • Baron, ad an. 1089, n. IS. Uih. Relig. of Irish, cap. tUL p. 7».
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 178
And their revenue was answerable, since some of them, as Dr. Heylin
tells us, had no other than the pasture of two milch beasts.'
Pass we to Africa. There some (better acquainted with the state of
the ancient church than those who have the conscience to tell us that
Iriahops of old were only ordained in great cities,*) acknowledge, bishops
were so plentiful that every good village must needs be the seat of an
episcopal church.*
I need not stand to prove that which is too evident to be either denied
or concealed ; only this in brief. In five of the provinces of the
African diocese, Byzacena, Zeugitana, Numidia, Mauritania Ciesariensis,
and Sitifensis, there were in Augustine's time near nine hundred
bishoprics, taking those of the Donatists into the accoimt, which we
have reason to do, since the Catholics decreed, that when the Donatists
were reduced, those places amongst them which had bishops should con-
tinue to be episcopal seats, (sane ut illce plebes quce conversce sunt ^
DonatistiSf et habuerunt episcopos, sine dubio, inconsuUo condUoy habere
mereantur.^)
St. Augustin, in his brief relation of the conference of Carthage, gives
an account of near five hundred bishops of his side ; for he says the
names of two hundred and eighty-five were recited, twenty subscribed
not, suam tamen exhibentes prcesentiamy " although they were present ;"
one hundred and twenty were absent, quidam eorum senectute, quidam
infirmitaUj quidam diversis necessitatibus impediti, '* some being hindered
by age, some by sickness, others by various pressing necessities ;" sixty
episcopal seats were vacant, seaaginta quibus successions episcopi nondum
fuerunt ordinati' And he denies not but in the conference the Donatist
bishops were about four himdred ; elsewhere he makes their number
more. For he says the Maximinianists were condemned in council by
three hundred and ten bishops of the other faction, damnaverunt
in concilio suo Maximinianistas trecenti decern episcopi Donatistce/
And one hundred bishops of Maximinianus's party were condemned.*'
So that the Donatists were not out, plusquam quadringentos per totam
Africam se esse jactanteSj^ "boasting that they had more than four
hundred bishops in all Africa.^'
You see there wanted few if any of nine hundred bishops in this
province ; but I cannot discover cities there which will make a fourth
part of the number. Strabo having named about thirty, and divers of
them destroyed before his time, having pursued his discovery to the
• Cotmogr. p. 342. » J[creiny] T[aylor], p. 304.
' H[erbert] Thorndike, Right of Churches, Review, p. 53.
' Cod. Afric. Can. xcix. vid. Augiistin. De Gestit cum Emerit. torn. vil. pp. 781, 782.
• Brevis Collat. Prime Diei. / Contr. Epist. Parmen. lib. 1. cap. xi.
# Id. ibid. lib. i. cap. ir. vid. De Gett. cum Emerit. sec. ix. p. 785, et Contra Donat. pott. Cullat.
cap. XXX. et Contra Crescon. lib. iv. cap. vi.
* Contr. Donat. pott. Coll. cap. xxiT.
174 PBIMmVE EPISCOPACY PBOVBD
lesser Syrtis, concludes it tlitifl, iroXXal d* tM m) SKkm /ura^ wtXix^ai
oIk S(uu funjfirjg,^ ^' there are many other small cities besides^ not worthy
of mention."
After Augustine's death, and the invasion of the country by the
Vandals, the Africans continued their ancient custom, notwithstanding
any novel restraint, and made bishops (as appears by Leo's epistle to
the bishops of Mauritania) in quibusltbet locis, in quibusUbet casteUu,
itbi minores pUsbeSy minores conventua, " in all sorts of places, in all
sorts of castles, where the population and assemblies were small,"
where preshyterorum cura suffecerit ih vicuUs poaseasiombuB vd
obscuris et solitariis municipiia, " presbyterial superintendence was suffi-
cient in villages or obscure and deserted towns," which Postitutus,
one of those bishops, liked not, quod nunc in sua dicecesi Postitutus
episcopus factum esse causatus est,^ " which Postitutus, the bishop, cen-
siured as now done in his own diocese."
So that they were not only large villages which the AMcans thought
capable of bishops. Besides what Leo says, Grennadius, amongst his
illustrious persons, mentions one Asclepius Afer, in Baiensi territorio via
non grandis episcopus/' " bishop of a small village in the teritory of Bais."
Ob}. It is said, though the town was small where a bishop had his
seat, yet the diocese might be large and extended, and too great for a
hundred parish priests. And you have an instance of it in AsdepiuB,
whose chair was in a village, but yet he was Vagensis territorii qjisccpus,
" bishop of the territory of Vaga," as Johan, de TriUenhaniy De Script
Eccles. " his diocese was that whole territory."^
Ans. They tell us, indeed, the diocese was I know not how large,
when the town was small ; but we must take their word for this ; we
never yet could see any proof, any instance of a small viUage, that had
so extended a territory under one bishop. This is the only instance
that 1 have met with to give any coloiu: to their assertion ; yet this is a
great mistake either in them or their author. Trittenham wrote after
Gennadius many hundred years, anno 1500 ; it is easy to discern whi^
should have most regard. Gennadius says, this small village was m
Baiensi territorio, (where it is like*' (as elsewhere) there were divers
villages beside ;) he says not that it was the territory of that village, or
that he was Baiensis territorii episcopus, " bishop of the territory of
Baiffi." They or Trittenham (1 have him not at hand to tell which)
change both the word and the form of the expression, and say he mi
Vagensis territorii episcopus. But suppose, for once, the copy deserves
more credit than the original. Let Vaga (as they would have it) be
• Lib. xvii. p. 574. [Ed. Cagaub. p. 1191, B. Ed. Paris, 1620, p. 834.]
» Epist. Ixxxv. cap. ii. * CaUl. lUustr. Vir. in Jeiom. torn. ix. p. ISJ.
* Trithem. Ub. U. cap. vii. p. 133, T. T. 305. ' proteble.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. ]t5
tiiis vku8 rum grandis, and Asclepius bishop both of the village and its
toritoiy, what shadow of proof have they from Trittenham or any
other, that this territory was larger than that of an ordinary village ?
It is trae, villages had ivopLas^ their territories. Zonaras tells us there
were frapoucUu ^ ipopUu, of several sizes, luiCov^^ and fxUpai. And the
«nall ov w6kvKkij$€iSy not populous, are divided Wy aypoucucovf koI iyx»piovsy
then each of them described, dypouuKos, (jmo-iv flycu ras iv ioxariais Kd/j^pas
Kali SKiyovs tfxovons (p avrais oUovvras at koi ftovoiKia Xryoyrai' eyx^piovg di
ns aypoig leal K»fAtus irXTftridiovtras koi irXfioyas rovs kotoUovs Ifxovaus.'*
Since it was but a small village, or no great one, the territory was
like that of villages which were not great, and so inter /wcpiis, " amongst
the small," choose which of them you please.
CHAPTER III.
Come we to their cities : those far the most of them (viz. those that
were very little, and those that were not great) were but for their large-
ness like oiu* villages or market towns.
ndXir is not only a great town, but sometimes a village, frequently a
place no greater than country towns with us ; yea, many less than some
of ours have the name, and are called w6k(i5, cities ! For such the word
is used commonly both in Scripture and other authors. City, Luke x. 8,
is not only city but town, Matt. x. 11. Acts xv. 21, city there is,
Matt. ix. 35, not only cities but villages. n6k€is, Luke iv. 83, are
K»fi(m6k€is, chief villages, Mark i. 38. So Bethlehem is n6kis Ao^td,
Luke ii. 4, the city of David, but no other than Ko»firj, John vii. 42,
which Epiphanius takes notice of, and says in one icoXctrcu tr^kig rov
Aaffid, " it is called the city of David," in the other, Kcifirjp avnjv Kakwai,
"they call it a village," and gives this reason for it: because it was
reduced to small compass, and had very few inhabitants.*
Many instances might be given in the Old Testament : take but two
or three : Josh. xv. there are thirty-eight towns eniunerated and called
cities, ver. 21, yet all the cities are said to be but twenty-nine, ver. 32.
Masius and other expositors remove the difficulty thus, the rest of the
towns, though called cities, were but villages. CcetercB viUce aut pagi.
' In Can. xrli. Chalced. [Bevereg. Pandect, torn. i. p. 184.] * Hnr. 11.
176 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PBOVED
So Josh. xix. there are twenty-diree places reckoned by name and
called cities, yet, ver. 38, there are said to be but nineteen cities ; they
resolve it as the former, aUa erant nomina vicorum obacuriamm, " the
others were the names of obscurer villages." So ver. 6, there are four
called cities, yet those in the 1 Chron. iv. 32, are onxn ; in the vulgar
translation villcBy in the Seventy-two, jc^fuu, and in that verse ihey are
called T^S, both cities and villages ; so frequentiy elsewhere.*
For other authors, Strabo says, that those who did account of more
than a thousand cities in Spain gave the name of cities to great villages,
ras fuyakas Kmfias ir6k€is ovofidComf.^ And when Polybius writes that
Tiberius Gracchus ruined three hundred cities in part of Spain, Possi-
donius says, that castles were called cities by him, tov^ irvpyavs KoKovprm
ir6ktLs ; Strabo agrees with him. And Casaubon observes that historians
oflen do so, Turres scppe ab historiarum Scriptorihua terbium appeLlalioM
honestarij '* Castles are oflen dignified by historians with the name of
cities," as cities are often by poets called nvpyovg, fiom whence he
derives burgus,
Ptolemy calls Avarum woKiv ^ K»iifip fic<r(^iay/ " an inland city or
village." In Joscphus, Bethshura is called a city, m^Xi^,' but in the page
before it is only Kmfirjj '* a village." And Justinian sa3rs of Pityus and
Sebastopolis, reckoned among the cities in that part of Pontus called
Polemoniacus, cV <f)pouploig fiaXkov apiBiujriov ^ tr^kftrw, '* they are rather
to be reckoned castles than cities."*
And as irSkis is often used for a village or a castle, so very commonly
for a small town. Bishop Bilson^ tells us, as Doctor Field also,^ that the
apostle would have the city and places near adjoining to make but one
church, and that herein they proposed the Jews as their exemplar, who
had their synagogues in cities, Acts xv. 21. Now in what places the Jews
had their synagogues (if it were not plain, Matt. ix. 35, that they were
far from being always great cities) will appear by the seats of their
consistories ! In cities of less than six score families, they placed the
consistories of three ; in cities of more than a hundred and twenty
families, the courts of twenty-three.* And it is well known that many
of our country towns, with their precincts, have more than a hundred
and twenty families, and our lesser villages are as great as the cities in
the lower account.
In other places, where we meet with cities exceeding numerous, many
very small towns pass under the name of cities.
In Egypt, Diodorus Siculus speaks of three thousand cities, not to
take notice of more than six times as many which, Pliny says, were
• See Pagnin. Voc. TX. » Lib. iil. p. 112. ' Geogr. lib. v. cap. xtIL
• Lib. xil. Jud. cap. xlii. p. 416. « Novel, xxvlii. / Perpet Govemment, cap. xk.
r Lib. v.cap. xxrii.
• Vid. Maimonidetin Sanhedrim, cap. 1. sec. ▼. and Selden, De Syn. lib. ii. cap. ▼.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 177
lometime in the Delta. In the tribe of Judah [there were] one hundred
•od fourteen cities, in half the tribe of Manasseh sixty, and in the other
tnbes propof tionably. In Crete there were one hundred, therefore called
Hecatompolis, and so was Laconica called for the same reason,* because
it had some time one hundred cities in it ; it was but in the whole a
lerenth part of Peloponnesus, the peninsula being but one himdred
'ind seventy miles, or fourteen hundred furlongs in length and
breadth, as Strabo, and four thousand furlongs in circumference, as
Pdjbius. Paulus JEmilius destroyed seventy cities in Epirus, as Livy,*
and this was most in one quarter of Epirus, as Strabo tells us. About
the lake called Pontina, in the ancient Latium, one of the seventeen
inovinces belonging to Italy, Pliny says, there were twenty-three cities,
which are more than now in all England. Agrippa in Josephus speaks
of near twelve hundred cities in Gallia kept in subjection by twelve
liundred soldiers, when their cities are well nigh more in number.*^
Instances might be multiplied of cities that were but like our market
towns, or no larger than villages. Cities they had of old little bigger
than some houses, as that whicI^Nero, in Suetonius, auream nomi-
muntf^ "called the golden palace;" the buildings about his fish-ponds
irere like cities, says that historian, circumseptum cedifidis ad urhium
tpeciem. Yea, long before they came to the magnificence or excess of
Nero, and were content with less buildings, yet amongst those they had
divers comparable to cities. In Sallust's time, Domos, says he, atque
villas cognoveris in urhium modum cediJicataSy " you may see villas built
like cities." And aflerwards some private houses exceeded the dimen-
sions of cities, so in Seneca's time and complaint, miserum si quern
delectet cedificia privata laxitatem urhium magnarum vincentia/
^ Alas, that men should boast of private houses exceeding cities in mag-
nificence !" And yet they counted it an excessive great house which
took up above four acres, as would seem by that of Valerius Maximus,
Angusti se habitare putat cujus domus tantum patet quantum Cincinnati
mra patuerunt, " A man thinks he is pressed for room, if his house is
only as large as the farm of Cincinnatus," when three (as he had said
before) of his seven acres were gone.
Emporia, a city of the Greeks, in Spain, was less than half a mile in
compass, by Livy's account, totem orhem muri 400 passus patentem habe-
hat/ the whole compass of the wall was but 400 paces. Phaselis, an
episcopal city in Pamphylia, contained not so many souls as Pompey's
ship (when in his flight, after Caesar's victory, a small company and
vessel was counted his security) if we believe Lucan.*^
• Strab. lib. vlli. [Ed. Casaub. p. 557, B. Ed. Paris. 1620, p. 363.J
• Dec. ▼. lib. T. • De B«n. Jud. lib. ii. cap. xri. [Ed. Oxou. 1720, p. 10B7, lin. ^.}
' Lib. zxxi. In Nero. ' De Beneflc. lib. vli. cap. x.
Dec. It. lib. iv. / Lib. yHi. [▼. 25».]
1 78 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACT PROVED
Te primum parva Pkaulig,
Magmmt adii, mee U mehA vetat iacote, rmra
Eidtatuimqut dowuu populmt wu^forque earhue
Quam tua htrbafuit.*
Cucusus a city (Uie civility of whose bishop, Chrysostom, when he
was there banished commends) was not so good as a market towDi
fMTTc ayopav, fjLfjrt &vmp l^^* 1 fr6kis,^ " the city possesses no market-place,
or bazaar.'* And Sasima, where Nazianzen revised a bishopric, wai
no better, if you will believe his character of it, though it pass for a
city ; he counted it but angustatn viUulanij " a very small village."
Nazianzum, where his fatlier was bishop, and from whence himaelf ii
denominated, did not much exceed it, being nokis tvrtkfis, " a mean city,"
in Socrates,^ M^p^, " small," in Sozomen.^ Aradus in Strabo, and Anta-
radus in Pliny, were cities of seven iurlongs ; the whole island of Andoi
was no larger, not so great as many of our country towns.
To proceed more distinctly, for better satisfaction herein ; (where a
little observation might prevent great and conmion mistakes abont
ancient bishoprics.) There were cities of several sorts and dimenaioiu;
those that were six furlongs in comp&s or under are called ir6ktu lUKfOi,
such was Pa^nium in iEtolia, a city, but not great, says Polybini,
being less in circumference tlian seven furlongs, tkarroif y^ ^ hnk
arabiiov.^ Those which had above six furlongs in circuit, to twelve or
thereabouts, pass as iroKtis fifrpim, not very little or great, but of an
indifferent size ; so Antioch upon Meander is fierpia iroXir, in Strabo.^
Such was Jessus in Polybius, to bi fx€y€0os rrjs irSKtis «<rri dtxa amlka,^
" the size of the city is ten furlongs." Those which had sixteen iurlongi
in circumference, or near it, and so upward, were counted great cities,
frdXctr peyakai : for some of their prime cities (the metropolies of coun-
tries well stored with cities,) were no bigger. Nice is, in Strabo, the
meti'opolis of Bithynia, and so it was in Ammianus Marcellinus^s time,
long afler,^ yet it was but sixteen furlongs in compass, cjucatdcjcaaradior^
nepLpoXos.^ No larger was Famagusta, the chief city in Cyprus, built
in the place of Constantia, the ancient metropolis of tliat island.* About
that bigness was the great and famous Tyre of old, before it was taken
by Alexander : for he, having joined it to the continent, and upon iti
recovery not content with its ancient bounds, had much enlarged it, }tt
• " Thee first, little Phaselifl, the great man api>roachefl, and thy ^est, and the f
poTerty uf thy dwclling»j and his cre», Inrgcr than thy whole popuUttion. are little adaptci I
banisli thy fears."
• Chrys. Epist. xiii. "^ Iliht. lib. iv. cap. x. ' Lib. ri. cap. XTi.
• Lib. iv. leap. Ixv.] p. 32y. / Lib. xiii. [Ed. Cosaub. p. 935, A. Ed. raris, 1C20, p. 6*.]
t Lib. [x\i. cap. xl.] p. 731. » Lib. xxvl. cap. i. < Strab. lib. xii.
> Sands. Trav. p. 219.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 179
VB8 it but twenty-two fiirlongs in compass, as Pliny." And Sidon was
of the like size, Tyre being Mfukkos avri koL fUytOos.^ New Carthage,
flie principal city in Spain, while the Carthaginians bore sway there,
Vis but twenty iurlongs in compass when largest ; it might be less
; ftan sixteen when contracted, as Polybius, not long ailer its erection,
[ mjs it was.^
Consequently, their lesser cities were but like ordinary villages, (we
kve many as large, not less than four or five iurlongs in circuit.) Their
E liddle sort of cities were answerable to oiu* market towns or boroughs,
: (ve have some that may compare with their great cities,) or like their
iuger villages, such as Justinian noted in Pisidia,' and in Lycaonia.'
OQch were Lydda, in Palestine, KcufAtj irdXccar r6 fiiytOos ovk mrMovtraf '^ a
village not less in size than a city " as Josephus reports it/ or like their
lifiniriff>fir, *' village-cities,^' as Amorea, in Strabo.^
Those villages, by being walled, or having bUaia rrjs ir<JX««y, piivileges
fif cities granted them, became cities without further enlargement. And
•o this sort of cities (far the most numerous) were but walled or privi-
leged villages ; therefore (to note this by the way) they that grant
Ififlhops to have been in those cities, (which who will deny ? whereas
lew else in comparison had bishops besides those,) leave themselves
^thout reason to deny bishops to viUages ; unless a wall or something
■8 inconsiderable could be a reason, why one should be capable of them,
and the other not.
Bethalaga, a village so called by Josephus, but Jonathan having
walled it, immediately after called it a city.* Armena, in Paphla-
gonia, was an unwalled place, till the inhabitants in their wisdom encom-
puaed it with a wall to keep them warmer, and that may be the reason
why to Strabo, Ptolemy, and Stephanus it is a village, to Pomponius
lida, Pliny, and Solinus, it is a city, as Ortelius observes. So Majuma,
the port of Gaza being honoured with the privilege of a city, for its
Ibrwardness in the Christian profession, of a village became a city, says
Soxomen ; but being deprived of the privileges by Julian, it was turned
again into a village.' And the difference being no more betwixt these,
Aat may be the reason why the same place by divers writers is called
both a city and a village. Cenchrea to Stephanus is a city, to others a
Tillage.* Yea, this is sometimes done by the same author ; as Strabo
calls Nelias and many other towns both cities and villages in the space
of three or four lines.' And sometimes both words are joined in one,
• Lib. V. cap. xix. ' Strab. lib. xvi. < Lib. iii. p. 109.
^ Korel. zxiv. ' Novel, xxv. / Antiq. lib. xx. cap. v. p. 603.
r Ub. xU. [Ed. Casaub. p. 864, A. Ed. Paris. 1620, p. 576.]
« Antiq. Jud. Ub. xiU. cap. i. p. 429. [Ed. Oxon. 1720, p. 557. lin. 45.]
< Lib. ▼. cap. ▼. * Strabo, lib. viii. [Ed. CaMiub. p. 567, B. Ed. Paris. 1620, p. 869.]
' Lib. ix. p. 868.
180 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
and one place hatb both names at once, and is called jcM/AoiroXir, " a
village city," a city because it wants not the bigness of this sort of
lesser cities ; and a village because it was not walled or privileged as
cities used to be.
That there were and ought to have been bishops in small cities, if it
be not evident already, may be further manifest divers ways. There
are particular instances of it, and great numbers might be produced,
but I will but instance a few episcopal seats, which were either veiy
small or not great. Abidus is parva habiUUio, *^ a small settlement," is
Strabo." Tanis is irdkixvrfj " a small city," in Josephus.* Gerse wiAw
fUKphy " a little city," in Sozomen.*^ Ascalon is iroKitrtia av lUytu* Joppt
and Dora are iropvfiaria irapdkia, ^' little port towns," in Josephus/ Dolicfae
is ndkix^ /**«P«» " a very small city," in Theodoret / Gynna is vo^x"h
*^ a small city," in Stephanus, bishop of it in the council of Nice.
Hellenopolis, Basinopolis, and Petnea, in Lazica, villages turned into
cities, one by Constantine, the other by Julian, the third by Justixiiaii.
Zeugma, a little tOMm in Cicero, Hypepe, of which Ovid,
Sardibtu hinc illine parvh penitur H^pepiiJi
with many others.
It is taken for a rule, that where there was a defensor civitcUis, there
was a bishop ; but Justinian appoints such a defensor, which he callt
tKdiKoSf in every city, enjoining the presidents of the provinces to pre-
pare such officers, Kaff iKaa-njv troXti^,* and expressly not only of tlie
great cities, but in the less, appointing what they should have for everj
decree ; in a great city more, in a less city less ; and there is a law in
the code, that every city should have a bishop. So it was decreed by
Leo and Authemius, cicaony noKis idiov hriaKotrov ^X^'^'^j ** let every city
have a bishop of its own," without exception of little or great, but onlj
two, Tomis and Leontopolis (which afterwards had its bishop, and Tomii
before) so that none but those two being exempted, the privilege in
Europa a part of Thrace, for one to be bishop of two cities, (which
found some advocates in the council at Ephesus,') was not now conti-
nued, otherwise the four cities there mentioned would have been within
the exemption.
The ancients who imderstand bishops by the apostle^s presbyters,
Tit. i. ver. 5, understand also the apostle's order to reach every city,
without exception of small or great, so Chrysostom ;* icar^ irOUf, is with
• Lib. xvii. * De BeUo Jud. [lib. Iv. cap. xiil.] p. 903. [Ed. Oxon. 1720, p. 1S08, UB.1S-]
' Lib. vlU. cap. xlx. - Slrabo, lib. xvi. [Ed. Caaaub. p. 1101, A. Ed. Paria. ISM, ^ TSf-l
• Aniiq. lib. xiT. [cap. vii.] / [Lib. ▼. cap. It.]
t [Metam. lib. xi. verse 152.] « NoveL xv,
' [Supplex libel], ab Eupressio Ep. Byges ct Arcndiapolis et Cyrillo Kp. Coelenai nnct. Syi.
oblal. Cone. Ephes. Actio, vii.] » in Tit. HomlL L
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 181
lam Koff iK&xrn\v inSXtv, '' in each city/' p. 386, and so again, p. 887, and
Dieophylact after him.
The ancient practice was answerable, in Cyprian." Jampridem per
mnes provinciM et singulas urbea instituti sunt episcopi ; since in all the pro-
nnces and every one of the cities bishops were instituted. And Origen
mp this was done too cv iK&arji vr<$X€i/ ^* in each city.** It is true there
las none in some lesser cities, but there were none also in some greater;
' the reason was, not the smallness of the place (as appears by their
Baking bishops in villages) but the want of Christians.
This premised, we may best judge of the apostle's meaning by the
import of the phrase : He would have a bishop, Karh. m^Xtv, in each city,
msf the ancient Greek expositors ; in every city, say our translators ;
in each of the cities of Crete, say our learned prelatists, not one of the
himdred cities there excepted. Now the word v6kis (and what is equi-
Tilent to it) is, we see, used by the best authors, sacred and profane, to
denote both a city and a village. And so much ground we have to
conclude, that the apostle would have such bishops (as were then insti-
tated) not only in cities but in villages. However it cannot with any
reason be questioned, but that the apostolical intention was for bishops in
places no larger than our boroughs or market towns, (since their middle
aort of cities were but such as these for largeness or popidousness:)
jea, in places no greater than ordinary villages, seeing their lesser cities
were but of the bigness of these, and, consequently, that the apostles de-
signed the bishop to be generally no more than the rector of a country
parish, and his diocese commonly no larger than the circuit of a country
town or village ; this was to be their ordinary stint, because these two
sorts of cities (such as were either little or not great) were commonly to
be their sees, and no other, but rarely ; these being so very numerous
that cities which were great, were rare and few in comparison, as might
be further showed by many instances. Campania in Italy was a region
ennobled with cities, being there so thick set, as they seemed to be one
continued town, fuJas it^K^as 2^tv iraptxovras/^ and yet all were but little
tO¥ms, besides Capua and Tianum, rh y6p SXXa irokixyia,* So in Laconia,
where were anciently a hundred cities, in that geographer's time but
thirty, and all small towns but Sparta. The kingdom of Eumenes, left
him by his father in a part of Asia, (as well stored with cities as
any in the world,) besides Pergamus, the metropolis, consisted but of
such places, as Polybius in Suidas calls \ira n6Ki(rfidTiay " small forti-
fied places." To add no more, Crete is the most pertinent instance,
seeing the text alleged concerns that island, and the patrons of episco-
• Epist. m. (al. 55.) • Grig, contr. Gels. Ub. viii. p. 4S8.
' Strab. Ub. ▼. ' Face 17S.
182 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
pacj make it the measure and pattern to other countries for the order-
ing of bishops. We are often told, that when Titus was there it had a
hundred cities," and that by the apostles* appointment he was to ordsin
as many bishops there. Now Strabo, who wrote immediately before,
(viz., in Tiberius' reign,) finds but three very great cities, Gnossos,
Gortyna, and Cydonia,^ and Cnossus then shrunk into a little town, not
six, besides these, thought worthy by him to be named; the rest must
either be very little, or not great, either like villages or our fiurer
country towns. Such dioceses as these can afford, they must be con-
tent with commonly, who will be regulated by an intention of tiie
apostle discoverable in this place.
For one bishop in a great city there was ten, sometimes twenty, some-
times more, in these lesser towns ; and more there had been, if the
ambition of following ages had not, with a nan obstante, " notwithstand-
ing," to the apostles' rule, judged a small place unbeseeming the hononr
and greatness of a bishop. Hence some places were wuved as too littk
to be bishoprics ; and in some such places where they had been
settled they were extinguished ; and in other places they were nnited.
So Phulla was united with SugdeDa, and Sotyriopolis with Alama, u
Callistus tells us ; and too many to be specified in other parts. Let one
instance suffice, lu Sardinia the many bishoprics sometimes^ there wen
reduced to seven ; the bishopric of Bisaris being joined to that of
Olgarium, St. Justa to Arboria, Phausania to Emporcas, that of Torrif
Libyssonis to Sassaris, that of Turris Alba to Eusellis, and no less thin
foiu* or five to Calaris. And by such means as these forementioned, Ire-
land, which had three hundred and sixty-three bishoprics about anno 431,
the number of which was still increasing till the thirteenth age, came
in time to have but fifty, afterwards thirty-five, and now but nineteen.
Yea, in Italy, where bishops are yet so niunerous, there have been
many bishoprics extinguished, and many united, and yet in Italy every
baggage town hath a bishop, saith our learned Reynolds.
But this was in the more degenerate and corrupt ages of the church ;
there is no council for many hundred years after Christ [which] forbidf
bishops to be made in the Iciist cities, but only that of Sardica, anno 347.
I will not say that many bishops there were Arians, though the oriental
prelates present there showed themselves immediately after at Philip-
polls ; and the Arians were branded for not being contented with small
« Bfp.] H[all], Episc. by D!t. Right. " Crete, a populous island, and stoTcd with no ten that
hundred cities, whence it had the name of ^KaT6/Liiro\if." Dfr.] H[aniraondl, Vlnd. p. 116. "Tlt»-
a whole Island which had a hundred cities in it, and was there placed that he might ordain 1
under him in each of those cities." p. 100. " In Crete there was certalnlj manj citiet;
mentions a hundred, of all which he was made bishop, that under him be might c
* Lib. X. 'at one time.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 183
liiahoprics.* Nor will I all^e that this synod was of little authority,
Bot admitted by the Greeks into the code till the TruUan council, seven
knndred years after Christ, nor by the Latins some ages after it was
Ud, otherwise than the adjoining of its decrees to the other canons by
Dionysius Exiguus, Ferrandus, and Isidorus Mercator, without any
|nblic authority for so doing, could be accounted an authoritative ad-
vinion thereof, nor by the African churches, who rejected and would
M be obliged by its canons for appeals to Rome. Nor need I say, that
&ia synod is misunderstood, and that the restraint of making new
I bishops in small places is laid only on bishops of another province ;
and in a case which rarely if ever occurs, (viz. when aU the bishops in
I province but one are dead at once) as appears by the canon imme-
diately preceding, and that clause in this canon. Nee detent illi ex alia
promncia, &c. There is no necessity to insist upon anything of this
mtore, since this synod both allows bishops to be continued in any city,
how small soever, where there was any before, and also to be made de
novo in any city, for the pastoral charge whereof one presbyter was not
snfficient. Now one was not sufficient, in the judgment of those times,
for the cities we here most insist on, viz. those of an indifferent size,
nor in the judgment of present times for divers market-towns, parishes,
and some villages with us. Nay, in such cities it requires bishops to be
made, as being S(iai Trjs ima-KOTnjs, " worthy of a bishopric." It woidd be
much for our satisfaction, if we could understand punctually* what
numbers they thought sufficient for one presbyter ; and we may have
the best direction that can be expected in such a case from Chrysostom,
who affirms that a cure of one hundred and fifty souls was thought as
much as one pastor could well, and more than he could without great
labour, discharge ; his words are, (ninovov fi€v yap koi €Karov dvbp&v koi
wtirr^Koitra irpoarrjvai fiovovy'^ " It is a very laborious thing for one man to
have the charge of a hundred and fifly." Upon this account one pres-
byter was not thought sufficient for a place that contained three or four
hundred inhabitants ; and these fathers would not deny such a town a
bishop. There are not many more in some Italian bishoprics in this
age ; the bishop of Capuccio, when he was concerned to make the most
pf his flock to the bishop of Paris, at the Trent council, reckoned
but five hundred souls in his diocese.
Hereby we may judge what numbers were coimted competent for an
ancient bishopric. By the decree of a council more solicitous for the
honour of bishops in the largeness of their sees, than we find any
fathers or councils for several ages afler Christ ; straiter bounds and
« Sjrnod. Epist. in Theodor. Hist. lib. ii. cap. viil. and Julius in Athan. Apol. li. [Ed. Col.
1686, p. 744, torn. I]
' exactly. * Homil. in Ignat.
184 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
fewer people might be sufficient for an episcopal diocese, than many of
our country towns can show, when jet all may and do meet together
for communion. The canon runs thus : '* There shall be no bishop in
a city so small as one presbyter may be sufficient for ; but if the
people be found to grow so numerous in a city, (viz. that one presbyter
is not sufficient for them, as the coherence' makes evident) let there
be a bishop there, as being worthy thereof." And in all reason this ii
to be extended to villages as weJl as cities, when the people are as
numerous in one as the other. And this council of Carthage decrees
it indefinitely; wherever the people are numerous enough (withoot
limiting this to cities) if they desire it they shall have a bishop, with
the good-will of him that presides in the place.^ Dei populum^ st tmM- i
plicatua deaiderabit proprittm habere epiacopum, ejtia volunUUe in cujm -
potestate est dicecesis habere epiacopum debere. In fine, the canon forbids
bishops to be made only in the least of these cities we are now speaking
of, and these were but few, (as the great towns were also oompaied
with those of a middle size ;) and so it is of little concernment to the
business before us, if either Greeks or Latins had thought themselTes
concerned to observe it.
However those cities, lesser or greater, the greatest of them being no
bigger than villages with them, and market towns with us, there will
be no question but they contained no more than what might meet
together for Christian communion ; and these being so many that the
number of great cities was very inconsiderable compared with them;
what we assert concerning the smallness of ancient bishoprics is clear,
for incomparably far the greatest number of them.
CHAPTER IV.
There may be more question about the great cities, which we shiD
now consider. Those were counted great cities which had sixteen or
twenty furlongs in compass or thereabout. Pelusium, a metropolis d
a great part of Egypt, was twenty furlongs in circumference, as Strabo.'
Phocaia, one of the greatest cities in ^olis, had no more, as Livy de-
scribes it, 2400 passuum murtts amplectiturj^ " the wall embraces a space
• context. » Cone. II. Can. v. • Lib. xvlf. * Dec. hr. lib. tfl.
FBOM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 185
of two miles and two-fifths.** Sebast^, built by Herod, designing to
make it comparable to the most eminent cities, was no larger, ctteoo-ft
rMioiSj^ " twenty furlongs.** Byzantium was made by Constantine as
kige, at least, as two great cities, designing to have it ayripptmw r^r
M^apr, '' equal to Rome,** as Zosimus tells ;* yet whereas it had been reduced
to a Tillage by Severus, as Herodian says f the enlargement he gave it
WM no more than the addition of fifteen furlongs to its former compass,
ai the said Zosimus shows/ But hereof we have given instances before.
Such great cities (seeing the largeness assigned them was thought
sufficient to make one a metropolis) were very few. For whereas there
WBS wont to be but one metropolis in a province, yet sometimes in
one province there were twenty or thirty or forty more inferior cities
under it, (Cone. Chalced. Can. xii. declares it to be against the eccle-
siastical rules to have two metropolies in one province.) Lesbus was
tlie metropolis of thirty cities, as Strabo says.' In Phrygia there were
above sixty cities, yet the same author mentions but two that were
great, Laodicea and Apamea. In Laconica there were thirty cities in
his time (a hundred before) but all opidula, " little towns,** save Sparta.
Some of these great cities had but few inhabitants. Philadelphia,
(which some will have to be a metropolis,) pauci incolunty ^* few in-
habit,** says Strabo, being tnurfi&v vXriprjs/ ** subject to earthquakes,**
which reason reaches Sardis, and Apamea, and Laodicea, and all the
region near it; likewise Hierapolis, Magnesia, Tralles, and all the cities
near Meander, which are not few, both in Phrygia, Lydia, and Caria.'
In Tiberius* reign, twelve famous cities were destroyed in one night by
an earthquake in those parts.* It is probable Neocsesarea was not very
populous, considering what Theodoret reports of those banished thither
by Valens, (who was not wont to choose desirable places for the punish-
ment of such;) they all died there in a short time through the hardships
of the place, says he.' And it is strange if Caesarea in Cappadocia were
very populous, since the situation of it, as described by Strabo,* was
neither safe, nor pleasant, nor fruitful, nor healthful, an unwalled town, no
way so accommodated as to attract inhabitants. Of Heraclea, one of the
most considerable cities in ^tolia, Livy tells us, there was a castle by
it, as well inhabited, quce frequentius prope quam urbs habitabaturJ
A great city was counted sufficiently populous if it had six, thousand
inhabitants. So Herod, ambitious to have Sebast^ not inferior to the
most renowned cities, made it 120 furlongs in compass, and took care
• Antlq. lib. xt. cap. xL [Ed. Oxon. 1720, p. 690, lin. 47.] « Hiat. Ub. ii.
• Lib. ill. ' Lib. U. p. flS. ' Lib. xiii.
/ [Lib. xilL CuMb. p. 9S1, B. Ed. Paris. 16S0, p. 828.]
• Vid. Strab. lib. xiL p. SSI— 194. [Ed. Cawab. p. 866, tq. Ed. Paria. 16S0, p. 578, iq.)
« Tacit. An. lib. ii. cap. xItIL < Hlat. Ub. It. cq». xx.
« Lib. xlL [Ed. CaMub. p. SIS, A. Ed. Paris. ISSO, p. 5S8.] ' Dee. It. Ub. vi.
M
186 PRlBiinVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
that it should have six thousand inhabitants.' Placentia and Cremona,
most eminent cities, had each of them six thousand persons decreed bj
the Romans for their inhabitants.* Thirty-seven cities yielded to Alex-
ander near Poms' country, some of which had five thousand, some ten
thousand inhabitants.^ And that conqueror building a city near the
river Indus, which he called (after his own name) Alexandria^ thoaghl
it sufficiently peopled with a thousand persons.'
So that many of their great cities contained no more than might
come together in one assembly, as Capernaum, Mark i. 22; Antioch in
Pisidia, Acts xiii. 44; and Csesarea in Mauritania, and Synnada in the
Lesser Asia, of which more afterwards.
As for cities that were greater and more populous, where the inhabitp
ants were more than could assemble in one place ; yet in them the
Christians for some ages, were no more than might so assemble, the
inhabitants consisting most[ly] of heathen, with Jews, and those of the
Christian profession that were not of the communion, nor would assem-
ble with the bishop of the place. I can but meet with one city, small
or great, for three himdred years aft;er Christ, whose inhabitants were
generally Christians, and that was Neoccesarea, of whose conversioa
Gregory Thaumaturgus was the instrument; he found bat seventeen
Christians in it, but turned the whole people, Skw rhw Xao^j unto Grod,
says Basil/ He knew no more than seventeen that persisted in their
old superstition, says Nyssen/ But for all this, it appears not that the
Christians in that city (which we saw before was not very populous)
were more than could meet together in one place: for Gregoiy built no
more than one church there ; yet having so much liberty, there beii^
no persecution from his time till Dioclesian, and so much enoouiage-
ment from the people's zeal and forwardness to assist him with their
persons and purses in that work, (iraynov xphf^^ '^ (r»fuun vwavpyovpnm,
as Nyssen tells us,) he would doubtless have erected more, if more
had been needful.
There is another city in Phrygia, whose inhabitants are said to have
been all Christians,' and all with the city burnt together; but this wis
in the fourth century, in the persecution raised by Maximianus, abort
anno 312, and all these were no more than could meet in one place; thqr
had but one church, (when being all of one mind they might have hsd
more, if more had been necessary,) and that one called canventkubrnj
" a conventicle," by Lactantius, who thus represents the same thing
vfith Eusebius, Alujui ad occideiidum prcecipiUs extiterunt, &icut iimi««
Phrygia qui universum populum cum ipso pariter conventicuh concrt-
• Jo«5ph. Bell. Jud. lib. I. cap. xvi. * Sjmpc Chronol.pC. ▼. f. 111.
« Justin, lib. xiL cap. vii. a Curtiui, lib. viii. cap. xx. * Strab. lib. »▼.
• [De Spir. Sane. cap. xxix. Ed. Paris. 1730, torn. ill. p. 62, C]
/ Vit. Greg. r Kuscb. Hist. lib. viii. cap. XXT.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 187
flMotty' '' Some rushed headlong to the work of slaughter, as one in
Phrygia, who burnt a whole populace in their conventicle.'*
How predominant heathenism was in* the cities of the Rcmian
cnpire before Constantine, may be collected from what we find con-
eoning it in and after his reign. If it was spreading and prevalent
idien the power of it was by him so much broken^ it will be easy to
infer what it was before. And that we may afford the greatest advan-
ti^ to Christianity, let us instance principally in Palestine and the
eonntries next to it, where the Grospel first moving, may in reason be
tkfoght to have made the greatest progress. Sozomen informs us, there
were in Palestine, after Constantine*s death, both villages and cities
eseeeding heathenish, Syap iXkfiyiCovaat.^ Particularly Gaza, Ascalon,
Sebttst^, were much addicted to idols in Julian's time.^ Anthedon also
md Raphea.' And both at Sebast^ and Neapolis, Jephtha's daughter
mm worshipped as a goddess, and an annual holiday kept in honour of her,
ii Epiphanius tells us.' All these were episcopal cities ; and Gaza, the
greatest in those parts of that country next to Jerusalem, [is] stigmatised
by all as most heathenish/ so that Jerome styles it urbs gentiUum, a " city
of heathens,'' and calls the inhabitants the adversaries of God, which
insulted over the church of Christ.' And Ciesarea seems not much
better, being so forward to comply with Julian.* Both that city and
Scythopolis are noted by Athanasius as generally deriders of the mys-
teries of Christianity.' And if the heathen in Jerusalem were not
mimerous, how came the temple of Venus to stand there so long, and
the images of Jupiter and Venus to be worshipped with sacrifices
and oblations, in such places too as could not but be most intolerable to
Christians, the place of Christ's resurrection, and where he was cruci-
fied?* Where the citizens were generally Christians, they were not wont
to endure this, though in more tolerable circumstances. At Neocsssarea,
Njsaea tells us, the Christians there prevailing overturned their altars,
and their temples, and their idols.'
But enough of Palestine. We may be briefer with her neighbours.
For Phoenicia, that of Theodoret may serve, who says, they were mad
upon their idols and idolatrous rites,"* and this Observed by Chrysostom,
in Arcadius's reign, with which that of Jerome agrees, Phcmicium gerUea
diabohtm pati,* '* the nations of Phoenicia are possessed by the devil."
• Iiutit. lib. V. cap. [11.] * Hilt. lib. ill. cap. xiii.
« Theod. Hist. lib. iii. cap. yl. ' Socom. lib. v. cap. viil. lib. vii. cap. xt.
• H«r. Iv. [n. 1.] Ixxviii. [n. 28.]
/ Socom. lib. ▼. cap. iii. Theodor. lib. iii. [cap. vi.] [Ed. Reading, cap. yii.]
# Vit. Hilaiionia. [Ed. Paria. 1706, torn. iv. part U. p. Ixxx.]
A 80S. lib. ▼. cap. xz. [Ed. Reading, cap. xxi.]
* Epiat. ad Seiapion. * Soent. Ub. i. cap. xili.
' Vit. Oreg. • Hiat. lib. ▼. cap. xxix.
- Lib. U. Contra JorlnUuMtain. [Ed. Paris. 170S, torn. iv. pars U. p.l97.]
N 2
188 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
Pass we to Syria. In Heliopolis, an eminent city, there was a bishop
in Constantine's time,** and yet the inhabitants were all idolatrous, as
Peter of Alexandria, in The6doret, tells us,^ and tAp ipoiKowr^p ov^tf,
not one of them would endure to hear the name of Christ ; so that
this bishop had a smaller church than Ischyras, who had but seven
that assembled with him. Arethusa was not much better furnished with
Christians, as appears by the imiversal concurrence of the people, men,
women, and children, in the torturing of Marcus (who had been many
years bishop there) because he would not re-edify their idol-temple.*
At Apamea, in Theodosius^s time, (and this was a metropolis,) the mul-
titude was only restrained through fear of the soldiers, from hindering
the demolishing of Jupiter's temple, and the execution of the emperor's
order for that purpose.' The inhabitants of Emesa (another metro-
political city) turned the Christian church, newly built, into a temple for
Bacchus, in Julian's time, erecting in it for their worship a ridiculous
idol, avd/x$yvyoy ayakfjM,' Nor was this the unhappy temper of some
particular places only, as appears by that of Sozomen ; both that which
is called Coelosyria, says he, and the upper Syria, except the city of
Antioch, was long before it came over to Christianity/ And at Antioch
itself, the heathen in Valens's time publicly celebrated the idoIatioiiB
rites usual in the worship of Jupiter, Bacchus, and Ceres, and that in
the open street, without fear or shame, in a high rant.' In Arabia,
Moses being made bishop there in Valens's time, found very few Chris-
tians, Kofiidrj oklyovs ;* but how few soever he found, he was more happy
in his diocese than Milles, who being bishop of a city elsewhere, could
not persuade one to Christianity, and got nothing from them but blows
and wounds.*
And now, having viewed all the next neighbours of Palestine (and
seen their posture towards Christianity) but Egypt ; let us touch there
also. Memphis, a metropolitical city, yet in Jerome's time it was the
metropolis of the Egyptian superstition, (on Ezek. ix.) In Antinoe
there was a bishop, but he had fwXa oXlyovt, very few that assembled
with him ; the reason was, the inhabitants of the city were Gentiles.*
The island into which the two Macarii were banished imder Yalens was
worse peopled ; it had not one inhabitant that was a Christian, says
Socrates.' But these were remoter parts, and far from the place where
Christianity was first embraced, and which had the greatest advantages
• Euseb. Vit. Conut. lib. Hi. cap. v. vi. ♦ HUt. Ub. It. cap. xx.
« Soz. lib. V. cap. ix. Tlieod. lib. iii. cap. vi. ' Theod. lib. t. cap. xxL
' Tbeod. lib. iii. cap. vi. / Lib. ri. cap. xxxir.
r Tbeod. lib. iv. cap. xxii. [Ed. Reading, cap. xxiv.] * Sox. lib. vi. ci^. xxxYili.
< Soz. lib. ii. cap. xiii. [Ed. Reading, cap. xlv.]
* Theod. lib. iv. cap. xvi. [Ed. Reading, cap. xviii.] ' lib. ir. cap. xlx.
FAOM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 189
iar propagating it. It may be expected that the region nearer
Alexandria was happier, but it seems not. Bucolia, a region near
Alexandria, in Ortelius ; jet this is Jerome*s character of it, In BucoUa
mUhis est Christumorum, '* there is no Christian in Bucolia.'*'* And that
iMch Hilary fixes on the whole country is not much more favourable,
Mgyptua idoUs plena eat, et omnigena deorum monstra veneratuVj " Egypt
IB fall of idols, and worships all kind of monsters for deities.''^ Look a
IMe further into Africa : Julius Matemus Formicus, in Constantine's
time, affirms, that a great part of the Africans did worship Juno and
Venus, he means that part of Africa then known ; and that was it
in which the Gospel had found some entertainment ; it was best
noeived in the African diocese, yet one of their councils takes notice,
that in most maritime places of Africa, and other parts thereof,
idolatry was in use.^ The most of their cities were maritime, and
tliose usually most populous. And this may be the reason why there
was but five bishoprics in the province of Tripolis, when they were so
numerous in some of the other provinces ; and it is suggested by one
of their councils. Quia mterjacere videntur harharce gentea,^ ^* those
ports of the country were taken up with heathens."
In the west but one instance or two, that I may not be tedious. In
Torin the heathen were so prevalent that the Christians there were not
suffered to choose a bishop afler Gratian's decease.' To offer all the
rest in one ; in Rome itself, in the fourth century, the senate, the
nobles, and the greatest part of the commons were given up to hea-
thenish superstitions ; see the Centuriators' evidence for it,*^ and it is to
me very probable that religion in few or no great cities prevailed at
that time, beyond the proportion it did at Rome. A little before, it
seems, the Christians were but a small part of Rome, when with
general acclamations the people cried out, Ghristiani toUantur duodecieSf
Chriatiani ntm aint deciea; and the tenth persecution [was] decreed by the
senate upon those clamours.' And long after this, when Constantine,
after he had been emperor near twenty years, expressing his detestation
of the heathenish rites used at the solemnity, for the celebrating of
which the army was wont to go up to the Capitol, he thereby incurred
the hatred both of the senate and people of Rome, and was reproached
therefore in a manner, naph irdm-iov, by all the people,* and the great
disaffection of Rome to Christianity, expressed unsufferably, in an
universal reviling the emperor for not complying with their heathenism,
is assigned as the cause why he thought of transferring the imperial
• Vit. HiUr. * Comment, in Matth. cap. I.
« Cod. AMc. Can. ItU. ^ Cod. AAric. Can: xHt. [Hard. Can. xlix.]
• Greg. Turon. lib. z. cap. xliii. / Cent. iv. [cap. xv.] p. 1484. [Ed. BaiiL 1624, p. 892.]
r Baron, ad ann. SOI. tact. [13.] • Zoa. lib. U. p. 61.
190 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PBOTED
seat to another city, as he afterwards did to Bjzantiumy as the same
historian tells us. And long after it appears the people of Rome were
generally addicted to heathenish idolatry, by what Jerome obserred
amongst them in his time, on Isa. IviL ' *' Rome itself^ the lady of the
world, in every of her houses worships the image of a tutelar dei^,"
that all that come or go out of their houses may be [rejminded of their
inveterate error.
And this is the first consideration which induces me to believe the
Christians were no more in great cities, viz., because the heathen were
so many, as they were (as is proved) in the fourth century, and much
more so (as will be granted) in the ages before.
The Jews also were numerous in the cities; there was no part of the
Roman empire without multitudes of them ; so Agrippa in his oration,
dissuading the Jews from war with the Romans, as likely to prove, nol
destructive to them only in Palestine, but to their coimtrymen in all
cities through the world," and Strabo, cited by the same author, sayi,
they were planted in every city ; Josephus himself says as much.* Thus
it was in the apostles' time; Paul finds Jews and synagogues eveiy-
where, and they are mentioned almost in every city where he comes, in
Syria, in the Lesser Asia, in Macedonia, in Greece, in Italy; and so
continued in Augustine's time, as he declares.^ And Chrysostom says,
they had their synagogues cv naa-i fr^ktan.* More particularly in
Palestine, though the calamity which befel them under Vespasian
was unparalleled, and greater than any nation under heaven had
suffered, as Josephus afiirms again and again ;' and that the calamides
of all from the beginning, ri iravrov an aiavos drvxrifiara, were but small
in comparison of that of the Jews ; thereby giving a clear testimonj
to the truth of Christ's prediction/ Yet so far as I can obsenre,
half of the Jews in Palestine were not then destroyed. The same his-
torian gives a punctual account of all that perished in that war, and all
the particulars put together amount not to half the number of those
that he tells us came to the passover. And after[ward8] in Adrian's
time, they were possessed of above a thousand towns and garrisons: for
above that number did Severus (Adrian's general) in that expedition
take and demolish, as Dion relates. And though^ Adrian forbade them
any access to Jerusalem, (then called by him ^lia;) yet, if we beliefe
the Jewish records, they had place in all other cities of that countij:
for Habbi Judah took care that there should be scribes and teachers of
the traditions in all the cities of the land of Israel; they had their San-
• Joseph. De Bell. Jud. lib. ii. cap. xyi « Ibid. lib. rii. cap. xxi
' [De Civitat. Dei, Ub. vii. cap. xxzii.] ' Demonttr. cont. Gent
' De Bell. Jud. lib. ri. cap. xi. / Matth xxT. r Ariato Pdleoa, in BaMb« Ub. It. eap. vi-
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 191
hedxim in one city after another, and great schools in manj towns.*
And in Constantine's time they possessed Diocsesarea (anciently Sepho-
xis) and Tiberias, two of the greatest cities in Gralilee; Diospolis also,
and many other towns, and were so numerous as to raise a war against
die emperor.*
In Chaldea there was not a few myriads of them, says Josephus; in
£^;ypt a million, says Philo;^ in Cyrene we may conjecture how
many they were, by the tragedy they there acted in Trajan's time,
danghtering two hundred and twenty thousand Ghi'eeks and Romans,'
and some myriads in Cyprus about the same time; yet Josephus tells
OS, there were more in Syria than any where ;' they were planted in
erery part of the world, sayd he, but especially in Syria, for its vicinity
to Palestine ; and there Titus continued them in the possession of their
ancient privileges, notwithstanding all the importunity of the Syrians
for their exclusion/ As for their numerousness in greater cities, one or
two instances may satisfy us. In AJexandria, the slaughter of fifty
thousand Jews in that city did not extinguish them,' and yet the same
author seems to intimate, that they were more numerous in Antioch
khan any city.^ Chrysostom seems to signify, that in his time, they
were as many as the Christians in that city : for he exhorts each of the
Christians to reduce one Jew to the Christian profession, Hkootos v/aAt,
&cJ To conclude this second consideration concerning the Jews, if
these, with the heathen, took up so very much of the great cities, it
need not seem strange, that we assign the Christians no larger a pro-
portion therein, than is before specified.
There remains another sort of people inhabitants of these cities to be
taken notice of, whose numbers made the Christian assemblies thinner,
and the bishops* flocks less numerous. They are such who went imder
the name of Christians, but were not of the commtmion, nor did assem-
ble with the generality of them ; such as were called heretics, or secta-
ries ; these were many, and had bishops of their own, so that there were
several bishoprics in some one city.
But I shaU only give a particular account of the Novatians. By the
multitude of them we may conjecture, what all the rest put together
would amount to. They had their rise about the middle of the third
century; and were many from first to last.* They had a diocese in
Rome itself, with public liberty, till Caelestinus's time;' another in
AJexandria, till Cyril's time ;* another in Constantinople, where it conti-
- Vid. D[r.] L[ightfoot], FaUof Jerusalem, 8ec. vH. viii. * So*. Ub. iv. cap. yi.
• Legat. ad Caium. [Ed. Par. 1640, p. 1 040, D.] ' Dion [Can.] Ub. IzriU. [oap. zxziL]
' De B«U. Jud. Ub. tU. cap. xxL / Antiq. lib. xU. cap. UL
f De BeU. Jud. Ub. IL cap. xxi. * Ibid. lib. vil. c^>. xzL
' Cont. Jud. i. p. 319. * 80s. lib. U. oap. xxx. [Ed. Beading, cap. xxxU.}
' Soc. Ub. ▼«. cap. Ix. X. [Ed. Readinf, cap. xi. xil.] - Socral. Ub. vU. cap. vH.
192 PRIMITIVE BPI8C0PACY PROVED
nued with public liberty longer.* They had bishops in all these pkoes ;
as also in Cyzicus,* in Nic«a,<^ in Ancyra,' in Scythia^' in Nicomedia/
in Cotyaeum,' and divers other places in Phrygia; they abounded there
and in Paphlagonia,* and had Uieir churches in Galatia,' in Mysia and
Hellespont, as also in Thracia. At Constantinople the same historian
mentions a long succession of bishops amongst them ; the fifth is Chiys-
anthus, under whom their churches were more confirmed and enlaiged:
for he was a person of great place and honour, having been the empe-
ror's lieutenant in Britain.* Li Rome, Innooentius takes many churches
from them/ Cslestinus deprived them of more, till which time they had
mightily flourished at Rome, having very many churches and great
multitudes of people*
In the fourth age, as Christians did increase, so were sects and errors
multiplied. I wiU not be particular herein, my design leading me no
further into these times than the consideration of the churches then,
may help us to discover their state in for^;oing ages. I need not show
how predominant Arianism was in the greatest part of the Christian
world, ingemuit totua arbisj et Arianum se esse miratus est* *' the whole
world groaned and wondered to find itself Arian,*^ when it possessed
the whole orient, having none to oppose it, as Jerome says, but Atha-
nasius and Paulinus.^
Nor how the Donatists prevailed in Africa, when Augustin tells ni
from Tychonius, that they had a council, consisting of two hundred and
seventy bishops in the beginning of the fourth age,' and that they were
in many places more numerous than the Catholics. Nor how the
Macedonians did abound, who carried away no small part of the people
to their persuasion, both in Constantinople, Bithynia, Thracia, Helle-
spont, and the nations round about.? Nor wiU I so much as name the
other nimierous sects and errors which had their distinct churches and
respective bishops in several cities, so that there was sometimes four
or five bishops of several persuasions seated in one city.
It is probable the church scarce gained more niunbers by the encoa-
ragement of Constantine than it lost by Arius, and those many other
erroneous spirits, in which that age (as it every way more d^enerated)
was more imhappily fertile than any before it.
To draw this discourse to an issue ; suppose we a city forty furlongi
in compass, (than which there were very few bigger ;) let us allow half
* Socrat. lib. vii. cap. xi. « Id. lib. ii. cap. xxx.
* Id. Ub. iv. cap. zxiU. [Ed. Reading, cap. xxviii.] ' Id. lib. tIL cap. xzrUi.
' Id. ibid. cap. zlv. / Id. lib. ir. eap. xziU. r Id. Ibid.
* Id. lib. ii. cap. xxx. < Id. lib. t. cap. xx.
* Id. Ub. Tii. cap. xU. ' Id. ibid. eap. ix. « Id. iUd. c»p. xf.
* Jerom. Adven. Lucif. [Page 300. Ed. Parii. 1706, torn. Iv. pan IL]
* Advera. Jo. Jems. [Ed. Paria. 1706, torn. iv. pan ii. p. 308.]
p EpUt. xlviU. [sMt. xliii. cap. x.] f Soa. lib. It. cap. xxvi. [Ed. RMdlng, eap. xxriL]
PROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 1 98
tereof to hefttheoB, (they had rarely so little in the three first ages ;)
■flow then a third or fourth to Jews and Novatians, and other sects,
nd the proportion left the Christians will not exceed the dimensions of
1 small town, such as some of our market-towns, when yet the inhabit-
aits, and those also of the villages about it, can and do meet together
fiv communion.
But it may be more satis&ctory, to make this evident, in some par-
tiealar cities ; let us do it in a few of the greater, and some of the
Berytus was an eminent city, and a special instance of the prodigious
magnificence of Herod and the two Agrippas, in Josephus ; thought fit
alio to be the seat of an archbishop ; and yet it had but one church in
Julian's time, which was then burnt by Magnus, lijv BtjpvTutv 4iutkriaiwf
^p^aas, it is not one of the churches, but the church of Berytus.*
1^ was one of the most illustrious cities of the East, the metropolis
of Phoenicia, and the bishop of it so eminent as [that] he had place above
all the metropolitans of the orient, next to the patriarch of Antioch. Yet
Panlinus, bishop there in Constantine's time, had but so many under
Us episcopal charge (as the pan^yrist in Eusebius informs us^) as he
could '^ take a personal notice of their souls, and accurately examine the
Uiward state of every one,'' eirttncon-cw r^r Mordno r&v vfurtpap ^x^^
^mpias fKaarw dxpifiat t^oKori f " acquainting himself thoroughly
With the condition of all those souls that were committed to him," n^ir
Synnada, after the division of Phrygia into two provinces by Con-
stantine, was metropolis of Pacatiana. There Theodosius, the catholic
bishop, in the reign of Honorius and Theodosius junior, persecuting
the Macedonians, (contrary to the custom of the true church, which was
never wont to persecute any, as the historian notes, rovro d* aroui otic
dotfo^ duMcciy t;^ 6pBod6^ tK/ckfja-ia,) Agapetus, the Macedonian bishop in
that city, on a sudden turns orthodox, and calling together the people
under him, persuades them to it ; this done, with a great multitude,
yea, with all the people, fiaXXop dc irayrl rf Xof , he hastens into the
church,' so that all the people were no more than one church would
contain.
Cyzicus was a great city as any in Asia. Strabo says it might con-
tend with the chief cities there for splendour and greatness/ Florus
calls it the Rome of Asia. In Julian's time the greatest part of the
citizens were heathens, the citizens sending their deputies to him (as
about other affairs, so) for the re-edifying of their idol temples.'
• Theod. Ub. iv. cap. zz.
* Lib. X. cap. hr.
* Page 179.
' Page 285.
' Soccat. Hist. lib. tU. cap.iii.
/Lib.zii.
i So*. Hist. Ub. T. cap. sir.
[Ed. Reading, eap. zt.]
194 PBOnTIVE EPISCOPACY PBOVSD
Besides these, and the Jews, nmneroas here as in all other smch citiea
in these parts, the Noyatians had a church, which Elenaiiis having
demolished in Constantine's time, Julian enjoins him under great
penalty to rebuild.' The Arians had a bishop there, tiz. £uno«
mius.* The Macedonians, the followers of Eleusius, did abound there,
and it seems were the most considerable part of those that any way
pretended to the Christian profession.^ Now all these deducted, there
will not remain for the diocese of the orthodox bishop near so many as
we may allow him without prejudice to our hypothesis. Yet further,
it seems all the Christians in this city were no more than could meet
together in one place, to hear die recantation of £leusius : for he being
frightened by the threatenings of Yalens, into a subscription to Arianism,
thought fit, for his own yindication, to declare before them all, the feroe
that was put upon him, and so he did, irrl vwnht ^aaiuj coram univeno
populOf* '^ in the hearing of all the people assembled'* iw\ rijs exKhimas'
*' in the church.** And in an assembly upon such an occasion, we may
reasonably suppose (if historians had not expressed it) an unirersal
concourse.
Constantinople, which I reckon among the greater (if not the greatest)
cities, because in the beginning of the fourth age it was but in mdHoof
towards that vastness, which it afterwards arrived at. In Alexander's
time, designed to be Metrophanes' successor in the bishopric there, about
anno 317, the Christians were no more than could all meet together;
so Theodoret informs us, avva^y aitv nacn roit ddt\<f>oi9 tnrriXwim'
Afterwards, many falling off to Arianism, the remainder made but
iroiftiffiv fiiKphv, as the same historian tells us.* So that in Yalens^s reign,
when Nazianzen took the charge of them, a very little house did serve
them for a church, cV oUiirK<^ tKKktfiruicn,* and Socrates agrees with him
in the expression.* By Nazianzen many were reduced, and that church
enlarged, says Theodoret. And Theodosius the Great discountenaneisg
Arianism, contributed much to the augmenting of it ; yet in the time
of Theodosius junior, it seems, all amounted to no more than one
church could contain, if Socrates deceive us not; SXjj inSXir fiU crkXii^
iytvero,' " the whole city made one assembly," &c.
At Ancyra, the chief city of Galatia, besides the Gentiles and Jewi
there, the Novatians had a bishop," the Semi-arians had a bishop there,*
the Arians had a bishop also.*' And besides these new sects, a prodi-
• Soz. Hist. lib. V. cap. y • Theod. Hiit. lib. ii. cap. xxiz.
' Socrat. lib. Iv. cap. vi. Soz. lib. vi. cap. vUl. ' Socrat. lib. It. cap. xvi.
' Soxom. li'j. vi. cap. viii. / progreti. r Lib. 1. cap. xir. * Lib. t. cap. TiiL
< Sos. lib. vii. cap. v. * Lib. iv. cap. i.
' Lib. [tU.] cap. xxiii. * Sox. lib. viii. cap. i. Socrat. lib. vL cap. xx.
" Epiphan. H«r. Ixxlii. [n 22.J • Sox. lib. iv. cap. xxir.
FROM R£C0RD8 OF ANTIQUITY. 195
gkms swann of the old sort mentioDed bj Jerome, viz. Gatapbryges,
Ophite, Borbotite, Manichsi, &c.y by which that church was all rent in
pieces, aa he complains.' Sets mecum qui vUU Ancyram tneiropoGm
QolatkBf quod nunc usque sehismatibua dUacerata iit, quod dognuUum
^arietaiibus constuprataj '< Yoa know as well as I, who have seen it^
Iww Ancjra, the metropolis of Galatia, is torn by schisms, and defiled
with diversities of doctrines," &c. By the state of which city, Baronins
kcres ns to judge what was the condition of the rest of the cities in
&e east, which had not such preservatives to keep them from this mis-
chief, as Ancyra enjoyed under two holy bishops.*
The like may be said of Csesarea, the chief city in Mauritania, in
liiich St. Austin desires Emeritus, the Donatist bishop, [that] he might
there, all the citizens being present, defend his communion.'^
At Tiberias, a principal city in Galilee, Epiphanius tells us, that
Joseph got leave of Constantine to build a church, where there was
none before ; and accordingly he raised a church, and that but a little
one, fUKpay tK/cKjia-iop ivirtix'^aas, as also he did at Diocsssarea, or
Sephiris, and in other cities.**
At Diocesarea, in Cappadocia, which in Nazianzen is ir<$Xi£ itryakij^
" a great city," there was but one church, as appears by his epistle.*
At Constantia, the metropolis of Cyprus, and other cities of that
island, there was no plurality of parishes or churches, as Petavius con-
cludes, in that Epiphanius speaks of them in Alexandria as not else-
where usual, nor kno¥ni amongst the Cypriots. Uncan duntcusat
ecclesiam ea^titisse in quam universi confluererU, cujusmodi Cypri urbes
erant, Unde quod Alexandrice receptum eraty velut popularibus mis
peregrinum et inusUatum adnotavit Epiphanius/ " There was only one
church, to which all resorted, as was the case with the cities of Cyprus.
Hence Epiphanius remarks the Alexandrian custom as being foreign
and unusual among his own countrymen."
At Neocaosarea, a metropolis in Pontus, and other cities in those
parts of Asia, but one church, as appears by the sjrnod there,' which
the same author observes.* Siquidem initio oppidcmis omnibus par
esse poterat episcopus; kinc est quod in NeoccBsar. can. xiii. unum
duntaxat urbis KvpiaK6v nominatur, " in the beginning the bishop could
serve the whole of the townsmen, hence we see why only one church is
named in connexion with the city in the thirteenth canon of the council
of Neoc^ssarea;" and he tells us, plures in eadem urbe tituU, <*a number of
• Prooem. in Comment, ad GaUt. [lib. ii.] * Ad ann. 873, sec. [xxxiU.]
« PoMid. Vita August, cap. zir. ' Haer. xxz. [n. U.] p. 186.
' Ep. zlix. p. 810. / Animadven. in Epiph. H«r. Ixix. n. i.
r Can. xiii. Mbid.p.281.
196 PRIMITIVE BPISCOPACY PBOVEQ
titles in the same city,** was then (when Epiphanins wrote, viz. aboat
anno 376) either not to be found in other cities besides Alexandria, vtl
aaltem in paucis, " or but in few."
I might produce like evidence for others of their greater cities ; but
no more is needful, since by these (with the other before-mentioned) we
may judge of the rest ; and the inference ariseth hence advantageously
for the former ages ; if the bishops' stock were no greater in and
after Constantino's time, what were they before, when all grant them
to have less ?
CHAPTER V.
Come we at last to the greatest cities of alL Concerning these there
may be the greatest doubt, whether they contained not more Christians
than we speak of in the three first ages. If we shall bring proof that
they did not, there can reasonably remain no doubt concerning any of
the rest. Indeed if our evidence should fail us as to these, yet it would be
no considerable prejudice to our undertaking : for what are two or three
too bulky and overgrown bishoprics to the many thousands that ex-
ceeded not the proportions of our parishes ? But I have not yet met
with anything to convince me that the greatest of those cities, in the
first ages after Christ, had more Christians under one bishop than there
are in some one of our parishes ; but find enough to make the contrary
seem probable ; which I shall now produce.
To begin with Rome, which was incomparably the greatest city in
the Christian world, anno 236, or thereabouts, all the faithful in Rome
did meet together in one place to choose a bishop in the place of
Anterus, r&y dd€\<l>&v awdirmp x'^P^'^^'^^^ tP€K€P M, rijf rocXiy<riaff
€iriK€KpoTTjfUp(ii>v,' Siud & dovc resting upon the head of Fabian, in the
place where they were assembled, thereupon all the people, tAt wawra
\a6pj with all alacrity and one consent did place him in the episcopal
seat. They were no more after anno 250, than could altogether in the
church importune Cornelius for the re-admission of one of the ordainers
of Novatian, who entered into the church lamenting, the whole people
• EuMb. HUt. lib. Ti. cap. xxix.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 107
interceding for him, irayro^ rov Xaov,'^ They were no more than could
concur in an epistle to salute their brethren at Carthage, SdkUant vaa
frcUreSj *' the brethren salute you," say the Romans to those at Carthage,
rt Ma eccUsiaf " the whole church." They were no more than Come-
Hos could read Cyprian*s letters to in their numerous assembly ; he
always read them ampUsmncB pldn, '^ to the people in full assembly,"
and desires him to read that in particular which he then sent, quanquam
idem Mnetissima atque ampUsaimcB plebi legere te 8miper Uterat
nostnuf '* although I know that you always read our letters to the most
holy people in full assembly." They were no more than could all be
present at consultations about matters of concernment; for such
matters ought not to be determined (as the Roman confessors write)
but with the advice of all, Non oportet nisi ut ipse scribis caute modera-
teque tractari^ consultis omnibus et ipsis stantibus kdciSy ut in tuts Uteris
et ipse testarisy* *^ the matter ought to be discussed with caution and
temper, all being consulted, even the laity themselves, who are stanch,
as is your own view in your letter." They concurred with Cyprian,
and his way was, hcec singulorum tractanda sit et limanda plenius ratio
nan tcmtian cum coUegis meis, sed et cum plebe ipsa universa,' " the matter
must be treated of and settled in detail, in conjunction with, not only
my colleagues, but the whole people."
I meet with nothing that makes any show of a probability that their
numbers were more at that time, but Cornelius's catalogue of officers
in his epistle to Fabius of Antioch, and the number of the poor, which
were fifteen hundred/ As for the number of officers, the show will
vanish, if it be considered that it was the custom of those ancient times
to multiply officers far beyond what was necessary, yea, so much that, as
Nazianzen tells us, the officers were sometimes as many as [those] they
had the charge of, €t(n <rxtd6v rt vXtiovs tj in6a'»¥ &pxovin kot dpiBfi^p,'
." they are well nigh more numerous than those they govern.*'
As for the other, how to compute the nimibers of the Roman church
by the nimiber of the poor, I know no better way than to observe what
proportion there was betwixt these in other places. Chrysostom, in
his time, computes the poor at Constantinople to have been half as many
as all the other Christians there, these dtica fivpiadts, '* 100,000,'' those
wtvrt fivptddtsj^ " 50,000." If it were thus at Rome in Cornelius's time,
we may collect the niunber to have been about three thousand. At
Antioch the same father supposes the poor a tenth part,' where, divid-
ing the whole into three ranks, he coimts a tenth part rich, and a tenth
• EuMb. lib. Ti. cap. xliii. « Cyprian. Epist. iU. « Lib. L Epiit. liL
' Epist. xxvL ' Epist. zzTiii. / EuMb. lib. Ti. cap. xzxTil.
r Orat. I. « Acta, Horn. xi. p. 674. * Matth. Homil. Uri. p. 411.
198 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
poor, Koi r6 hiiearw ircvTmy rwv ovder tKmt ix^tfnm, miferablj poor (and
SO come their number to be less) and the rest betwixt both. Now it is
probable that the proportion of the poor at Rome in the third age was
nearer the former than the latter of these instances, rather the half than
a tenth part. For if in Chrysoetom^s time, when Christianity had so
much reputation, as to tempt the richest to profess it, the poor at
Antioch was a tenth part ; in all probability, at Rome in time of fierce
persecution, when few of the rich in comparison reoeiyed the Gospel,
the poor were a far greater proportion than a tenth. But suppose what
is not likely, that they were no more, the whole chnrch would but consist
of about fifteen thousand ; and if one table could not possibly (for those
times admitted not of conveniences) serve so many, divers of our
parishes in England are ill provided for which consist of more. Besides,
all were not commimicants ; and a great part of them of necessity were
still absent, the sick, the decrepit, the little ones, those that attended
such, those that looked to their families, and made provision for the
rest ; a third part may be abated upon such accoimts. Indeed, Corne-
lius says there, that his people were inniunerable ; but then the ejqtres-
sion must not be taken strictly for more than could be numbered,
otherwise we shall make Cornelius speak that which is apparently* fidse:
for all the citizens of Rome (in comparison of whom the Christians were
but as it were a handful) were frequently numbered, eveiy fifUi year;
but understand it as commonly to signify a very great number, and
those that urge it will have no advantage by it ; ampUssima jM» in
Cyprian is a full expression of it, who yet are no more than a letter
might be read to when assembled together. So St. Austin says, in
Galatia there were regiones innumerabilesf *'*' innumerable regions," and
Galla Placidia innumeroMea dvitates ItalicB,^ " innumerable cities of
Italy.'' And the coiuicil of Africa, in an epistle to Celestine, speaks of
innumerable bishops in synods, (the same word which Cornelius uses,
dvapidfiijToi, " innumerable,") whereas we find not above three hundred in
any African synod, not seven hundred in any other ; such a number
will satisfy the expression which some would strain to their advantage ;
whereas, if we allow more than twice so many thousands intended bj
it, that will not make them more than are in some of our parishes.
Alexandria was counted the greatest city in the empire, next to Rome,
ftryton; fitra lifp Poi/ii;!/, as Josephus. Strabo calls it the greatest msrt
town in the world, fjjylarop r^r olKovfuyri£ €fiir6piop, Ammianus Maroel-
linus calls it verticem omnium civitatum^ " the flower of all cities ;** and,
when by Ausonius, Carthage and Antioch are preferred before it, that
• ManlflBstly « De Unit. Ecclet. cap. x. [Ed. Antw. 1700, torn. iz. p. MS, £.]
« Epiat. ad Theodoi.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 109
W18, as the same historian tells us, because it was much weakened by
QTil wars, under Aurelian the emperor.
Now to show that the Christians were not more there than could
meet in one place, I shall not insist upon this, that Dionysius, bishop
tliere in the latter end of the third age, calls that church awttyioyfi, and
that scrupulous member of it (whose case he is relating to Xystus) rlr
rfir <nfpay^fjL«ytQ9 d^X<f>&p,' " one of the brethren who meet in assembly,*'
and that the place of their panegyrical assemblies, (which was their
greatest of all,) was in his time a place of no great reception, iramryvpuAp
kfi» yeyum x^P^^^y " & ^^^^ became the place of our assembly/' not
(kHj a field, or a desert, but a ship, an inn, or a prison,^ though these
be fidr probabilities.
But Athanasius, in his apology to Constantius, about anno 855,
makes it evident beyond all contradiction. He being accused fop
assembling the people in the great church before it was finished or
dedicated, irphf oMfv nXtia&rjvaiy makes this part of his defence, *' That
the confluence of the people at the paschal solemnity was so great ; that
if they had met in several assemblies, Korii fUpo^ ical dnfpfffUw»Sf the other
churches were so little and strait, that they would have been in danger of
snfiRning by the crowd ; nor would the universal harmony and concur-
rence of the people have been so visible and effectual, if they had met in
parcels ; and therefore he appeals to him, whether it were not better
for the whole multitude to meet in that great church, (being a place large
enough to receive them all together, Svtos Ijbr) rov r6irov dwofUvcv ht^atrBai
frarras,) and to have a concurrence of all the people with one voice. For
if," says he, " according to our Saviour's promise, where two shall agree
as touching anything, that shall be done for them of my Father, &c.,
how prevalent will be the one voice of so numerous a people assembled
together, and saying Amen to God !"
So that hereby it is evident, that in the middle of the fourth age, all
the Christians at Alexandria, which were wont at other times to meet
in several assemblies, were no more than one church might and did
contain, so as they could all join at once in the worship of Grod, and
concur in one Amen.^
Further he tells him, that Alexander, his predecessor, who died
anno 825, did as much as he in like circumstances ; though there were
several other churches in the city, yet being all strait and little, he
assembled the whole multitude in the church called Theonas (which
was then counted the great church ; though it seems not great enough
now,) before it was quite finished.'
- EuMb. Htat. Mb. tH. cap. 9. » IbW. lib. tIL oap. xzL
' Athanat. Edit. Comelin. toin. i. p. 531. ' Id. ibid. p. 5SS.
PRIMITIVE EPIBCOPACT PROVED
This is testimony clear enough ; but it is capable of anotiher kind of
proof, which might be as satis&ctory to some, jet being prevented in it
by a better hand, I waive it*
I think the premises are so evident, that there is no need of the help
of Dionysius^s observation, that Alexandria in his time, (viz. the latter
end of ^e third century,) was not by much so populous as of old,^ and
the old men more in number formerly, than both old and young in his
days.
Antioch in Strabo*s account was less than Alexandria,^ but greater
than any other city save that and Home ; and so called by Josephus the
third city in the world, rpirow oiKovfUvfit txpv<ra rp^ww,* In Zosimus it
is the metropolis of the whole orient,' and in Chrysostom, the metro-
polis of the world./ Herodian tells us, that Geta designed it or Alex-
andria to be the seat of his empire, coming but little short, as he
thought, of Rome, ov vokv /ifyc^ci diroXciirovotxf .'
The Christians there in the first age were no more than could all
meet together in the house of TheophOus, as appears by the author of
the Recognitions, which, though falsely ascribed to Clemens, is ancient ;
nor will it be easy to find a reason why the following passage should be
forged: Theophilus donUb sues ingentem hctsiUcam eccletia
nomine consecravit, in qua omnis miUtitudo ad audiendum verbum conve-
niens, credebat sance doctrines,^ '* Theophilus consecrated the hall of his
house, under the name of a church, in which the whole multitude
gathered to hear the word, and was brought to faith in sound doctrine."*
When Paulus Samosatenus, bishop of this city, was for heresy ejected
out of the bishopric, he would not give up the possession of the house
where the church did meet, rrjs tKKkrjo'ias HucovJ So that one house, it
seems, was then sufficient, otherwise they might have had more under
an emperor so favourable as Aurelian, who upon their address to him
restored them the possession of this. And that it was the church-house
in which they assembled, not the bishop*s house, as the translator ren-
ders it, appears, because it is presently after called the church, cfeXovKr
rm TTjs €KkXrj<rias, ^^ he is expelled the church f and elsewhere the place
of the church assemblies is frequently called ^KkXifo-ias oUos,^ the
" church-house."
In the fourth age, all the Christians there could meet together for the
choice of Eustatius, anno 324, Swas 6 Xo^r, says Theodoret.' Afler he,
• See R[ichard] B[azter], Church History, pp. 9, 10. * Euaeb. lib. tH. [cap. xxl.]
' Lib. xYi. ^ De BeU. Jud. lib. iii cap. i. ' Hlat Ub. L p. 15.
/ Tom. V. Homil. xztv. g Lib. iv. p. 9. [Ed. Lugd. 1624, p. 160, A.]
• Lib. X. ad Jin. * Euaeb. lib. tU. cap. X.
• EuMb. lib. Ix. cap. ix. De Vit. Constant, lib. iii. cap. xxxtI. and Hlat Ub. TiiL and cap. nit.
' Lib. i. cap. Til.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 201
by the malicious practices of the Arians, was ejected about anno 828,
there were no Christians visible there, but in the assemblies of the
Arians, during the time that Eulalius, Euphronius, Flacellus, Stephanus,
Leontius, Eudoxius, and Anianus were bishops, save those who, adhering
to the truth and Eustathius, separated themselves, and were under the
ocmduct of the presbyter Paulinus,* and these were no more than could
meet together in a private house, (where Athanaaius assembled with
them,) iv UUurmp oUtSms iiadjiin&C^v^^ and, when they had more fikvour,
in a little church : for so Euzoius the Arian bishop, who had some
reverence for Paulinus, granted them idt» rw fUKpmif ccicXiycruMr,^ '^ one of
the sma]] churches.**
Paulinus, after he had governed them as a presbyter for above thir^
years, was made bishop by Lucifer of Calaris, anno 862, having no
other for his flock than those called Eustathians, nor Evagrius his sue*
oessor ; yet these the Egyptian, Arabian, Cyprian, Boman bishops, and
the churches of the west and south, counted the only true lawful bishops
of Antioch.'
But thirty-two years after the expulsion of Eustathius, another com-
pany who had hitherto joined in public with the Arians, Meletius, to
whom they were addicted, being exiled about anno 850, and Euzoius
substituted in his place, do withdraw themselves from the Arian assem-
blies, and met in a church in Paleea;' for the numbers of the Meletians,
(so they were called) Theodoret^s expression seems to make the
Eustathians more / however one church, and that no great one, would
contain them ; and one they had of Jovinian.' And since a private
house and a small church, or two churches, and those not great, could
bold both these parties, we may well conclude one large church would
have contained them both, if both could have agreed to assemble in it ;
and yet the ages since acknowledge no true bishop at Antioch at that
time, but he that was head of one of these parties. They aU met in one
church at the ordination of Chrysostom, if Greorgius Alexandrinus do
not misinform us,* and so they did five years after Meletius^s death,
says Chrysostom.'
It will be needless to add, [that] their numbers were lessened by Vita-
lius^s falling off to ApoUinarius, and drawing a great multitude after him
called Yitalians, who had bishops of their own in this and other cities,*
or to say anjrthing of the Luciferians there, of whom Sozomen,' or of
any other sects which were there numerous enough, since I suppose it is
• Tbeod. Hirt. Ub. L cap. zxiL * Sos. Ub. iU. cap. xlx. • Soo. Ub. Itt. cup. tU.
^ Thcod. [lib. T. cap. zziU.] 80s. [Ub. wii. cap. zr.] • Tbaod. Ub. U. 019. zzzL
/ Lib. 1. cap. zzlL t Tbaod. Ub. It. cap. zzU. [Ed. Raadlnc, 019. szfr.]
* Vh. CbiTMwt. torn. tUL p. 17S. * Tom. t. p. 5S7. Edit. SaTU. * 80s. lib. ▼!. 019. ut.
' Lib. vU. cap. UL
O
202 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVSD
clear by the premises, that the two main rfirffurra, " sectaons,*^ before thej
crumbled away by those divisions, comprised no more than might meet
together for communion ; the aureum domifdcum, " golden church,**
which the historian speaks of there, might have held them.
Carthage was not coimted so great by some as the three cities fore-
mentioned ; jet next to them, one of the greatest in the empire.
Herodian says, that for riches, multitude of inhabitants, and greatness,
it was short of Rome only, and contended with Alexandria in Egypty
irtpl dtvrtp€ioVf for the next place to Rome.'
That there were no more Christians in that church about anno 200,
than could meet together in one place for church-administrations, there
is evidence enough in Tertullian, which at present I shall not further
take notice of, than in the observation of a great antiquary, the bishop
of Orleans, who in his notes on TertuUian,* shows the ridiculousness of
those who would prove the modem processions from Tertullian*s tfi
Jj^OCttimthxm, ^'how many temples, how many churches must there be
at Carthage for the performing of these rites ;" una tantum ilUs temparibus
erat ecedsia et domus sacra, et ita certe humiUa et parum amcUa ut t
privatis facile non cUgnoacereturS
In Cyprian*s time, who lived till about anno 260, in all church
administrations and transactions of moment in the church and bishop-
ric of Carthage, tota fratemitas — plehs urdversa — omnes sUmUs kddj
all the people were to be present, as he declares everywhere in hifl
Epistles ; and how all could be present, if they were more than couM
meet together, is not intelligible. I should transcribe a great part of
those Epistles, if I should produce all the evidence for this, which is
there offered ; a few brief passages may suffice. All were present «t
reading of letters.** All were present at the sacrament, and therefore
he would have it administered at such a time, ut sacramenH verUaUmf
fratemitaU omni prcBsente^ ceUbremuSy^ " that we may celebrate the sacra-
mental verity in the presence of all the brotherhood." All present at
exhortations, nee universes fratemitati aUocutio et persuasio nostra
defuit/ ^^ nor did we fail to address and persuade all the brotherhood.*^
All present at censures, causam acturi apud universam pkhem/ '^ intending
to bring the matter before the whole people.** All present at electioo
of officers,* particularly a bishop was to be chosen plebe prcesenU, " in
the presence of the people,*' convocata plebe tota, " at a meeting of the
whole people/* sub omnium oculis, '* with the cognisance of all,** de u$dv€n(B
• Lib. vii. [cap. xiii.] p. 153. » Ad Uxorem, p. M.
« " There was in those times only one church and consecrated buQdlng, and that of so humldt a
description and so little ornamented, that it would not be easOy distinguished fh>in pilifats houses."
^ Lib. iii. Epitt. xTi. ' Lib. U. EpUt. iii. [Aliter £p. IzUL Ad CMilinm.]
/ Lib. iii. EpUt. t. [A1. £p. xiv. Al. xr. Al. xx. Ad Presbyteroe, fte.] r Ub. Uf. Bpitt zir.
' Lib. ii. Epist. V. [Al. Ep. xxxiii. Ad Clerum et Pleb. de Aurel. Al. Ep. xxzriU.]
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 208
fraUmitatk suffragio^ " by the snfirage of the whole brotherhood,'' and
80 ooght to be, (is divina auctoritate, '^ bj Divine authority ," and so were
de facto through the (Christian world, per univeraas fere provinciaa,*
All present at debates and consultations, hcec aingulorum tractanda sit
€t Umanda plerdua ratio — cum plebe ipsa unwersa, '* the matter must be
treated of and settled in detail in conjunction with the whole people;"
10 he writes to the people, examinabuntur singula praisentibus vobiSj " the
details shall be examined in your presence."^
So long as Cyprian's principles and practice were retained in that
church, it did, it coidd consist of no more than might all assemble at
one place ; and we have no reason to doubt but they were retained the
remainder of that age ; and we find them acting conformably thereto in
the next. For anno 811, the year before the decree for liberty to
CShristians was published by Constantine, the whole multitude concurs
in the election of Caecilian by joint suffrage, suffragio totius popuU Cceci-
Uanus eligiturS
And after Constantine declared himself in favour of Christianity,
many here, as elsewhere, came over from heathenism ; yet there was no
great alteration made hereby as to the largeness of his bishopric, since
it is a question whether Carthage gained as many from Gentilism as it
lost to the Donatists, who were so numerous here as to have a bishop of
their own, and enough for another diocese in this city, and their bishops
there successively, Majorinus (made by a synod of seventy ;) Donatus,
Parmenianus, Primianus, confirmed by a synod of three hundred and
ten bishops.
Jerusalem was far inferior in greatness to the four cities foremen-
tioned, yet may be thought considerable in this discourse, because of
the many thousands converted there by the apostles : from whence it is
concluded, that they were more than could meet together in one place
for conmumion. But I have showed this before to be a mistake, and
that of those five thousand converted, the twentieth part cannot in
reason be counted inhabitants uf the city.' About forty years after,
this church consisted of no more than Pella, a small city, could enter-
tain, together with its own inhabitants ; for thither they all retired, as
Eusebius informs us,' being admonished from heaven to leave the city ;
and Epiphanius,-^ navrts ol fiaBtiralf " all the disciples," being warned by
an angel to leave the city a little before it was destroyed, obeyed,
and dwelt in Pella, a city of Decapolis. And they deserv«i the title of
cn-t^oycW, (whether Josephus intended it for them or others,) who, he
• Lib. i. £p. It. [A1. IxTUi. Al. IxtU. De BasUide et Martiale.]
* Lib. ill. £p. xvi. [Al. zi. Al. xlL AI. xtH. Ad Plebem.]
« OpUt. Ub. i. [Ed. Parii. 1679, p. 19.] ' Vid. cap. i.
« Lib. tii. cap. T. / De Pond, et Mem. cap. xt.
02
204 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
says, after the retreat of Cestins from Jemsalain, left the dty as a ship
ready to sink, wokkdi tAp iwulKvmp,* *' many of the better sot%^&c. And
from hence Archbishop Whit^gift conoludes the smallness tf their num-
bers ; " How few Christians,*' says he, *' were there at Jerusalem not
long before it was destroyed, being aboat forty years after Christ ?
Doth not Eusebius testify,* that they all were received into a little town
called Pella ? and yet the apostles had spent much time and labour in
preaching there: but tlie number of those that did not profess Christ in
that city was infinite.**
Not long after the destruction of Jerusalem, if we believe Epiphanius,^
they returned from Pella to Jerusalem, and settled in the ruins of a part
of the desolate city, no fit place to entertain multitudes ; and near fifty
years after are fbimd there very low and few : fer, as iJie same author
tells us, Adrian, in his progress through those parts of the empire,
coming to Jerusalem, finds the whole city laid level with the ground,
except a few houses and a little church, frap€Kros Skiymw obant&rmm mbI rfv
Ocov iKKkritrias fUKpiis oCarfs,^ and one would judge they could not be veij
many, whom so small a church could contain, and so few houses lodge.
After Adrian had raised the city ^lia out of the mins of the old
Jerusalem, the church there was so fer firom rising with the c]ty, that it
fell from what it was before, being in his time very much diminished, if
not quite ruined, as to its ancient constitution; for Adrian, provoked
by the rebellion of the Jews, by severe edicts excludes them all, not
only from Jerusalem, but aU the territory round about it.' And Sul-
pitius Severus-^says, this prohibition reached not only thoee that were
Jews by religion, but all that were Jews by extract, though professing
the Christian religion ; so that if the church then at Jerusalem were
either wholly, or for the greatest part, constituted of such Jews, by this
law it was either quite dissipated, or greatly diminished. Now Eusebius
tells us, that from the apostles to this last devastation of Palestine bj
Adrian, that church did consist of such Jews, i( 'Eppalmv wurnt9f which
we must understand either absolutely, so as none else but beUeving Jem
were members of that church, or else none but they in comparison, very
few of the Gentiles ; in the first sense by this edict it would be quite
dissolved as to its being a church at Jerusalem ; in the latter aeose it
would be reduced to a small compass, and very few members, viz. thoie
only of the believing Grentiles. And in this sense I take it, becauae
there was a church here still ; but all of Jewish extract being eidudf!^
by the emperor's authority, it was constituted only of GentUes, eeeaam-
tibua his qui fuerant ex JudaeiBf " those who were Jews i^aring.** So
« De BeU. Jud. lib. ii. cap. xl. [Ed. Oxon. 17S0, p. 1105, lin. 15.] • Lib. UL flip. ▼.
• Ubi supra, n. XT. ' Ibid. cap. xir. ' Arbto PelUrat In Sonb. Ub. It. 09. tL
/ Hilt. Hb. ii. [Ed. Lugd. 1647. p. S81.] e Lib. ir. cap. r. « Jcr. la Cbna.
I
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 205
EuBebins says, that that church was made up of Grentiles, and the reason
he gives, because by Adrian's edict immediately before mentioned, the
city was emptied of all the Jewish nation.* So that upon this consti-
tation of Adrian, about the eighteenth or nineteenth of his reign, as
Eusebius computes it, anno 135, the church of Jerusalem consisted only
of those Grentiles, which were so few, as [that] they are not thought fit
to be brought to account, by him who gives the best account of the
state of the church in those times.
It is like^ their numbers were increased before Narcissus was bishop
there in the third age, yet then they were not so many, but that the
whole midtitude could meet together with their bishop at the paschal
vigil, as appears by what we meet with in Eusebius.^ The people
assembled with Narcissus at the great vigil, and while they were watch-
ing, oil failing them for their lights, t6 irav ir\rj$os, the whole multitude
were greatly troubled, whereupon Narcissus procures them a supply in
an extraordinary way, as it is there reported.
Nay in Cyril's time, which was in the fourth age, anno 858, it seems
they were no more than could assemble in one place : for the people, as
Sozomen relates it, being astonished at an apparition in the air, all
leave their houses, their markets, their work, and men, women, and
children, meet in the church, cir ttju tmcXriaiap tanjXBov, and there all
together, uno ore, " with one mouth," join in the praises of Christ,*
CHAPTER VI.
Let us consider what may be objected against that which is insisted
on. It may be alleged, that not only the city but a large territory
belonging to it and the villages therein, made up the bishop's diocese, so
that the country inhabitants added to the citizens, might make those
under the ancient bishops more numerous ; and some would persuade
us, that it was the apostles' intention, that both the city and the whole
country should be under one bishop.
Ans. If the Christians in the villages of the territory added to those
of the cities, increased them beyond the numbers in some of our
parishes, or beyond the capacity of holding personal conmiunion toge-
ther, this must be in the greatest cities where Christians were most
• Eiifeb. lib. it. cap. vi. ♦ probable. ' Lib. vi. cap. 0. ' Hi»f. lib. Ul. cap. iv.
206 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
ntimeroiui, or else nowhere ; when as* we see by the former instances,
that it was not so in the greatest cities. It was not so particularly at
Carthage, where aU the people belonging to Cyprian, met frequently at
once upon several occasions, which is plain beyond contradiction by near
a hundred passages in his Epistles. Yea, in the fourth age, it was not
so at Alexandria, (the greatest city next to Rome ;) for whereas at
panegyrical assemblies, all the Christians belonging to a bishop, were
wont to meet, that assembly, of which Athanasius gives an account to
Constantius, (of which before,) being at one of the greatest solemnities,
was panegyrical, and yet was held in one church.
And we showed before, that the Christians in such cities were no
more in the first ages than the inhabitants of an ordinary town, such as
some of our market towns ; when we know, that not only those of the
town, but of many villages (sometimes near twenty) belonging to it, can
and do meet together in one place for communion ; so that this is pre-
vented and satisfied in the former discourse.
But to add something for more satisfaction, though what is premised
may suffice, it may appear that no great access could come to the bishop*s
charge by the villages or territory pertaining to his city, nor was his
fiock hereby made much more numerous.
For, first, either the territory was little ; and so it was indeed for the
most part There are some [who] will have it taken for granted, that the
territories of cities were very large ; and they challenging no more for a
bishop's diocese than the city with the territory, had need presume it to be
exceeding large, so as it may bear some proportion to a northern diocese,
which else will appear such as the apostles never intended. The circuit
of one of our large country parishes, (yea, or of two together,) they will
scorn as imworthy the repute or name of a bishop's diocese ; yet it may
be made manifest that ordinarily the territory of cities where the apos-
tles and their disciples planted churches, and commonly through the
whole empire, amounted not to more, if so much.
Shall we take an estimate of the territory of other cities, and judge
what it was commonly by that of the Levites' cities ? (Why may we not,
since divers of them were royal cities, and may be supposed to have had
the largest aUowance answerable to the very liberal provision the Lord
made for them in other things ?) We have a particular account of the
extent of their territory. Numb. xxxv. a thousand cubits, ver. 4, two
thousand, ver. 5, that is, as the best interpreters take it, a thousand
from the middle of the city to each quarter, and two thousand from one
quarter to another, (viz. from east to west, and from north to south,)
and so in circumference eight thousand cubits, (reckoning two cubits a
• whereat.
FROM R£C0RD8 OF ANTIQUITY. 207
fcoi mcxre than one pace,) that is, about five miles ; this is &r short of
the compass of some ooontrj parishes ; many of them are five, six, seven
anlee, some more in length, (ezoeeding the territory of Tyre, anciently
^ metn>pQlis of Phcenicia, and the principal city next to Antioch, as
Sands found it six miles in length, two in some places in breadth.*)
Or, shall we be determined by Crete, the place whither the text
maisted on for the purpose leads us, and so the fittest to regulate us
herein? We are told firequently that there were an hundred cities in it,
and as many bishops ordained there by Titus ; yet the whole island,
when h was wholly Christian, and under governors of that profession,
oontained but two hundred and seven parishes, and was divided into so
many, according to Heylin's account.* So that two parishes would
make such a diocese, as by his reckoning the apostle intended for a bishop.
Yet, such a territory will be contemned, as more fit fixr the scorned
Italian episcopellus,^ than the grandeur of a more western prelate, divers
of these counting five hundred times more, not too much for a diocese.
If we go further, where cities were not great, (and such were fiu: the
most part of cities everywhere,) the territory was not laige, these being,
as cannot be denied with any reason, commonly proportionable; nor
oould it be laige where cities were numerous and stood near together,
(whether they were great or small,) no room [exists] there for a territory
of great extent Yet thus they were, many and thick set (for the most
part as thick as they are said to be in Crete,) in those countries where
we find the apostles planted churches, in Palestine, Syria, Asia, Greece,
Macedon, Italy. I could out of historians and geographers give instances
of hundreds of cities that stand but six, &ve, four miles, or less one from
another ; let me but give an instance in some mother-cities. In Ferra-
rius, Laodicea and Hierapolis, (both metropolies,) are but six miles
distant. Nor can it be thought their territory was large other ways,
though not where they were so near, for there were other cities which
must have their territories too, nearer them any way than they were to
one another.
But we need go no further for satisfitction than the notion of a terri-
tory, as it is universally agreed on. Pomponius so defines it, Territorium
est imiversitas agrorum intra fines cujueque civUatiSy intra quos, praut ait
Siculus Flaccus, jurisdicendi jua erat,* " a territory means the whole of
• Trarels, p. 216. * Cosmopr. p. 263. • bishopUng.
* Digest, lib. 1. tit. XYi. [n. 239. § 8.] De Verb. Slgnif. TerHtctium mi unhftr$Uat ogrorum iniru
Jhtei eu^tugue eivUatii, quod ab eo dictum guUam altml ^yod magMrahu ^fut loei ItUru §o» Jktm
terrendi, i. e. »ummop*ndi ju$ habet, " A texritory U the whole of the lande within the bonndailee
of Any city, which word {territorium) eome lay to tw derlred heoce, becauae the megistntet of
•neh e piece hsTo the power of ezpoliloii, (tBrrtndi) i. e. of bcniehineiit wfthln thoie bouadarlet.'*
Cod. lib. X. [tit. xxxi.] lex. llii. Decern virwm iwtpume non liceai emioUere poteetatmm fae ei m m erfm
wuta* terriiorii propria dvitaiie. " It Is unlawftil for the DeoemTiri to extend the Mtthwity of
their faeeei beyond the bounds of the territory of their own eity."
208 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
the lands within the boundaries of anj city within which it had a power
of jurisdiction, as Siculus Flaccus says." By which it appears, the
territory reached no ftirther than the jurisdiction of the city magis-
trates ; and how many cities can be shown us in the Roman empire,
where this jurisdiction reached further than it doth in our English
cities ? when shall we see any proof, that ordinarily it was of more
extent ? and with us it is known to be commonly of no more extent than
the circuit of some of our coimtry parishes : how much further does the
authority of the mayor of Lincoln, or Winchester, or Canterbury, &c.
reach ? No more is their territory, and so no larger should their
diocese be, if the apostles' intention (as themselves state it) were ob-
served, designing no more for a diocese than the city, suburbs, and terri-
tory. What more they have than such a x^P^i ^^ wtploiKis, (and some
have many hundred times more,) they have no right to from anything
express in Scripture, or any pretended apostolical intention. Or,
Secondly, If the territory were large, yet the Christians were but
few in villages for a long time ; the Grospel prevailed not so soon, nor
was Christianity so readily embraced tiiere as in cities ; its progress
was from great cities to the less, and from both to villages. When
heathenism was expelled out of cities under Christian emperors, it stuck
in the villages, in pagis; hence heathen idolaters were called pagani^
as Gothofred observes,^ and pago dediH by Prudentius ; and Chrysostom
says of the heathen philosophers, the great supporters of that religion,
fuydkoi elcrlv €v rg kc»^ cVelvot,^ " they pass for great men in the village."
Afler Christianity was too hard for the Grentiles in cities they
retreated hither, and finding favourers and abettors, made good their
retreat for some time, maintaining this post obstinately as their last
refuge. So that, considering the state of cities themselves as before
represented, we may well conclude, there were many villages in the
fourth age, in which there were no Christians, very many in which there
were but few, and but few in comparison in which all were Christians ;
and what then were they in the former ages ? If a village wholly
Christian had not been a rarity even in Jerome's time, why does he
make it a singular observation of Jethura ? Villa prcegrandia Jethura,
habitataresque ejus omnea Christiani sunt,*' " Jethura is a pretty large
village, and all its inhabitants are Christians."
And when the Christians in the territory were many, yet being dis-
posed (as they generally were) imder other bishops than him in the
city, his diocese had no enlargement thereby.
For though some would have us think, that it was the intention of
the Apostles, that the territory, though large, should belong only to the
# In Cod. lib. i. tit. x. * In Johann. Horn. p. 837. ' De loc. Hebxaic.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 209
bishop of the dty; jet I see no ground for this, seeing neither do the
i^KMtles signify any such thing, neither do the fathers conclude any such
thing from them. Nothing is pretended for it but the practice of the
church, which thej say speaks it plain enough ; whereas, indeed, their
practice speaks quite Uxe contrary, and declares that they never believed
the apostles had any intention that the territory, though large, should
have no bishop but him in the city. For what more usual in the prac-
tice of the ancients, than to make one or more, sometimes many bishops
in the territory of that city which had its bishops besides : villages being
in the territories of cities? There needs no other evidence for this, than
what was before produced to show that there were bishops in villages ;
and of this I have given instances, as a common usage in aU quarters
of the Christian world ; and have discovered bishops, not only in the
larger, but also, where it was thought requisite, in the smaller or ordi-
nary villages. It were easy to add more instances hereof. In the terri*
toiy of Hippo, Austin speaks of divers bishops,* Ecce interim qnscopos
no8tro8f qui sunt in resume Hipponense, ubi a vestris tanta mala patmuTy
convenite: " in the mean while confer with the bishops of our party, who
are situated in the region of Hippo, where we undergo so many wrongs
from those of your party.'* He mentions a bishop in the castle Sjmica
near to Hippo,^ and yet would have another bishop made in the castle
Pussala, ad ecclesics Hipponenaia parceciam,^ And in the territory of
other cities, we find two, or three, or four bishoprics of new erection,
besides what were there by ancient constitution. Two are mentioned
in the territory of Milevis, two in that of Tigava, (though in Ferrarius
it is but two miles distance from Oppidum Novum, another episcopal
town,) four bishoprics in the territory of Cassenigrse, four in that of
Tacara.**
Basinopolis [was] a village honoured by Julian vdth the privileges of a
city, being a place in Bithynia, in the territory of Nice, as Anastasius,
bishop of that city declares. Ego autem ostendo, BasincpoUm sub Niccea
jam oUm esse, nam regio, fuit ejus — sicut Tacteus et Doris regianes sunt
sub Nico!* " I show that Basinopolis was long ago subject to Nice ; for it
was a territory belonging to it, just as Tacteus and Doris are territories
belonging to Nice.'* But being made an episcopal seat in the fourth
age, it was no longer imder the jurisdiction of the Nicene bishop, either
as part of his territory or province ; for though he of Nice had the
name and honour of a metropolitan, yet the power being not allowed in
those times to two in one province, the fathers of Chalcedon adjudged it
to belong to Eimomius of Nicomedia as the proper metropolitan./
• EpUt. Ixviii. • De CiTit. Dei, lib. xxii. cap. vili. « Epist. cclzt
* Vid. Collat. Carthag . patlim. ' Cone. Chalced. Act. xiU. / Cone. Chalced. ibid.
210 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
This appears also in the bishopric erected in the precinct of Caesarea,
when Basil presided there, and the contest was hot betwixt him and
Anthimus, bishop of Tjana, concerning the places belonging to their
respective cities ; particularly in Sasima, then made an episcopal seat,
which though afterwards counted a city, (as places were wont to be
when they had bishops, though they were no better than villages,") yet
Nazianzen, who best knew it, being the first bishop it had, calls it a
very little village, and on that account [it] must be in their account in the
territory of some city, and so is another pregnant instance that the
bishops of those times, particularly the great Basil, Gregoiy, the father
of Nazianzen, and Gregory Nyssen, the brother of Basil, and Nazianzen
himself, in whose ordination to that place these all concurred, had not
any thought that the apostles intended, that the city and all its terri-
tories should have but one bishop. Nazianzen, who used all means,
all pleas to avoid the bishopric, if he could have alleged this, would
have easily satisfied his father and friends ; his authority and their im-
portunity (to which after much resistance he yielded) would not have
been used in opposition to what was accounted the apostles* intent/
Not to be tedious ; if that was the territory of Rome, which was
under the jurisdiction of the provost of that city, it was large indeed,
(reaching one himdred miles,) none like it, nor it like itself, when
it was but extended cui quintum aut sextum laptdem^ " to the fifth or
sixth milestone." But then the diocese of the Roman bishop was
nothing hereby enlarged ; for in that circuit there are now about forty
bishops, and of old there were many more, viz. no less than sixty-
nine, as appears by the ancient provincial in Baronius,*' and taking
those united into the reckoning, the number arises to seventy-five,
(more in the territory of one city, than there are now in Great Britain
and Ireland ;) nor was there any one parish or church in this territory
that belonged to the diocese of the city bishop : for all his churches were
within the city, as Innocent the First declares, writing to Decentius,
bishop of Eugubium, concerning the Eulogies j^ which were wont to be
sent to all in the diocese,* cum omnes ecclesice nostrce intra civitatem con-
atitutcB sunt, " since all our churches are fixed within the city :" answer-
ably, Leo*s diocesan charge was, tantoB urhis populis/ " of the people
of so great a city." And that of Chrysostom is true in this case, when
he says, a bishop governs a city only, ttjs n<Sk€»s fidvrjs.f^ It was in other
places, as at Dublin heretofore, episcopus tantian intra muroa qnscopale
officium exercet,^ " the bishop exercises his episcopal function only within
• Vid. Mireua, p. 297. « Vid. Naz. [Orat. xx. p. 356.] in Laud. BaaU. and Epist. xxx.
' Vid. Mir. Notit. Episc. pp. 68 and 160.
' The Eulogin were portions of the bread and w\ne conRecrated by the bishop, and aent to those
who were unable to Join in the public communion of the Church.— Ed.
' £pi*t. eap. v. r Epist. xiii. r Horn. iii. in Acts. * Vid. Ush. Relig. of Irish, p. -63.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 211
the irallfl of the city.** So Bitectnm, in Naples, whoee diocesfe non
e*oedit muraa urhiSy '' did not extend beyond the walls of the city/* as
Minems tells ns.* And Ragosi, an archbishop^s seat, nsdem fere fadbuM
quSnts urhis mamia, in Bodinns. Accordingly, the wapoucia, by which
they will have ns to understand a diocese, is said frequently to be ^ r^
frAfi, '^ in the city," of which there are instances more than enough in
Eusebius, rijs h 'E^o-o* napoucias MtrKsmwf '^ the bishop of the diocese in
Ephesns,** and of the diocese in Alexandria,^ and in Corinth,' and in
Sardis, and in Hierapolis/ and in Caosarea/and so the diocese in Tarsus,
in Iconium, in Jerusalem, in Laodicea.^ Now those that profess a sin-
gular reverence for antiquity, cannot imagine that the ancient churches
would have thus acted, if apprehensive of any intention in the apostles,
that there should be no bishop in the territoiy but he who had the d^.
Indeed, it will be manifest, that the apostles designed there should be
such bishops (as they instituted) in country towns, and not in cities
only, if we may explain that to Titus, by Acts xiv. 28, " When they
had ordained them elders in every church," as those prelatists do who
make them equipollent, and by ciders in both places imderstand bishops,
and wiU have a city and bishop to be adequate ;* inferring from the
former, that every city should have a bishop : for why may it not as
well be inferred from the latter, that church and bishop are adequate,*
and every church should have such a bishop as the Scripture speaks of?
I am sure there is as good ground for it, since the very reason why a
city was to have a bishop, was, because there was a church in it, (inso-
much as where there were not Christians enough in a city to constitute
a church, it is acknowledged no bishop was placed in it,) and therefore
when there was enough in a country town, (as there soon might be,
considering how few were then accounted enough to make a church,) it
had and ought to have a bishop : for the obligation of the rule extends
as far as the reason of it teacheth.
The church of old was so apprehensive of this, that even in latter
ages, when a coimtry town was more addicted to the religion of Christ
than a great city to which it belonged, they thought such a town or
village as worthy of a bishop as a great city ; an instance whereof we
have in Majuma, (honoured upon this accoimt with the name Constan-
tia,) it was Xi/i^v, says Strabo, the port of Gaza, in Palestine, seven
furlongs from that city,' and counted part of the city, mi^^aXikrioir
fMpof T^ff rrf^faiff,* '* a part of the city bordering on the sea." That being
better affected to Christianity than Gaza, (which is noted as very
heathenish,) though the city had a bishop for some Christians in it, yet
• Notit. p. 167. < Lib. t. cap. xxl. • Lib. il. cap. xxlil. * Lib. iv. cap. xxiL
' Lib. iv. cap. xxt. / Lib. Ti. cap. xxi. « Lib. rii. cap. xxxii. xxvL ' comlaliTM.
• Lib. xvi. [Ed. Caaaiib. p. 1101, A. £d. Parit. I6S0, p. 759.] * Sos. lib. v. cap. iii
212 PBIliiriVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
the village was thought as worthy to have one. And when the bishops
of Gaza would have reduced the place under their jurisdiction, and left
it without a bishop, (being disfranchised hj Julian,) and urged that it
was not lawful for one citj to have two bishops, firj B^iurhv thai fUas
wSktots dv6 tnia-K^irovs vpotaravai ; a national ooimcil decrees in favour of
Majuma, ordains it a bishop, and so it contmued an episcopal seat, with
distinct altar and territory, as Sozomen declares.' Yea, when a city was
replenished with Christians, as Corinth, if the town belonging to it had
as many as would make a church, which Cenchrea had, (one of the
ports of Corinth,) it was thought fit to have a bishop also. Thus, the
author of the Constitutions, (a writer of credit enough with prelatists in
other things,) naming the bishops made by the apostles in several places,
tells us, that Lucius was by Paul made bishop of Cenchrea.*
It may be said further, that those that indll give credit to the pre-
mises, must think the ancient bishoprics crowded so close together, as to
be more like our parishes than such dioceses as became the honour of a
bishop ; but they ¥rill not be so credulous, who see instances enough in
their own country, and other parts of Christendom near us, viz. Ger-
many, the Netherlands, &c. of bishoprics of another size, to evince the
ocmtrary ; those of another world must be persuaded to believe this,
dnce they see nothing like it in this.
Ans. This is because there is so little or nothing of the ancient bishop
now to be seen, (unless amongst those who have seen the thing so
abused, as [that] they shun the name.) The instances touched, are of
bishoprics of a later erection, and not conformed to the more ancient
model. The bishop's vapouciaj " diocese,'* of old, was but like a modem
parish. The modem dioceses are now as big as the ancient provinces :
for a province was the same with them that a shire is with us. A
bishop's jurisdiction of this latter edition extended ftirther than many a
metropolitan's of the former ; such a precinct of ground as had a him-
dred bishops in the elder send better times, was thought little enough
for one or two in those corrupter and more degenerate ages. When
bishops were planted in the parts here objected, it was expected
bishoprics should be richly endowed, (a thing neither known, nor looked
for by the ancient bishops,) and such a bounty being rare, the bishoprics
must be fewer ; more respect was had of the state and grandeur of the
bishop, than regard of his duty and charge. So he had but terri-
tory and revenue enough, there was little or no consideration whether
there were a possibility to perform the duty of a pastor to the hundredth
or thousandth part of those committed to his pastoral charge. There
were more of that humour than those whom Leo complains of, dominari
• iXh, V. cip. iil. » Lib. vll. cap. xlvlii.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 218
magis quam consulere subdUis qucBruntj " they seek to domineer over their
subjects rather than to advise them.'' What Anthimus was charged
with, was the character of too many, t6 ttjs dpx^ptoavmfs fuy^^s ml
d^mfia ov irvcv/xarcic^v y^vxS>v cyri/AcXciay tlvtu Xoyurdfttvos' dXX* oia riva froXi-
TUfTiv dpxfiv d*A TovTo Tfjs fjLtiCovos 6pty6fiepos,' " he did not regard the gran-
deur and dignity of the episcopal office as the spiritual cure of souls, but
as a certain political power, wherefore he lusted for more."
Some of the first of this latter edition, were our Saxon bishops ; their
number was designed by Pope Gr^ory in the beginning of the seventh
age, but not settled in his time, nor till after his successor had assumed
the title of universal bishop ; no nor then neither, according to the
first designment: for Gregory appointed twelve bishops in the province
of York, where for many ages afler, there were but three; and he would
have them placed so near together, as [that] they might easily meet when
there was occasion.^ Ita volumus episcopos ardinare tU ipsi ailn epiacopi
longo intervcdlo minime distinguantur, " Thus we wish you to ordain
bishops with as short distance as possible between their sees." And the
synod at Heradford in that age, collecting some heads out of the ancient
canons, which they determined should be observed in England, this is
the ninth of them. In commune tractatum est ut plures epiacopi crescenU
numero fidelium augerenturf " It was ordered in coimcil that as the
faithful increased, bishops should be multiplied."
The difference betwixt the modem and ancient models, is apparent
in England and Ireland. Patrick, in the beginning of the fourth age,
establishes three hundred sixty-five bishops in that lesser island ;
whereas England in the seventh age must not have twenty. I need not
add, that the German establishment of bishops was long after the Eng-
lish, though this was after the ancient mould was broken.
It was the humour of those latter ages, instead of multiplying, to
reduce bishoprics. In Phoenicia, there had been at least fourteen
bishops ; the western Christians, when they had conquered those parts,
were content with four; and whereas there had been an hundred and
five bishops under the patriarch of Jerusalem, by William of Tyre's
catalogue, in his time they were satisfied with nine, or (taking in those
under Tyre into the reckoning, being then subjected to that patriarch,)
thirteen; of which Vitriacus gives the reason, ne dignitaa qnacopalia
vilesceretj^ " lest the episcopal dignity should be lowered."
Under the patriarch of Antioch, there had been above one himdred
and sixty bishops ; but then imder the Latins they were reduced to six
metropolitans, and six bishops.' In Crete they will have us belieye
• Cone. C. p. sub Menna. * Retpona. ad Tiii. Interrof . [Hardooin. torn. lU. p. 51 S.]
' Spelm. p. 153. [Cone. Heradf. cap. ix.] * Hist. Orient Ub. L cap. IIU.
• Vid. Mir. Not. p. 8«.
214 PRIMITiy£ EPISCOPACY PROVED
there were andentlj one hundred bishops, yet in the account of Leo
Sophus the emperor, about anno 880, there were but twelve, and the
number lessened afterwards.* In Sardinia, belonging to the prefecture
of Rome, there is not half so many as formerly ; nor half the number in
Sicily; and the retrenchment in Ireland I need not speak of.
CHAPTER VII.
It may be said, that the bishops* church consisted of no more than
could personally communicate together, merely because there were no
more Christians in the first age, than could oneet in one place ; not
because they held themselves obliged to admit no more. And this
appears, because, when Christians in the bishops* precinct were multi-
plied beyond the capacity of holding personal communion, (as they were
in the greater cities, at least in afler ages) yet they still continued under
one bishop, as one church.
Ana. Till the state of the church was greatly corrupted, there are
but few instances hereof in comparison of those who retained the primi-
tive form of churches. And the reason why they did not tran^ress the
ancient bounds, was not merely for want of temptation, or because (as
is suggested) they had not numbers to enlarge their churches beyond the
primitive limits ; but because they thought themselves concerned, not
to have them too laige for personal inspection and communion. There
are several rules which they would have observed, by, which this is
sufficiently declared.
The council at Sardica,* anno 347, determines that a bishop should
not be made in a village, or little town, for which one presbyter alone
is sufficient, and gives this reason, because it is not necessary to place
bishops there, lest their name and authority be rendered despicable.
Thereby signifying, that it might be necessary, and no disparagement
to episcopacy, to have a bishop in such places for which one presbyter
was not enough ; they add, that when the people in a town shall grow
so numerous, (viz. that one presbyter will not suffice, as the coherence^
requires us to understand it) that the place is worthy of a bishop, and
ought to have one. So that in the judgment of above three hundred
and forty bishops, in any place where a presbyter needs an assistant,
there a bishop should be constituted.
• VId. Mir. p. 288. » C*n. ri. * cootezt.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 215
Secondly. The people under a bishop were to meet altogether upon
many other occasions, besides assembling with him for worship. A
bishop was not only to be chosen by all the people, but was to be
ordained in the presence of them all. Eequiritur in sacerdote ordxnando
etiam populi proBsentia, " the presence of the people is requisite to the
ordination of the bishop," says Jerome, cited by Gratian.«
Those that were in the state of penitents, were to express their repent-
ance not only before the bishop, and all the ministry, but in the presence
of all the people, in notitia multorumyvd etiam totiuspMns agere pcmitentiam
non recusetf^ "they will not refuse to express their penitence before
many, or even the whole of the people." So did Natalius, as Eusebius
declares, tVi lacrymaa et miserationesy amnem provocavit ecclenam/' " he
excited all the church to tears and commiseration." And thus does
TertuUian describe a penitent,^ omnium lacrymas suadenJUmy ofnmum
vestigia lambentemy " asking the tears of all, kissing the footsteps of
all," &c.
When they were reconciled, this was done by imposition of hands, not
only of the bishop, but the whole clergy, and that when all the people
were present : Oum omnes fiddea intereaaenty says Albaspineus,' or, as
Sozomen describes it, r6 vav ttjs (luckrjaias wXrjBos, " the whole multitude
of the church shedding tears ;" so Jerome, of Fabiola, episcopo preabyteria
et omni populo coUachrymanti — recepta aub oculia omnia eccUaica commu-
mone/ " the bishop, presbyters, and all the people joining in tears-^
being received to communion in the presence of the whole church."
Thirdly. The bishop was obliged to such duties, and so many, in
reference to the people under his charge, that it was impossible for him
to perform them, to more than a single church. Let me point at some
few of them.
He was to be careful, that those who sought admission were duly
qualified, and to suffer none to enter, but such as upon trial showed
themselves to be real Christians.^
He was to observe those who walked disorderly, and to admonish^
reprove, or exclude them as he saw occasion.
He was to take notice of the temper of such as were in the state of
penitents, and what fruits of repentance appeared in them, and accord-
ingly to reconcile them sooner, or to prolong the course of their
repentance.*
He was to feed the whole flock, preaching to them frequently. Cyprian
says he failed not to do this to all the brethren, nee univerace fratemitati
« Caui. viii. Quest. L * August. Horn. xUx. • Hist lib. t. eip. ult.
^ Lib. de Podielt. • Lib. It. p. 410.
/ £p. ad Ocean. [£p. IzxxIt. (al. xxx.) Sd. Parts. 1706, torn. It. pan li. p. 859.]
r Vid. Euaeb. Vit. Constant, lib. It. cap. Izlr. * Cone. NIe. Can. xL
216 PRUilTIVK EPlBCOPACy PROVED
— alUxmth etperauasio nostra defuiL* And so the ancient bishops were
wont to doy more than once a week, sometimes everj day.
He was to administer the Lord's sapper frequentlj, to all in full com-
munion, they all receiving nsc de aUorum numu quean prceMentiumJ*
'' from the hands of the bishops alone."
He was to watch oyer the souls of those under his charge, as being
accountable for them all. Thus the ancients thought bishops concerned
in that passage of the apostle, Heb. ziii. 17.^ And Ghrysostom says, this
was it that made his soul to tremble continually, 6 yitp il>6fios <rvvcx^^
KonurtUt yuov ri^v V^X^v*'
He was not only to observe their conversations, but to acquaint himself
with the state of their souls, fr€pwinaK<m€i» wavroOtv ri)y rfjs ^xqs c<f ly/
He was to accommodate himself, not only in public, but in private, to
the exigencies of their several conditions. Many of the duties he was
obliged to on this accoimt, are enumerated by Isidore of Pelusium ;
who having specified abundance, concludes, that there were many more
than all these, koX iroXXf rovr«y irXf lono/ And he gives a large account of
more.<^ And we shall see Chrysostom ofiering more full and punctual
evidence of the premises, in the next chapter.
Fourthly. There was to be but one communion-table in a church.
This was long continued ; so that when their churches were overgrown,
and become too numerous for one table to serve them all with conve-
niency ; yet they used divers shifls, rather than they would seem quite
to abandon it, and such as better ages were not acquainted with.
Whereas of old, the whole church, pastor, and people were wont to join
together in the cucharist every Lord's-day ; it was now thought suffi-
cient to communicate with the bishop at some special solemnities.* And
when there were so many assembled at such a time, as [that] one church
could not hold them all at once, they thought it advisable to celebrate
twice in one day, rather than all the people should not communicate at
the same place. It was Leo's advice to Dioscorus of Alexandria,
consulting with him about that case, wherein it is like' both Bome and
Alexandria, two of the greatest churches in the world, were specially
concerned. Cum solennior festivitaa, oonventum popuU numeronorU induf-
erity et ad earn tanta fiddium muitUudo convenerit quam recipere basilica
simul una non possit ; sacrificii ablatio indubitanter iteretur^ ne his tantum
admissis ad hanc devotionem qui prmi advenerinty videaniur hi qui post-
modum confluxerintj non receptiy* &c. " When a high festival bespeaks
• Lib. Ul. Epitt. T. * TertuIL De Coron. MUit. [cap. UL]
• Vid. Isidore, lib. t. Epitt. occxxill. Proep. De Viu ContempUtlTa, lib. i. cap. xx.
' [Horn, xxxiv. p. 602. in loc.] ' Id. De Saceid. Orat. li. / Lib. iiL Eplft. ccxtI.
r Lib. i. Epist cxUx. a Conca Agath. [Can. xyUL] < probable.
• Epiat. Ixxxi. cap. ii.
FROM BBCORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 217
an nnuraal comiotiTse of people, and so great a multitude of the faithM
oome to it, that one church alone cannot hold them, let the sacrificial
oblation be unhesitatingly repeated, lest if those only be admitted to
this service who come first, those who arrive later should seem to be
cut off.** Another device invented for this purpose, was the Eulogies,
parts of the consecrated bread sent to those of the bishop's fiock, who
did not or could not communicate in the same place with the bishop, and
the rest of his church. This is said to be the invention of Melchiades,
bishop of Bome, about anno did, as Baronius reckons. So that it may
seem from hence, that the Christians at Some were not so numerous before
this, but [that] they might communicate together. The end of it was,
as Innocent ad Decentium, cap. y. expresses it, that those to whom it
was sent might not think themselves parted from our communion on
that day, Se it nostra oammunUme meunme ilia die rum judicent HparatoB.
They thought all that belonged to the same bishop obliged to communi-
cate in one place ; but when they were grown too numerous to observe
the primitive order, the people must be satisfied with this expedient, and
think it enough that they had the same bread, the same day, though not
at the same table. Some sense of the obligation for personal commu-
nion still remained, which kept them from running quite out of sight of
it at first.
There were other principles derived from Scripture, by which their
churches were regulated in the best ages ; which, if they had not been
neglected afterwards, the churches even in the greatest cities, where
they were most numerous, had been kept longer within compass. Let
us view this only in two instances, and observe how they thought them-
selves obliged to proceed, in admitting members, and excluding scandal-
ous sinners from communion.
For the first, they thought none fit for Christian communion, but
[those] whom they judged to be real Christians ; and counted none such
without competent knowledge and visible holiness. These qualifications
they required in all, before they were initiated.
In order to knowledge, those who desired admission were first placed
in the state of catechumens ; and in that station, order was taken for their
instruction, both privately* {kot Vbieai) and publicly in the Christian
assemblies ; in reference to which they are called audienteSf " hearers,*'
by Cyprian,* and inter auditarum tirocinia deputati, by Tertullian,*
'* those reckoned to be passing through their noviciate as hearers."
And before they were initiated, they did give an accoimt of their profi-
ciency in the knowledge of Christ to the officers of the church, bishop,
and presbyters.
« Orig. contra Cels. cap. iU. [p. HS.] \ Lib. UL EpUt xtU. [AL £p. xii. Ah xUL Al. XTiiL]
' Lib. de PoDnitentia, [cap. Ti.]
218 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
Tbey required also a holy and unblameable life ; suck a conyersation
as had visible holiness in the face of it, in those whom they admitted to
communion. Justin Martyr says, they initiated none but those who
would plow ovTios, " live according to the rule of the Grospel." • And
he concludes, that all else were but nominal Christians. Origen
declares, that they admitted none as probationers, but those who did
sufficiently show they were fully resolved jcoXcor )3tow,* " to live a good
life.'* It was not only a reformation of greater enormities, but unblame-
ableness in respect of smaller sins, which they coimted necessary. So
Chrysostom, " I have said it before, and now I speak it ; I will not cease
to assert it, that if any one have not reformed rh (karr^fAaTa r&v rp6w9»vy the
fidlings of his ways, let him not be initiated."^ Origen tells Celsus, that
" amongst Christians, those only might be initiated, who were pure, not only
from heinous crimes, d7r6 irovr^f fiiaovs, but also those that are counted
smaller offences, r&¥ €karr6voiiv vofuCofjJvcav dfjLapTrjfidravy ^ Lactantius,
comparing the heathen religion with the Christian, makes this one prin-
cipal difference, that the heathen admitted all promiscuously; reckoning
up divers counted more flagitious ; hie veroy amongst Christians, says he,
lein communique peccato locus nuUua est, '* light and common ofiences are
not tolerated.** What then is required, he had said before, bona mens,
purum pectus, vita innocens; " a good mind, a pure heart, and an inno-
cent life.**' And St. Austin signifies, " That according to the ancient
custom, grounded upon the most evident truth, ea ilia Uquidissima veri-
tote veniens, (i. e., the word of God,) none were admitted into the church
of Grod on earth, who were visibly such as the Scripture excludes from
the kingdom of Grod in heaven./
They required innocencyand unblameableness of life, proceeding from
inward renovation ; so Tertiillian.«' Non ideo abluimur, &c. " We are
not initiated, that we may give over sinning, but because we have left it,
our hearts being already cleansed, jam corde loti^ And Origen thus
delivers it ; " After those that are converted, make such proficiency, as
that they appear K€Kti$ap6tu \mh rov \&yov, to be sanctified by the Divine
word, and to the utmost of their power, to live in a better manner ;
then at length we call them to our mysteries.*** And a little aft^r,
" the mysteries of the religion of Jesus, are duly delivered to those
only who are holy and pure, /«Jw)tr ayiois koL KoBapoU.^*
Nor did they think it sufficient, that those who desired admission into
the church, did make some profession of what was counted pre-requisite ;
nor would they admit them immediately upon such profession ; but it
was thought needful to keep them imder trial, and to continue them in
• Apol. U. p. 159, and p. 141. » Ibid. lib. IIL [p. Hi.]
' Homil. xxiL ad Populum Antioch. ' Lib. iii. [p. 148.] • De Just. lib. r. cap. xx.
/ De Fid. et Oper. cap. xvHi. r D« Baptis. » Ibid. [p. 147.]
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 219
the state of probationers for some time. The Goimcil of Nice rectifying
some disorders crept in against role,'' begins with this, that the catechu-
mens were admitted too soon into conmiunion ; to redress this they decree,
that no such thing should be done for the future, and give the reason
for their decree, koI yhp leal xp^vau dc ? Konfxpvfup^y there must be some
time for probation, but how much, they determine not. The synod at
Elvira, where the famous Hosius was present, is more punctual, and will
have the time of their expectancy, if they be of good conversation, to be
about two or three years.^ And about two or three years did St. Austin
continue in this state, as may be collected out of his Book of Confessions :
he was converted about the thirty-first year of his age, and continued a
catechumen till he was thirty-four years old, and, was then solemnly
admitted by Ambrose, at MUan.
But though the ordinary time of their continuing probationers, was
about two or three years, yet it sometimes fell out to be much longer ;
for in case they gave offence to the church, by falling into sin, they were
stayed^ in the station where they sinned, or in one lower, (into which
they were thrust down) more or less, according to the nature of the
offence; sometimes three years, as the Council of Nice determines,'
sometimes five years, as the Coimcil at Elvira,' sometimes more.-^
In this interval, while they were probationers, and in the state of
expectancy, not misdemeaning themselves so as to be quite thrown out,
their conversations were carefully inspected. Origen tells us, there were
officers in the church for this purpose, ^(XoirctHrrrZv row /Stovf , to search
strictly into the lives and demeanour of such who sought to join them-
selves to the church. And also care was taken that the state of their
souls should be inquired into. The same author, to stop the mouth of
Celsus, reproaching Christianity as entertaining the vilest of the people,
gives an account of the church's strictness and <circumspection, mani-
fested in admitting any to their communion. The Christians, says he,
to the utmost of their ability, vpofiao'apiawtns rw dicnvfuf tnfi&p PovkofU^
vav rh£ infxds, " do first exquisitely search the souls of those who would
be their hearers,** viz., in order to a full admission ; they bring them to
the touchstone (fls fi&aapw) tq try whether they be counterfeit.'
They were strict, and showed great caution, especially where they
had cause of suspicion. An instance we have in Eusebius.* Constandne,
having put forth a severe edict against those who infested the churches,
and opposed the doctrines and truths of Christianity ; the pastors appre-
hended that this might occasion many to dissemble, and pretend the
• Can. ii. * Can. xlil. ' Can. xiT. * continued. ' Can. Ixxiii. and xl.
/ Can. IzviiL i Coot. Celnini, [Ub. Ut. p. 142.]
* De Vlt. Constant, lib. It. cap. Ixlr.
r2
PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
embracing of Christiamly, when they designed nothing but their own
security : in this case they took this course ; they endeavoured with all
accurateness to discern which of these were sincere, which counterfeits ;
and as for those who sought to join with the church in hypocrisy, cover-
ing themselves with sheep^s clothing, those they rejected ; but those who
did this with a sincere soul, when they had tried them a competent timcy
^oKifidCovrts xp^^i after sufficient experience of them, furii ri)y aurapxt
dufarcipov, they admitted them into the church.
For the second, I shall say the less of it, because more commonly
insisted on. As they were careful not to admit any imworthy persons
into the church ; so they thought themselves obliged to expel tiiose who,
after admission, did manifest their un worthiness. It was the sense of
the universal church, that scandalous sinners were to be excluded from
commimion. Nor did they thus proceed only for the most atrocious
enormities, but also for sins of less provocation ; this was their course
in minoribua peccatis, as Cyprian declares again and again.' These so
excluded were on no terms to be readmitted, till they gave evidence of
a true repentance. Take it in the words of Dionysius of Alexandria,
r^ cfrtorpo^^y tcai furavouuf avrnp tdovng ; '' having examined them, and
discerning their conversion and repentance to be such as would be
accepted by him who wills not so much the death of a sinner, as his
repentance, they received them in."*
It was not enough that they professed themselves to be penitent ; they
were not wont to take their words, and reconcile them upon their bare
profession ; but would have some proof of the sincerity of such profes-
sion ; and so kept them off from full communion, in the state of peni-
tents, several years, in some cases for many years. This may seem too
great severity ; but the Council of Nice qualifies it, first laying down
this general rule, that the inward state of such, and the fruits of their
repentance be observed : for whoever with all fear, and continued tears,
and good works, do demonstrate their conversion, not with words only,
but really and effectually, afler some moderate stay in that state, the
bishop may deal more favourably with them, that is, by admitting them
more early, than the canons do in other cases allow^^
Such orders as these took place amongst Christians, while the honour
of Christ and religion, the purity of the church, her peace with God, and
security from contagious members, and reproach of adversaries, were
more considerable than the greatness of a bishop. And if these rules
had been conscientiously observed, and the practice of the churches in
the best ages, so far as herein they followed the conduct of the Scrip-
• Llb.lil. Epiit. xiv. [Al. £p. ix. Al. x. Al. xtL] and Eplat. xiY. [Al. Ep. xi. Al. xU. AL xyU.]
» SuMb. Hitt. lib. Ti. cap. [xlii.] ' Can. xl.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. J221
tures, had been imitated, the churches afterwards could not [easily have
g^wn to such an unwieldy and irregular bigness.
But there was another reason besides what is suggested, why the bishops
in afler ages would have their churches as great as possible ; and that is an
affectation of greatness ; a humour, how much soever unbeseeming pastors,
who should be examples to the flock, as in other things, so in humility,
and contempt of outward grandeur ; yet this prevailed too much in part
of the fourth age, though it was more predominant afterwards. By this
they were instigated to transgress the ancient bounds, and to neglect the
rules and practice of the churches in their purer state, and to innovate
every way which tended to promote their greatness, and served to gratify
that ambition, which was so common, even in persons otherwise of a good
character, that it seems to have lost the resentments of a crime. And
those who have the greatest charity for them, that reason will admit, can
scarce think those innocent in the particular before us,' who were appa-
rently guilty in instances just of the same nature, and of such connexion
therewith, as one may well judge them unsevered, if not inseparable.
In the age we speak of, which seems too justly styled canbitionia aecu-
lum, " the age of ambition,*^ (though those, whose designs agree with the
humour of it, have esteemed it most imitable) scarce any in the church
could keep their own, that had any there greater than themselves ; (some
bishops, and not only the presbyters found it so) the great still encroach-
ing upon those, whose lower condition made them obnoxious to the
ambition and usurpation of the more potent.
When some of the mother cities had got the bishops in the lesser
towns under them by custom, they got it confirmed by canon in the
Council of Nice ; and so came the pre-eminence of metropolitans to be
authorised.
When the empire was divided into dioceses, the bishops of the cities
where the governors of those exarchates redded, advanced as far above
the metropolitans as they had got above those bishops.
And then the bishops of the greatest cities soared as high above the
exarchs and primates, as those had leaped above the metropolitans. All
in little more than a hundred years, the time of the four first general
councils.
In that unhappy time, what struggling was there in bishops of all
sorts for more greatness, and larger power I What tugging at councils
and court for these purposes I
A bishop of a coimtry parish would be striving to get another pariah
under him. The third council, at Carthage,* takes notice of such
bishops, and their attempts to enlaige their bishoprics beyond the
• odium. * Cmi. zhrt
222 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
bounds allowed them; and makes a role against such ambitious
encroachments.
When a bishop had part of a city, he was unsatisfied till he had got
the whole. Thus Flavianus, at Antioch, would not suffer a bishop to
be made to succeed Evagrius over that part of the flock which he, and
Paulinus before him, had ruled there; that he might have the city
entire to himself. And no wonder that he did not stick at this, if, as
Sozomen says, he broke the agreement, and his oath which confirmed it
between Paulinus and him, to make his way to the episcopal chair.'
When a bishop had a great city, yet some Tillage in the vicinity he
could not endure should be exempt from his power. Majuma found
this to its trouble. This being a place near to Gaza, and by some
counted part of that city, was by Constantine honoured with the privi-
l^es of a city, and the name of Constantia, for its afiection to Chris-
tianity ; but being upon the same account reduced to the condition of a
village by Julian, the bishops of Gaza took this advantage ; and leaving
it no bishop, (as it had before) would have reduced it under their own
jurisdiction.*
Not satisfied with one city, some would have two. So four bishops in
£uropa, a province in Thrace, got each of them two cities under him ;
one of them both Heraclea and Panion, another Byze and ArcadiopoHsy
the third Celas and Calliopolis, the fi^urth Sabeadias and Aphrodisias.
So Florentius, bishop of Tebur, would have wrested Momentum from
the bishop of Ursus, which Innocent accused him of in his epistle to him.
This was against the rule and general practice of the church ; but the
bishops concerned, managed a plea for it in the coimcil, at Ephesus, pre-
tending it was a peculiar custom of those cities.^
Not contented with a city or two, they would have all in a province
under them ; so Cyril contends with Acacius,' and his successors at
Jerusalem, with those at CsBsarea, till they had got the province (nay
three in one) and the metropolitical pre-eminence from tiiem ; though
Csesarea was regularly the metropolis of Palestine:' Juvenal having after
this attempted it in the general council at Ephesus, carried it in that
at Chalcedon ; hereby he who was but a private bishop before, subject
to the bishop of Cesarea, got him and three metropolitans more under
him, and about a hundred bishops besides ; and thus he also robbed two
patriarchs, getting Rabba and Berytus from him of Alexandria, as he
did Cassarea and Scythopolis from him of Antioch, as William of Tyra
tells us./
• Sozomen. Hist. lib. vii. cap. xl. xv. * Ibid. lib. t. cap. iii.
« Cone. Eph. Act. rii. ad finem. ^ Soi. lib. It. c^. xxiv. [Ed. Reading, cap. zxt.]
• Vld. Jerom. [Ep. Ixi.] ad Paromach. / Vld. Bart. lib. xxiHi. p. 323.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 228
When they had a proyince, they would yet reach at some more
cities ; whereby Anthimus of Tyana gave so much trouble to Basil.*
When they had no hopes of the province, and the compassing of it
seemed not feasible, they would gape at the title, or part of the province;
so he of Nice becomes titular metropolitan of Bithynia, when the council
at Chalcedon^ would not allow him the cities in prejudice of Nicomedia,
the more ancient metropolis.^ And this passed after into example ; and
hence we meet with so many titular metropolitans in the list of Leo
Sophus, and others; in that of Nilus Doxopatrias, thirty-four; in that of
the emperor Leo, thirty -nine; in that published by Carolus k St. Paulo,
forty-one ; all in one patriarchate, that of C. P.**
When they had got one province, they would stickle hard for another.
So that part of France, which was called Narbonensis, being divided
into two provinces, and Proculus having got one of them under him,
strives for the other, and a synod in those parts' so far favours him, as
to grant him the pre-eminence there for his life.
As if one or two provinces had not been enough, they reached at
more. Thus the exarchs, or primates, got a whole cluster of provinces
into their grasp at once. Thus the bishop of Ephesus attempted to
advance himself over all the provinces in the Asian diocese, and the
bishop of Cffisarea over those in the diocese of Pontus, and he of Hera-
clea over those in the diocese of Thrace ; but the bishop of Constanti-
nople, being more potent, defeated them of all save the title : so the bishop
of Antioch, who seems but reckoned amongst metropolitans by the
Coimcil of Nice, not content with his proper province, challengeth
the rest of the provinces in the diocese of the orient, and seems con-
firmed therein by the coimcil at Constantinople./ So Hilary, bishop of
Aries, and metropolitan, not satisfied with his own province, strives also
for the province of Narbonne, and that also of Vienna ; he was indeed
therein opposed by Leo the First of Rome, but with a more ambitious
design than that which he appeared against.'
When they had got a whole exarchate or diocese, consisting of many
proyinces,*yet one province moire they would contend for : so Alexander
of Antioch, not satisfied with all the other provinces of the oriental
diocese, would needs reduce that of Cyprus too, and deludes Innocent
the First, bishop of Rome, by misrepresenting the case, to give encou-
« See Nu. In Land. Bull.
* So a considerable part of the proTince of Tyre had been wrested from Photlus, bishop there,
and settled upon the upstart metropoliUn of Berytus, had not the eooncll of Chalfoedon (though It
authorised many other usurpations) hindered it. Vid. Act. It. Concn. Chaleed. [Hard. torn. It.
p. 435.]
• Concil. Chaleed. Act. vl. xiU. ^ Constantinople. • Tanxineiu. Can. [i.]
^ Can ii. r See Leo ^ist. [Izxxix.] ad Vknnentef.
224 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
ragement to this ambitioaB attempt.* But the council of Ephesus would
not be 80 easily deluded, which takes occasion from hence to declare
against the ambition of prektes.* There were fifteen provinces in the
diocese of the orient ; the bishop of Antioch was so far from having all
those subjected to him before, that he had not the whole city under him
till the death of Evagrius, (Paulinus*s successor, in a bishopric made
up of one part of the city,) in the latter end of the fourth age, anno 394;
yet when he had swept fourteen of them under his power, and invaded
them without any authority, he would not be contented without that of
Cyprus also.
Nay, two whole dioceses, though consisting of more than twenty pro-
vinces,*^ would not serve some.
He of Constantinople,' having usurped upon the diocese of Pontus,
and Asia before ; in fine, gets them, and those of Thrace, settled on him;
near thirty provinces in all.*
And not only Eudoadus, Nectarius, Atticus Sicimius, Proclus, and
Anatolius, are charged with these usurpations, but Chrysostom (the
best bishop that city ever had) is said to have a hand in them. He
ordained fifteen bishops in Asia, and deposed thirteen./ He deposed
also Gerentius, metropolitan of Nicomedia, in the diocese of Pontus.
This is owned in the Chaloedon council,*^ that they had reason to believe
that his proceedings herein were not the issues of ambition, but of great
zeal for the reforming those churches then intolerably corrupted in
several ages after the Saracens* invasions of the eastern empire.
And the bishops of Bome, not content with the gobbets which filled
the mouths of others, would have swallowed up all. That this was their
design in the former part of the fifiJi age, is apparent enough ; the edict
of Valentinian the Third, procured by Leo I., signifieis it plainly. And
« See Eplst. xtIU. * €mi. tUI. [Berereg. Psndeet. torn. 1. p. 104.]
« Vid. Theod. Hist. Ub. t. cap. xxviiL
' He wu but a prlTate biihop, inferior to the bishop of Heradea, a great part of the fourth age :
but the eoancll at Constaottnople, giving him «n honorary precedence, wptcfltlv rrit n^iit, next to
the bishop of Rome (the common rise of usurpations lb the church) the bishops of that see were
encouraged thereby to encroach upon the adjoining provinces ; this they did sucoeesiTely, so that
their usurpations grew customary, and custom was the plea they used in the council of Chalcedoo,
and prevailed fbr the authorising of their ambitious practices (as it had prevailed with the councQ
of Nice, for the establishing of metropolitans) : so that three exarchical dioceses are sul^ected to
him, containing no less than twenty-eight pnn^nces, wherein [were] eighty-one metropolitans, five
hundred and seventy-four (six hundred and forty) bishops, and thirty-nine archbishops : for so
many the NoHOa give an account of in the declining time of the eastern empire, when in all
probability the numbers of bishops were much lessened. Such a prodigious advance had the
ambition of the bishops of Constantinople made in a little time, the interval betwixt the second
and fourth general council ( Nor were they contented with the power of consecrating the metro-
politans of all those provinces, but challenged a right to ordain the inferior bishops, as appears by
Atius, Protest in Cone. Chalced. Act. [xvL] Vid. Soerat. lib. viL cap. xxviii. and to depose both
them and the superiors.
' CondL Chalced. Can. zxviil. / Soc. lib. vl. cap. x. Sos. lib. viii. cap. vi.
g Act. xi. [Haxdonin. tom. U. p. 9M.] xiii. [Id. p. 570.]
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 225
what indirect arts, divers of those bishops before Leo made use of, to
subject the African churches to Rome, is too well known to be men-
tioned.
There are too many such instances of the ambition of those times ;
but these are enough to proceed on. It can be no wonder, that those
who were still designing, and struggling for more and more, as if th^
never thought they had enough, were not willing to part with anything
they had, nor distribute their overgrown churches imder the conduct of
other bishops, when they thought all little enough for themselves.
CHAPTER VIII.
Let us, before we conclude, take notice what thoughts some of the
best and most eminent bishops of the fourth and fifUi ages had of a very
large bishopric, and a flock exceeding numerous : when th^ express
their judgment and consciences herein, thereby we shall perceive, that
if the church could have been ordered, aoccnrding to the prindplet,
desires, and endeavours of the most pious and conscientious, their
dioceses would not have been so excessively numerous in the fourth
or fifth ages, above what they were in the third. Chrysostom may
satisfy us here ; and to avoid tediousness, I shall produce him only,
whom Isidore of Pelusium styles rijt cmeXi^o-Zof itpBaXfios, and elsewhere,
6«<nr((rios and $€o(l>6poti and who deserves as mudi honour, for his
generous and vigorous appearing against the corruption and degeneracy
of his age, as Athanasius, fb»his opposition to Arius, hie hastibua bettum
intulity iUe vitiis. First, he frequently declares, that it is incomparably
better the church should consist but of very few that are good, than of
multitudes that are bad, and walk not according to the rule of Christ.
Secondly, that the enormous greatness of churches, and the scandalous
multitudes which swelled them into such a bigness, was of mischievous
consequence. Thirdly, therefore he concludes, that though a church
were thereby reduced to a small number, yet the unworthy multitudes
ought to be expelled the communion of the church, and deprived of the
privileges of Christians.
For the first, rl yhp ^x^or, &c, '' Tell me what can a multitude avail
us ? Wilt thou understand that the (desirable) multitude are the holy,
not the many — a great multitude (beloved) when it observes not the will
226 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
of God, is nothing better than none at all ; I pray, and desire, and would
freely endeavour that the church may be adorned with many, but with
many that are good ; but if this cannot be, I would have the good,
though but few. Do you not see, that it is better to have one precious
stone, than thousands of half-pence ? Do you not see that it is better
to have an eye that is sound, than to have two encumbered and blinded
with a swelling camosity ? Do you not see, that it is better to have one
soimd sheep, than thousands full of the rot ? Do you not see, that a few
good children are better than many that are naught ? Do you not see,
that in the kingdom there are few, in hell there are many ? What care
I for a multitude, what advantage in them ? None at all.*^'
Elsewhere, '' One'* (says he) " that does the will of Grod is better than
thousands of transgressors. — ^What care I for a multitude ? it is but a
more plentiful fuel for the fire ; and this you may know by the body,
how that a moderate diet with health, is better than luxury with a
mischief, — ^the one is nourishment, the other a disease. And this may
be seen in war, — ^it is better to have one expert and valiant man, than
many thousands that are unskilful ; for these not only effect nothing
themselves, but hinder those that might. And this one may see in navi-
gation ; it is better to have two skilfhl mariners, than an innumerable
multitude of them that have no skill ; for these will sink the vessel. Let
no man tell me, that we are great multitudes, — and that it is so, observe, he
that has many servants, if they be untoward, how many grievous things
will he suffer I To him that has none, this seems a grievance, that he
is not waited on ; but he that has those that are naught, ruins himself,
together with them ; and the mischief is greater, for it is not so intolera-
ble for a man to serve himself, as to be beating and fighting with others.
This I say, lest any should admire the church for its numerousness : let
him rather study to make it good."* Again, says he, " It is better to
offer the usual prayers with two or three that observe the laws of God,
than to congregate a multitude of transgressors, and such as corrupt
others."^ And so he prefers the state of the church in former times,
when under persecution, the number of Christians was small, but the
persons better ; before the condition of it in his age, when they were
many more, but much worse.*
Secondly. He declares the excessive greatness of the church through
the scandalous multitudes which swelled them into such a bigness, was
of intolerable consequence, yea was highly dishonourable to God ; a
stumbling-block to the heathen, hindering their conversion, opening
their mouths to reproach the Christian name ; pernicious also to the
• In Act. iU. Horn. iriU. pp. 6M, 656. Edit. SarU. * In AeU, Horn. xxIt. p. 752.
• In Mfttth. Horn. ztU. pp. 125, 126. ^ In Act. Horn. xxiv. p. 7M.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITT. 227
better part of the church ; likewise extremely dangerous to the pastors,
exposing them to pimishment hereafter, and shame here ; and in fine,
that it tended to ruin and subvert all.
First. This in his accoimt was a high dishonour to God.' Secondly,
a reproach to the Christian name, the fiir greatest part of those which
constituted their churches being unworthy the name of Christians ; the
whole was denominated from the major part ; and the church, says he,
(jSovorao-iov ovdcv dirftnivoxt Koi nravXc «r iy»p xal ieafA^X«y,)^ " differs nothing
^m a fold for beasts, or a stable for camels and asses ; they call us the
pests of the world, Xoifi^v ^fiof Kakov<ny^ The Christian name upon this
account was both hated and scorned.' Thirdly. This hindered the
conversion of the heathen, opening their mouths to reproach the Chris-
tian name,' reproving the corruption of the generality of Christians.
" We, we are the cause," (says he,) " that they persist in their error,
ravra AX^vcv jcarcxft ; SO that we must give an account of this, not only
for the evil ourselves act, but for that the name of God is blasphemed."-^
Elsewhere, "Thus they always answer, when we say we are many,
yea, but such are naught, say they.*^<^ " These are occasions of more
blaspheming Grod, than if they were not Christian,^ for God is not so
blasphemed by a flagitious heathen, as by a debauched Christian.' For
when we have ten thousand times confuted their opinions, they upbraid
us with the lives of the many congr^ated with us, 6v€tbuiowiw tiiup t6p
piov r6¥ r»y irdkkmw^ And a little after, when we say that Christ has
done great things, making angels of men, afterwards an acooimt hereof
being required, and we called on to give a proof of this in the flock, rirt-
aTOfu{6fi«Ba, our mouths are stopped : for I fear, lest instead of angels,
I should bring forth hogs out of the sty, or wild horses." And' " we are
derided by the heathen, and all that we say seems a fable to them.**
Fourthly. It is pernicious to the better part of the church. The admit-
ting 80 many that were corrupt, and folding them together with the few
that were sound, tended to infect the whole, and debauch all. tt iftol km
r^ nXriBti. " What care I for a multitude ? What advantage is it ?
None at all, but rather a plague to the rest : for it is all one, as if he
who might have ten sound (sheep) rather than thousands that are
diseased, should mix those thousands with the ten."*" Fifthly. This
tended to ruin the church utterly and overthrow all, when pastors
aflbcted to have multitudes under their charge, though they were
naught. " By this," says he, " all is subverted, all is turned topsy-
turvy, because even as in the theatres, we desire multitudet, not only
• Vid. in Act. p. 752. * In Matth. Horn. IxzxiriiL p. 544. • In Johman. Horn. Izzil. p. BBB.
' In C0I088. Horn. vii. p. 12S. ' Ibid. / In Joluum. Horn. Izzii. p. U7, 8U.
r In Act. Hon. xxW. p. 752. * Ibid. * In Johann. Horn. Izriii. p. 840.
* Horn, in Matth. Izxxviii. p. 543. ' In ColoM. Horn. vU. p. 128. « In Act. Hon. xti|, p. •§<.
228 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
those that are good."* Sixthly. This was extremely dangerous to th
pastors. "The many,** (says he,) "that are not good, procure m<
nothing but punishment (hereafter) and shame at present."^ Mor
particularly, a bishop could not take cognisance of the various condi
tions of so many, nor could possibly discharge all the duties he owei
ihem, and so could give no comfortable account of them, though he .b
accountable for every soul, whereby it came to pass, that it was " ahnos
impossible any bishop should be saved.**
A bishop at the peril of his soul is to take exact notice of the spirit
ual state of all under his charge, and constantly to perform all pastora
duties to the whole flock. *Eittunamii, &c. " The episcopate,** (says he,) " i
80 called from the inspecting alL**^ He ought to be an overseer of all
bearing the burdens of all;' fivpl»p (^0 ^ffMkiuiP irp6s t6 ntpttnawmwi
w6»To$€P r^ Tfjt ^vxijt i(uf ; he had need of many thousand eyes to loci
into the state of every soul under him, which of them cannot diges
bitter remedies, and who for want of them grow careless.' He ought U
leave nothing unobserved, but to search into all accurately:-^ no speck ii
his flock should escape his notice ; he ought to train up his cluurge tn
an excellent temper, to admirable comeliness, looking everywhere abou
him, lest there be any spot, or wrinkle, or blemish, which may spoi
that beauty and comeliness.**' He will be cast into hell if he be na
thus accurate about every one ; all exactness as to himself will no
secure him. " A bishop,** says he, " though he order his own life weU
if he do not exactly take care of thee, and of all that are imder him
to hell he goes with the wicked. And often he that miscarries no
by his own concerns, is ruined by yours, although he very well rectiQ
all that belongs to him.**^
The pastoral duties which he is to perform to all his flock, are many
and painful, and hazardous. " When the apostle says, ayptrnvova-i, the]
watch for your souls, it speaks thousands of labours, and cares, an<
perils,' buyrrytpSai dci, he ought to be up still, and to be ardent in spirit
and, as I may say, to breathe fire, (irvp irwctv,) and to go the round
night and day, more than any commander in an army, and to laboiu
and to toil, and to take care ofj and be very solicitous for all.* A&yov fU>
d^HTOfitv, &c. " We must give an account of all your souls, when we hav<
been defective in anything, when we have not comforted, or not admon
ished, or not convinced."'
This should be done, not only publicly, but privately also, both U
men and women ; " For a bishop,** says he, " who regards all his flock
• In Act. Ham. rlU. p. $U. * In Act ibid. • In 1 Tim. Horn. x. pp. S85, 28C
' In Act. Horn. iU. p. 6S6. ' De Sacerd. Ont. U. / Ibid. p. 10.
r Ibid. Ont. iv. p. H. * In Johann. Horn. Ixxxvi. p. 9SS. * In Rom. Horn. p. S26
* In 1 Tim. Horn. x. p. S86. 'In Bph. Horn. xi. p. 824.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 1329
must not take care only of the men in particular, and neglect the women,
but of necessity must visit them when distressed, and comfort them when
in sorrows, and .rebuke them when they are careless, and relieye them
when under pressures."* Unless he daily go to their houses — ^he will
be much exposed.^ Further he is, says he, accountable for all and
every soul, for all their sins, for the damnation of every one that perishet
any way through his default. In Heb. xiii. 17. 6 yitp ^>6fio£, '' The dread
of that threatening,*' says he, " continually shakes my soul ; for, if he
that offends but one (Matt, xviii. 6) shall suffer so much, what then
shall they suffer, what punishment shall they endure, under whom so
many miscarry ? &c. Want of experience will be no excuse, nor igno-
rance, nor necessity, nor force. One of the flock may sooner be excused
for his own sins, than bishops for the sins of others ; and therefore
pimishment b unavoidable, if any one (in his charge) happen to perish.
We must be accountable for a business that requires the virtue of angels.** '
'< He is exposed to so great danger, though what concerns himself be in
good condition, if what belongs to thee be not well ordered, he is obnox-
ious, and must give a double account.**' " He that has the charge of a
great city, see to how great flame he exposes himself; he shall be called
to account not only for the souls that perish, (and he destroys them
being one that fears not God) but for all the things that are not acted by
him he shall be responsible. Of all the sins that are committed by him,
yea, by all the people shall he give account. And if he that offends bat
one, &c., he that offends so many souls, whole cities and people, many
thousand souls, men, women, children, citizens, husbandmen, those in the
cities, those in places belonging to it, what shall he' imdergo ? If thoa
say thrice more than the other, thou sayest nothing ; so very great is
the punishment and suffering that he is liable to.**' *Ayfwiryflt, &c. '' He
watches, he hazards his own head, he is liable to the punishment of
their sins ; and for this is his condition so fearful.**-^
Hence it is marvellous to him if any bishops escape damnation. 0av-
fjidCa, &c. " I wonder,** says he, '' if any of the bishops can ever be saved,
considering the greatness of the threatening, and their negligence, any
of them especially who are greedy of so great a charge, who run upon
it, hnrp^xovras,' He calls them miserable wretches that desire it, and
is astonished at them, r\ 3tf ns c&roc, <&c. What can one say to those
wretches, who plunge themselves into such an abyss of sufferings? Thoa
must give an account for all whom thou rulest, women, men, children ; into
so great flame dost thou thrust thine own head. If those that are forced
• De SMerd. Ont. Tl. p. 49. * lUd. Ont. UL p. S9. • IMd. Out. tL p. 44.
' In 2 Tim. Horn. IL p. 336. ' In Tit. Hom. L p. tS4.
/ In Heb. Horn. xxxW. p. 60S. # In H«b. ilild. ud in Aet. Horn. Ili. p. 687.
230 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
on it, be unpardonable, not well ordering it ; how much more thoi
that labour for it ! Such a one does much more deprive himself of a
pardon ; he ought to fear and tremble.'^' Elsewhere, '' I am astonishei
says he, " at those who seek such a weighty charge. Wretched an
miserable man, dost thou see what thou seekest ? canst thou answer f<
one soul ? When thou hast got this dignity, consider to the punishmei
of how many souls thou art liable.^ He cries out astonished at tfa
greatness of the hazard, pafiai w6<ro9 6 KMvrog."^
Before I proceed with this excellent person, let us look a little bac
on the premises. If there must be so much care and watchfulness in i
bishop over every soul ; if so many duties in public and private are t
be performed by him to every one, and if when any sin is committal
for want of his care and watdifulness, or due measure thereof, or an;
n^lect of, yea, or remissness, in any of those duties, it will be the bishop*
guilt, if any soul perish through omission, or defectiveness, or rmdw
performance, the blood of it will be required at his hands ;' well migh
he prefer a diocese with one communion-table, before the bigges
/SovoTxdrfoir that a large country can afford ; well might he say as h
does,' hnnwwy &c. ^ It is very burdensome to have the charge of a hun
dred and fiffy souls.'* But it had been too little if he had said a thousam
times more than I have alleged, against the desperate wretchedness aii(
blindness of those who are forward to take charge of so many, as [that]
it is impossible they should be duly watchful over an hundredth part o:
them, and never p^orm any one of those duties to many thousands o;
them. But he thought it to no purpose to speak to such (ov yhp fioi wep
Utiimv, &c.) who come to such a charge as their ease, and give them-
selves to sloth and remissness ; and yet take a charge, and admit but
one there to be a pastor, which requires the utmost diligence of i
thousand pastors. What does the guilt of millions of sins, the blood o:
myriads of souls weigh upon such heads ?
Moreover, hereby it is evident that Chrysostom (the best writers ir
those times concurring with him) would have a church no larger, and
could not count it tolerable for any one to have a flock consisting oi
more than he could take exact and particular notice of, and discharge
all pastoral duties to, and be accountable for, without apparent hazard
of his soul. Such principles would not admit of very laige bishoprics,
when the measures of them were set out, with respect to duty and future
account ; these would confine them to narrow bounds. When these
measures were laid aside, they grew larger ; but how little this great
person would have been satisfied with such enlargement, and what
• In Heb. Horn. xxxIt. p. MS. * In Tit. Horn. i. p. S84.
• In Heb. Horn. [xxxW.] p. 0OS. * VId. Orat. vi. de Saceid. p. 44
• Horn, in Ignat.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 281
methods he thought needful to retrench some excess in his times,
(though little compared with that in afler ages) will appear by what
follows. He apprehended the excessive greatness of a church under
one bishop, to be of pernicious and damnable consequence to all sorts.
Churches were not such then generally, but in a manner only in very
great cities, (such as that wherein he presided ;) that which swelled
them so big tliere, was the admitting and tolerating in their communion
all that called themselves Christians, though they neither were such
indeed, nor lived like such. Against this, he resolves to bend all his
endeavours, though the church were thereby like to be reduced to a
small number. This is the next head of those before propounded.
Thirdly, He is peremptory, that the tmworthy multitude should be
expelled, Km yiip, &c. '^ For the sheep that are full of the scab, and
abound with diseases, should not be folded together with the sound, but
driven from the fold, until they be cured.**" And by the expressions he
uses frequently, he signifies that it was his opinion, that the church
would lose nothing by such an evacuation, but that corruption which
both endangered and defaced her ; that though the tumour fell, and the
body were lessened, yet it would be more sound and healthful, parting
with nothing in the loss of such bulkiness, but the matter of their dis-
ease, and the cause of their deformity. That through the neglect of
such a course, by those who were concerned to pursue it, all went to
wreck and ruin. That this indulgence was such a sin, as could scarce
expect pardon ; and for his part he resolved not to involve himself in
that guilt, as apprehensive that he could never answer such a neglect
of Christ's laws, before his dreadful tribunal ; and though he lost the
most of his people by it, yea, though he should lose his place for it, yet
would he empty the church of those corrupt multitudes. •
'^ Through the neglect of such a course all went to wreck, mSmi
otx€T(u ; all goes to wreck and is ruined, and the reason is, because
those that sin are not censured, and those that rule are distempered,*'
citing 1 Tim. v. 22.
'* This indulgence was such a sin as could scarce expect pardon, Tiwa
^(o/jLtv (rvYY^fui¥, &c. What pardon can we expect, corrupting all by
such indulgence ? there was reason to look for greater severi^ than £11
met with.***
He resolved not to involve himself in such guilt, because he could
never give an account of it. " I will not," says he, " tolerate, I will not
admit you, neither will I suffer you to come over these thresholds ; let
who will withdraw ; let who will complain of me. For what need have
I of a multitude that are diseased ? — I will forbear none : for when I
• In Johum. Horn. IxlU. p. 814. • la MsMl Stan. zvtt. p. lU.
232 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
shall be judged before the tribimal of Ghrist, you yill stand afiur off,
and your favour will nothing avail me, when Pam called to account.*
'Airayopffvo-w, &C. I will forbid you hereafter to pass over these threaholdfl,
and to partake of the immortal mysteries, as if you were fornicators, or
adulterers, or accused of murder : for it is better to join in prayer wiih
two or three that observe God's law, than to assemble a multitude of
tran^;ressors, and such as debauch the rest Let no rich man, let
none that is potent swell here, and show his superciliousness ; I regard
these no more than a tale, or a shadow, or a dr^eam ; none of the wealthy
will then relieve me, when I shall be challenged and accused, as not
having vindicated the laws of God with due severity."^
He would empty the church of those refractory multitudes, though
he lost many of his flock by it. '* But there are, say they, other sects,
and they will turn to them, (if they meet with such severity as before
he had threatened,) ^xP^s oiW 6 \6yof, this is a foolish saying ; it
is better to have one doing the will of God; than ten thousand trans-
gressors. And which had you rather choose, (tell me,) to have many
fugitive and thievish servants, or one that is well disposed ? Let who
will withdraw, let who will complain, I will spare none. Such words
spoil all, that he may depart, (they say) and turn to another sect**^
Tea, though he ^ould lose his bishopric by such a course, the fear
of it should not hinder or retard him : '' I will expel, I will interdict
those that are not obedient ; as long as I sit in this chair, I will suflfer
none of his commands to be neglected. If any one displace me I shall
then be unaccountable ; but so long as I am liable to an account, I can-
not connive, not only in regard of my own punishment, but of your
salvation."'
• And what great numbers would have been excluded the church by
this course, considering the great degeneracy and corruptions of those
tunes, which he so often, so pathetically complains of, will appear by
the particulars in his account liable to this process, and the vast extent
thereof. He would have excluded from communion, " Not only mur-
derers, adulterers, fornicators, swearers,' but the unmerciful,/ the covet-
ous,*' the envious,* the profuse otherwise, but uncharitable to the poor,'
the superstitious,* symbolisers with foreign rites, either Jewish,' or
heathenish,"* fr^uenters of plays,* those that neglected sermons to follow
their sports.® And not only those that neglected what was good, and
• In Colou. Horn. tU. p. 1S8. « In Matth. Horn. xvii. pp. 1S5, 126.
• In Colou. Horn. tU. p. 128. ^ In Act. Horn. rii. p. 656.
• In Matth. Horn. xtU. p. 125. / Page 515.
r In Matth. Horn. [IxxxU.] p. 514. and [Horn, xr.] in I Cor. p. S87.
« In Matth. Horn. xl. p. 269. * In Coloaa. Horn. rii. p. 128.
• Ibid. p. 184. ' Cont. Jud. torn. t1. p. 878. - In Heb. Horn. iv. p. 454.
• In Johann. Horn. i. p. 558. and torn. t. p. 89. • In Gen. Horn. vi. p. 88.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 233
acted what was evil, but evil speakers too." " Whosoever was wicked,'**
a/ia/iroiX6r. " Whosoever was not cleansed from his sin, dicaBafyr6s,^
Whosoever was not a true disciple, but a counterfeit, as Judas was.^
Whosover is not KaBaphsy pure/ What then, whom shall we admit ?
says he, neither those that come but once a year, nor those that come
often, nor those that come seldom ; but those that come with a pure
heart, and with an untainted life ; let such as these have access always,
but those that are not such, not so much as once at any time ; because
they receive judgment to themselves, and condemnation, and punish-
ment, and severity," &c.
Whosoever is not holy, ^ior, which is more than the former ; and
he took it to be the sense of the church, expressed of old in their solemn
commimion, r^ cfyta roU ayiois; and so he explains it. '' If any one be
not holy, let him have no access ; he says not only, if he be clear of
wickedness, but if he be holy, for freedom from wickedness does not
make one holy, but the presence of the Spirit, and plenty of good works."
" I would not only," says he, " have them freed from dirt, but to be white
and beautiful."'^ In fine, all that are under the giiilt of any sin, which
excludes from the kingdom of heaven.^ '^ It seems to me the speech is
concerning the leaven, and it reaches the priests, who suffer much of
the old leaven to be within, and do not purge it out of their confines,
that is, out of the church ; the covetous, the extortioner, and whatsoever
excludes from the kingdom of heaven."
Now taking this course to which he was drawn by the authority of
Christ, the inforcements of conscience, and so many and so cogent rea-
sons ; what a thin church would he have lefl himself, (though he pre-
sided in one of the most populous cities in the world,) we may easily
discern by the premises, if withal we add what he tells his auditory.*
" How many do you think in the city will be saved ? It is an odious
thing I am going to say, but I will say it notwithstanding ; there is
not amongst so many m3rriads (which he tells us elsewhere were one
hundred thousand) a hundred to be foimd that will be saved,' yea, and
I question," adds he, " whether so many." He alleges the general corrup-
tion of all sorts, old and young, as the reason why his charity was no
more extensive. "And* all things," says he, " are ruined and corrupted,
and the church differs little from a stable of beasts, or a fold of asses and
camels ; and I go about seeking to find one sheep, but I can see none."
Affording these passages the allowance which is requisite in like cases.
• [Horn, xvi.] in 1 Cor. p. 540. « ' In 1 Tim. Horn. t. p. 270.
' In Matth. Horn. Ixxxii. p. 515. and Horn. [1.] in Tit. p. 384. ' In Matth. ibid.
' In Heb. Horn. xtU. p. 533. / Ibid. pp. 524, 525.
r In 1 Cor. Horn. 15. [p. 337.] ' In Act. Horn. 24.
' Page 753. * In Jo. Horn. IxxxviU. p. 544.
iM PRIMTTIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
and underatanding, by not one, very few, and we have ^ke church to which
Chrysostom's principles and conscience confined him ; — ^principles too
severe indeed, for that dissolute and degenerate age, into which he was
fallen; and so his pursuing them, was the occasion of his fall, if that
may be called a fall, which exalted him to an honour, little less than
that of martyrdom.
But suppose the multitudes in his diocese had been such, as he endea-
youred to make them ; it may be inquired, whether then he would have
been content with so numerous a flock.
Ans. This was never the happiness of any bishop, and so it is not to
be supposed ; but to proceed upon it : his principles before specified,
obliged him to grasp no more for his particular charge, than he could
perform all pastoral duties to, so as he might give a comfortable account
thereof; yet he might have been better satisfied with a very numerous
flock, if they had been qualified according to his desires ; and a large
diocese of such a constitution had been more tolerable, in the circum*
stances wherein he and others were at that time : for there were many
more pastors within that place where he presided ; he was not so
strangely arrogant as to count himself the sole pastor of so large a city ;
all sense and conscience of a pastoral charge was not then lost ; there
were very many who were both to rule and feed that flock, not he alone;
and betwixt him and them, he declares there was no difierence at all,
but only in point of ordination.*
For their number, there is reason to judge them above an hundred ;
the great church had sixty presbyters at its first establishment, and
those increased till Justinian's time, as he shows.^ And in all the rest
we may well suppose there were as many. The number of Christians,
good and bad, the sects also included, was one hundred thousand, as he
tells us.^ Now allow a fifUi part to the sects, no more wiU remain fi)r
the charge of one hundred or one himdred and ten pastors, than has
been made account of in one parish in London ; and being divided
among so many, the charge of each would be no more than a small
congregation.
This may be said to be a query, grounded on a supposition, which
had no place there nor elsewhere, but in imagination. But in the con-
dition wherein he really was, he would have had a church in his and
their charge, more than a hundred times less, than the corruption of
that age (which he so much laments) had swelled it to, since he thought
himself obliged to exclude so many from the privileges of Christians, so
that one of the greatest churches and bishoprics in the fifUi age con-
• Horn. zi. in 1 Tim. * Not. iii. ' In Acts. Horn. xi.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 235
lained not many more de faetOy than some one of our parishes ; but de
jurtf Chrysostom being judge, too few to be spoken of, if it had been
pnmed as he thought it necessary.
CHAPTER IX.
Let me, in the kst place, take notice of something which may be
inferred from the premises, or which they otherwise offer to our
observation.
The change of the primitive form of churches made a great alteration
in the government of tiie church, dissolving it in a manner by degrees,
and reducing it very near to anarchy.
For when the bishop could not be content with a moderate charge,
such as he was capable to manage, but extended it to such a lai^geness,
that it became ungovernable by him, ri^v dpxoy avrov avapxuu^ tUSnts
K€KkrfKas, (as Isidore," of a bishop of his time,) " this pretended ruling was no
longer government, but anarchy.** When one church, though consisting
of as many as tiie church of the ancient bishop did ordinarily comprise,
and of more than new or old was any way sufficient alone to govern,
would not suffice him ; but under pretence, tiiat it was his office and pre-
rogative to rule many such, he did not set himself to govern any one more
than another, nor would admit any other ruler or pastor in all or any of
them but hioiself ; the churches were, and coidd not but be left without
government. Thus, to use Basil^s words, avapxia tU dcim^ atrh ^iXopx^
TavTrjs ToU \aoU iw€x»iuurtv,^ '' through this ambition of governing all, aU
church government came to nothing." As if a pilot, who can be but in
one ship at once, and is not sufficient to steer that alone, should under-
take to do this for twenty, or a hundred, or five hundred ships ; and
should get it ordered under severe penalties, that none else shoidd meddle
with a helm but himself ; those ships will be steered, and those churches
in like circumstances will be governed alike. It is all one in effect, as
if there were no helm in the ships, no government in the churches.
Zosimus, censuring the Romans for committing the rule of the empire
(so large a diocese) to one man's discretion, (though such a man as
Augustus,) says, they minded not, that hereby they hazarded the hopes
of the universe, as it were upon the throw of a die, tfXaBov covrovr kv/Sov
« Lib. iii. Epttt. ccczix. • I>e Spir. Sane. csp. ult.
«2
286 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
apapfii^ltaPT€9 Arl raif warrmv Mpctwmv Tktruri ; adding, " that if he were
minded to rule them duly and justly, it was impossible at so great a
distance ; if tyrannically, it would be intolerable ; and in fine, there
was necessity,** says he, '' that the unreasonable authority of one man
should prove icoiv6y dvorvxiy/ia,'' ' a common calamity.'" I leave the appli-
cation of this to others, only take along herewith the judgment of
Chrysostom, '* that it was fax more easy for a prince to rule the
universe, than for a bishop to govern one town."* But what mig^t
Zosimus have said, if Augustus ruling the place where he was, no mbre
than the remoter parts, would have admitted no other governor in
places near or remote, but himself alone; would not he and all have
concluded, that the empire must unavoidably be left to the miseries of
anarchy ? It is true, there seems a great difference betwixt an empire
and a diocese ; but there is also a great latitude in impossibilities : as
a man cannot possibly jump into the moon ; so neither is it possible
for him to spring up twenty miles into the air.
This clears up to us a considerable practice of the primitive church.
In the apostles* times, and divers ages after, all the people under the
inspection of one bishop, were wont to meet together, not only for wor-
ship, but other church administrations ; all public acts passed at assem-
blies of the whole people ; they were consulted with ; their concurrence
was thought necessary, and their presence required ; that nothing might
pass without their cognisance, satisfaction, and consent. This was
observed, not only in elections of officers, but in ordinations and cen-
sures ; in admission of members, and reconciling of penitents, and in
debates and consultations about other emergencies. There is such
evidence for this in ancient writers, particularly in Cyprian, almost in
every one of his epistles, (where we have a more satisfying account of the
government of the church, and the exercise of in those times, than in
many volumes of the following age,) that it is acknowledged by modem
writers of all sorts, such as are the most learned and best acquainted
with antiquity.
And when this is granted, it cannot be denied, that of old the bishop's
charge was as small as we represent it : for it may be easily conceived
how all the people might use this liberty and privilege, when the bishop
had but one church ; but if his diocese had been of a modem size, or
anything near it, this had been altogether impracticable.
In 'short, the enlarging of bishoprics so much beyond the ancient
bounds, so as the people were deprived of their primitive privilege, and
could not have the moderate liberty of intervening at all in church
affairs, by themselves, or any to represent them, inferred a great, if not
• Hut. Ub. I. p. 4. [Ed. Ozon. 1679, p. 6. J • la Act. Horn. Ui. p. 626.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 287
an essential change in the government of the church. Whereas before
it was mixed, and had something of a popular cast, (as there is in the
best forms of civil government ;) hereupon the people's interest being
excluded, it became absolute. It was no longer, as Plato says it was
sometimes at Athens, and as Grotius tells us it was in the primitive
church, dpitrrotcparia fur cvdoxtar rov irX^^r,* " an aristocracy ordering all
things with the good liking of the people."
Hereby an account may be given of the great diversity of rites and
usages in the ancient churches. A single congregation was a competent
charge for a primitive bishop ; so that episcopal churches were greatly
multiplied ; each of such churches had power to govern and order
itself, and had so followed such orders as every church thought fit, with-
out being obliged to conform to those of others. They had no rule nor
order, in things of this nature, requiring invariable observance ; nor did
they regard such uniformity as others, many hundred years after, in
ages as many times worse, seem fond of. None of those churches used
the same prayers, nor the Lord's Prayer but only at the eucharist. All of
them had not the same creed, nor used any at their public worship, but
what was repeated by the catechumens at baptism. They had not the
same rites in baptism, or the Lord's supper, nor the same way in con-
firming, marrying, or burying. They used not the same mode either in
reading the Scriptures, or singing. They observed not the same
methods in admitting members, or preparing them for communion,
neither in proceeding to censures, nor reconciling penitents. They
differed in their habits and postures. They varied in their fasts, both
for time and manner. They observed not the same festivals ; nor more,
I think, than two of the many that are now observed. So very various
were their usages in the primitive ages, each preferring their own, and
declining others. Such as this, and what might be showed in more
instances, was the uniformity of the ancient churches. That which is
now admired appears hereby to be a mere novelty. How far were they
from counting it worthy of Christian pastors, to make this more their
business, than the suppressing of sin, and promoting of real holiness !
And who can believe, that they design, or understand Christian peace
and unity, who hurry all into divisions and confusions, for haste after
that which the best churches thought not worth looking after ? Those
that have read the ancients, and observed their usages, will question
none of this, and so there is no need to bring particular authorities to
confirm it. Only this in general. In Egypt, Sozomen tells us, many
cities and villages not only differed from the observances of Alexandria,
and other towns in that country, but from all other churches besides.*
' Annot. in Act. Ti. 2. « Hitt Ub. tIL cap. six.
288 PRIMITIVE EPISCOPACY PROVED
In Africa, Austin expresses the diversities to be innomerabley nM tamm
omnia cammemorm potuerint'^ In other parts of the Latin church, Italy
particularly, Innocent the First says, that several churches had their
several modes of celebrating, divers^ in diversia lods, vel eod^ms obttr-
neri, aut ceUkrari videntur.^ In the Greek church, and elsewhere,
Socrates gives a large account of their different rites and usages,^ where,
after abundance of instances, he says, to reckon up all is not only diffi-
cidt, but impossible, fpycodcr fioXXov df ddvvcerov,* And yet there was no
hurt in all this, so long as there was an agreement in the fidth, if we will
believe one of the greatest prelates in the west, and that at no less than
six hundred years' distance from Christ, in una fidt nihil officU aancbB
ecclesicB divena consuetude^ saith Gregory the First ; " where there is
one i^th, it is no harm to the church if there be diversity of usages ;*'
that is, the church has no harm for want of uniformity. Nay, the faith
has advantage by difference in rites, says Irensus to Victor,' ii dta4>mi4a
Tij£ vn<mLas rriv 6fi6woia» lift fr/oTftor (rvy/onyort, '' a diversity in less matters
commends the church, when there is an agreement in points of fidth."
This may restrain us from charging one another with schism for such
things, wherein the ancient churches are like to be involved in the same
condemnation.
In the best ages of Christianity, they were still erecting new churches
in towns and country places, as appears by the former discourse.
The bishops did commonly consent that such churches should be con-
stituted of Christians in their vicinity ; or, if they refused imreasonably^
it was done without their consent. The bishops of Gaza are instances
hereof
Those churches were single congregations, settled under peculiar
officers of their own choosing, viz., a pastor or bishop, and usually one
or more assistants.
By these they were governed and ordered without subjection to any
rulers of other churches. Cyprian, in the middle of the third age, (who
well knew the current sense and practice of those times,) declares, that
none of them then did take themselves to be bishops of bishops, neque
enim qtuaquam nostrum se episcopum episcoporum constituit And when
metropolitans got place in the churches, they had no ruling power over
other pastors, but a mere presidency in their assemblies, where the rule
was, (as the council that first authorised them decreed,) Kpardno ^ rSw
v\€i6vfov yl^rj<f}os, '* that all should be carried by plurality of voices.*'/
Those single churches had severed^ assemblies, and held distinct com-
munion from other churches : they did not think themselves bound to
• Retract. lib. ii. cap. xx. * Epist. ad Deeentium. * ' Hist. lib. v. cap. xxli.
' Sm Soxom. ubi supra. ' In £useb. lib. v. cap. xxvi. / Cone. Nic. Can. vi.
r separate.
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 239
conform to any other church ; either near to them, or further off, in
rites, forms, or other observances of this nature. They owned no rule
obliging them to use the same prayers, the same gestures, the same
vestments or modes of administration ; but every pastor had power to
order himself in such things according to his discretion ; and it was
judged tjrrannical for one to prescribe to another, and all power of
imposing expressly disclaimed." Neque enim quisquam nostrum epUco-
pum se epiacoporum constituitj aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequencU necessi-
tatem coUegas suas adegit, quando habeat omnia episcopus pro licentia
libertatis et potestatis auoe arhitrium proprium, tamque judkari ah alio non
possity quam nee ipse potest alterum judicartJ* " None of us takes upon
himself to be a bishop of bishops, or by tyrannical intimidation to
bring his colleagues to subserviency, since every bishop possesses a
judgment of his own by virtue of his individual liberty and power ; and
as he cannot be judged by any other, so neither can he himself judge
any other."
Nemini prescribentes aut prcejudicantes, quo minus unusquisque episco-
porum quod putaverit facicU/' &c. " We neither dictate to any, nor
forestall the judgment of any, in order that every bishop may act accord-
ing to his own opinion."
Nemini prcescribenteSy quo minus statuat unusquisque prcspositus quod
putat, actus sui rationem domino redditurus.^ *^ We dictate to no one, in
order that every bishop may decide according to his own judgment, as
being to give account of what he does to the Lord."
And thus those churches continued, though they were condemned by
the civil laws, and forbidden by the magistrates, for three hundred
years and more.
These severals' are either clear by the premises, or will not be ques-
tioned by any who are not strangers to antiquity. And if nothing of
schism be found in all this, they are not to be charged with it, who are
now in the like circumstances. This cannot be done with justice or
charity, no nor with prudence neither ; for those who accuse others of
schism for dissenting from them, in those things wherein the accusers
depart from the universal church in the best ages, will find the charge
recoil upon themselves ; seeing it is not to be doubted, but in time it will
be counted less schismatical, to imitate the universal church retaining
her integrity ; than to differ from those who propose the wracks and
ruins of the church for their exemplar.
Hereby it appears, with what judgment and charity, some amongst
us will have none to be true churches that want diocesan bishops. If
by a diocesan they understand one who is the sole pastor of many
- St. Jerom. p. 872. * Cypr. in Cone. Carthag. ' Id. Epist. ad Jubian. [Ep. Ixxiii.]
' Id. Epist. ad Mag. [Ep. Ixzvi. (al. Izix.)] ' particulars.
240 PRIIOTIVB EPISCOPACY PBOTBD
churches ; they hereby blast all tihe ohurohes in liie mpotOmf i
the best ages after, as no ohnrchesy iotr none of these had anj watk
diocesans ; and so herein they are as wise iad fiiendlyi m» if one, tft
secure the height of his own turret, should attempt to blow np all tiia
houses in the best part of the world. Nay, th^ blow up their own too :
for hereby they deny both the beginning, and succession of chnrcbea for
divers hundred years. And if there were no churches theUi they will
not dream there can be any now ; seeing by their principles ihe heoDg
of them now, depends upon the beginning, and uninterrupted aoooea-
sion of them. There can be no succeediag at all, where there ia no
banning ; no uninterrupted succession, where there is a total &ihize
for whole ages.
So likewise it is hereby manifest, that Uiere were no diocesaa
churches in those ancient times ; I mean many churches tinited under
one bishop, as their sole ruler and pastor. No such thing appears ftr
diyers whole ages after Christ. The ancient bishop had but one church,
one temple, one communion-table, where all that belonged to him might
communicate together. Petavius could discover no more chiuches in
any city but one. In the fourth age there were indeed, in some citieiy
some other places where Christians held assemblies for other (^Bioes ;
but none but one for the eucharist. Those places were called tituU at
Borne, laurcB at Alexandria. I find them nowhere else, but in those
two cities, so early ; but they were like chapels of ease rather than
churches. Epiphanius reckons up above ten of them in Alexandria ;
but we have more in some one parish in England, yet the vicar there
was never counted a diocesan. Much less were there any diocesan
churches of that largeness, whereof those that write for them amongst
us, do usually take them, as comprising all the churches in a great
shire, yea, in many counties together ; for such a circuit of old was a
province, or more than a province, though that comprised multitudes
of their ecclesiastical dioceses. No single bishop was then allowed to
be such a pliuulist. It was thought enough for a metropolitan, if not
for a patriarch, to have the superintendency of such a country canton-
ised unto multitudes of bishops under him. Yea, many metropolitans
together had not so large a circuit for their inspection as some one
modem diocese. The greater Phrygia, if I much mistake not, was
scarce bigger than the diocese of Lincoln, and yet had in it seven or
eight metropolitans, viz., of Laodicea, Synnada, Hierapolis, Amorium,
Cotjraeum, Apamea, Chonse, &c. And to one of them, viz., Laodicea,
belonged more bishops than all England has ; that, and Synnada only,
had more bishops than England, Scotland, and Wales.
Those that plead for such bishops, plead for more than diocesans,
prodigiously more extending their jurisdiction to multitudes of towns
FROBf RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 241
and their territories, each of which would have been thought sufficient
for a bishop's diocese of old. For divers had no territory in their epis-
copal charge ; and others, and the most of them, had no territory larger
than that of a parish, (such as we have many,) which will not be allowed
to be called a diocese without laughter. And where the region was
larger, and replenished vrith Christians, usually there was some bishop,
or many in the territory, besides him in the city : for, as we showed
before, to settle bishops in country places and villages, and towns no
bigger than villages, was the free and frequent practice of the church,
without any show of restraint till the middle of the fourth age ; and if
they had proceeded in that course, probably within the compass of another
age, every country town, or handsome village, where Christianity pre-
vailed, would have had its bishop, as M[r.] T[aylor] a learned prelatiBt
(better acquainted vrith the state of the ancient church, than those who
have the confidence to affirm, that here were never bishops in villages)
tells us, it was in Africa. And why they should not have proceeded still
in the same course in other places, no reason is given, (by those who
gave some check to it) either from Scripture, or ancient constitution, or
practice. But some solicitous for such honour for bishops, as former and
better times showed no regard of, thought it not fit to have bishops so
common, that they might have more honour. In short, since they will
have a city with all the region to be a diocese, it is hereby manifest, thai
neither he that presided in the city, nor he that was bishop in the
country, could be counted a diocesan, since neither had more for his
share than part of a diocese, in the modem acceptation of the word.
Hereby also some mistakes about episcopal ordinations, of ill conse-
quence, may be rectified. A bishop, in the best ages of Christianity,
was no other than the pastor of a single church. A pastor of a single
congregation is now as truly a bishop. They were didy ordained in
those ages, who were set apart for the work of the ministry by the
pastor of a single church, vrith the concurrence of some assistants.
Why they shoidd not be esteemed to be duly ordained, who are accord-
ingly set apart by a pastor of a single church now, I can discern no reason,
afier 1 have looked every way for it. Let something be assigned, which
will make an essential difference herein ; otherwise they that judge
such ordinations, here, and in other reformed churches, to be nullities,
will hereby declare all the ordinations in the ancient church for three
or four hundred years, to be null and void, and must own the dismal
consequences that ensue thereof. They that will have no ordinations,
but such as are performed by one, who has many churches under him ;
maintain a novelty, never known nor dreamed of in the ancient churches,
while their state was tolerable. They may as well say the ancient
church had never a bishop, (if their interest did not hinder, all the
242 PRiHrriVE episcopacy provbd
leason they make use of in this case would lead them to it,) as deny thai
a reformed pastor has no power to ordain, because he is not a bishop.
He has episcopal ordination, even such as the canons require, being set
mpait by two or three pastors at least, who are as truly diocesans as llie
ancient bishops, for some whole ages. He is also elected by the people;
and of old, he could never be, nor be accounted, a bishop, whatever oidi-
nation he had, that was not so elected. And besides, he has as large a dio-
cese as most in the best times of the church ; and so makes it his bus&neM
to feed and rule the flock, and exercise the power of the keys. But il
it be said, he has no superiori^ over presbyters, nor any under him; it
may be answered, that this is not necessary for a bishop in the judgment
of the most learned prelatists ; particularly D[r.] H[ammond3 maintainsi
that there were no subject presbyters in Scripture times, but bishops
alone without them ; and supposes a great part of this church * to be of
his persuasion. The coiuidl of Sardica taking care that a bishop should
be no way lessened, allows a bishop to be made in any place for whidi
one presbyter is not sufficient ; so that in the judgment of those fiithezs,
one assistant may be enough for a bishop. In the third council of
Carthage,^ Poethumianus inquiring whether, if a bishop had but one
presbyter, he might be removed from him ; Bishop Bilson *^ infers fixxn
thence, that bishops often had but one presbyter, and that one mig^
be translated to another place. It was ordinary of old to have metropo-
litans, or archbishops, without any bishops under them. In the Greek
church we meet with such almost in every province ; and no reason can
be given, why they might not as well be bishops without any presbyters
under them. However, that superiority over presbyters which is chal-
lenged in later times, is quite another thing than it was of old ; and may
with more reason be thought to lifl him who affects it above a bishop,
than to leave him who declines it below one.
In fine, by this we may give an account why they admitted but of one
bishop in a city. When the Christians were no more in a city than
made up one church, which one communion-table would serve ; one
bishop, with some assistants, of the same power, though of another deno-
mination, were counted sufficient. But this came afterwards to be
drawn into other consequences than was at first intended. For when
Christians were so multiplied, heathens and others being reduced, (as
they were in some greater cities,) that it was necessary to distribute
them into several churches, they would have but one bishop still, plead-
ing for it ancient custom, when the reason of the usage was gone. How-
ever, this was less considerable while the presbyters, fixed to the several
churches in such cities, retained the power of pastors or bishops, and
• The Enf lUh Church. * Can. xliv. ' Perpetual Government, p. 802. '
FROM RECORDS OF ANTIQUITY. 243
there was no difference betwixt them and him to whom the title of
bishop was appropriated, but only in point of ordaining others ; as
Jerome and Ghrysostom affirm there was not: for the difference herein
was but small, ov frokif t6 fita6p, says Ghrysostom,' and Theophylact
after him, ferme nihU, as it is rendered, '' next to nothing." For this
power or privilege inferred* no superiority in him that had it, since infe-
riors did, in the ordinary practice of the ancient church, ordain their
superiors ; bishops consecrated metropolitans, or primates, or patriarchs.
And though some now will have it to make that of bishops a different
order ; yet, then it made neither difference in order nor d^;ree, as may
be evident by an instance or two. The bishops of Cyprus, and other
places, that were avroK«<l>akoif had power to ordain their own metropo-
litans.'' The bishops of Asia, Pontus, and Thrace, &c. had not the
power to ordain them ; yet all those bishops were so far from differing in
order, that they did not differ in degree : besides, the bishop of MeletiuB*8
party in Egypt were, by the council of Nice, denied power to ordain any
officers, presbyters, or others, without the leave or concurrence of the
other bishops in that region ; and yet by the same synod were confirmed
in the office and dignity of bishops ; so that depriving them of that
power of ordaining, which other bishops had, did neither degrade them,
nor make them officers of another species.'
But it seems probable to some, that Ghrysostom and Jerome speak
only of the Greek church, (or some part of it,) where the former was
bishop, and where the latter did most reside and write. Whereas in
those places where the presbyters did impose hands in ordaining, as
they did in Africa, and other parts of the Latin church, there is not any-
thing which belongs to ordination, which the presbyters did not actually
perform : for, that they imposed hands as consenters, and not as
ordainers, is a mere shifl, without reason to countenance it ; and it may
be said as reasonably, that when two bishops or more imposed hands
with the metropolitan in the ordaining of a bishop, they concurred not
as ordainers, but consenters. And in the Greek church, it is sufficiently
signified by the synod at Ancyra/ that at the time when the synod was
holden, and after, the city presbyters might ordain vrith the bishop's
consent, though he were absent ; and that before this restraint they
might have done more. However, hereby it appears, that the difference
between bishops and presbyters, in respect of their power, was in some
places in a manner nothing, in other places nothing at all ; so that till
the usurpations, beginning in the fourth age, proceeded higher, there
were really more bishops in one city, though but one had the name.
• In 1 Tim. Hom. xi. * ugusd.
' The avTOK»>aXo< were metropolitans who were Independent of pttriArehal iuriidictioB.— Ed.
<< Concil. [Trull.] [c«n. S9.] • Vid. Epiat. Syn. NIc. ad Alaxandrin. [Hatdouin, t.l. p. 439.]
/ Can. xiU.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES.
By the late Learned and Judicious Divine,
Mr. David Clarkson.
ftMy iraripvp firraptu piKortueficramts, oIk iipici&nfftuf roh Idiots iicy^a, iiXX* tfri lad
r»y irdXM «-oAcfJwy rris d«-o<rroAuc^r 4KK\fiirlas kwKoBpi^ia ivoywpii KUicm kwaxX^f^aP'
rts, i)S tly^pri ica2 r4\tiop roK6p [8o7/i4rifr] TpofidKXovrau
" They who striTe to remove the everlattbig landnuirlu of the legitfanate Ikfhen, havliig beeonie
the parents of many and wicked inTentions, content not themaelTes with their own oflbpriaf , but
maliciouily steal the ignoble bantlings of the ancient enemies of the apoatoUcal ehnxch, and thract
them before the world as the high-bom and onattainted oflkpting of her prindptea."
Maaim, <» Aiktm. torn. iL p. S68.
KaeraxtUurm rois 4tfT€v^ofi4pots wapaump, &ycv ^lAort utiof mfPiMw tad el fjuh 6p$Sh
^pvfTai r^ B§^ X^"^ mIH^poi. El 8^ /i^ r^ ytypapSri avyyp^fiiiP rtt/uu, r^ ^ &»^
^ytifi4p^ff itXXh roh iprtv^ofidpou iwirpS^eufrt riiP ^9^r.
" I will conclude by exhorting my readers to weigh the matter doly and without contantionsiMia,
and if I have well said, to acknowledge the thanks to be God's ; but if otherwise, to grant pardon to
the writer who commits the decision, not to the demonstrator, but to his readers."
Sie eom^mdU Ep. cxiL laidor. Felua. lib. It.
AcOpo 8^ itk T^s Icropltu fiaH(t»p ity9p€^inii<rop d^ h^auyowUof vbr^r oiykp rfi^t*
por rh ipv&pfi/uu n»r4p9»p iirrl rh Mt/i^XiOir irkp rh h^minfri 9iatp4pow, aii4cifmp.
" Qo through history and search out its original ; for the InTentlon is not modem. It is a raMo
of the fluhers. Every excellence of antiquity Is to be yenerated.**
BatU, dt J^mm. Horn. i. p. 180. [Edit. Par. 1722, p. 9, A. torn. IL]
MdBwfitP w^ff that Xpurruunl' tl fflfx*^'^^ 0^*^ ta/Mw, Arep Icmy ffftcoAor KtA
a^pa ^iZiWf r\ r&w tKXmv tMiuBa ; /idH^/inf ffi^ffo-doi &s Xpumopot
" Let us learn to be Christians at some time or other. If we know not how to pray, which la a
simple and very easy aflUr,— what shall we know of other matteraf Lotua leara to pray aa Chrla-
tians."
Ckrptoti. in 1 Tim, Horn. tL p. 278.
London : Printed for Tho. Parkhurst, at the Bible and Three Crowns
in Cheapside ; Jonathan Robinson, at the Golden Lion in St. Paul's
Churchyard ; and Tho. Cockeril, at the Three Legs in the Poultry.
1689.
The "Ditcourae eonceming Liturgies/* is a small ocUto Tolume oM98 ptgei.
It was a posthumous work, and was left by its author in a Teiy imperfect state.
Dean Comber, in his learned answer to Mr. Clarkson, entitled " A ScliolMiieal
History of the PrimitiTe and General Use of Liturgies in the Christian Chardi,''
passes the following seTere judgment upon the capabilities of the editor into whom
hands it fell : '* His want of learning appears in learing divers quotations in a wroi^
place where they have no reference to the text, snd several referoices in the text to
passages in the Fathers, which, because the author did not, the editor could not eite ;
as also in such gross mistakes, both of the names and tracts of the ancients, as made
it Tcry difficult to guess at the intended quotations." The typographical t
Tery numerous and glaring.
DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES.
The reputation of prescribed liturgies depends on their supposed
antiquity ; this is their great, their best support. They pretend not to
Scripture, nor will their adyocates maintain, that the apostles either
used such, or left any order for the composing and prescribing of them.
And it will seem strange to those that reverence antiquity, that good
reason shoiild be found for them, if the ancients for four or fiye ages
covld see none, in such circumstances as might render it equally visible
to them and us.
If they had seen it, it would appear in their practice, there especiaUy
where the reason is thought to be most cogent, viz., in the administra-
tion of the sacraments. It is presumed,* that there first of all, there
especially, forms of prayer were (and are to be) prescribed ; and so it
will be granted, that if antiquity be not for them there, it owns them
nowhere.
By prescribed forms are meant such as are imposed upon the admi-
nistrator, so as those must be used, and no other, nor otherwise, without
adding, detracting, or transposing. The &yourers of such forms sup-
pose they have been the constant usage of the church, everywhere,
ever since extraordinary gifts ceased. Their opposites^ judge this hath
been rather taken for granted than proved ; and suspect they are vir^
(TvvrjBfias irpoKoraktkrffifuyoif " prejudiced by custom ;" and that this
opinion had not got entertainment, but upon a presumption, that things
• " The ancient churches, tnm the rery flnt eentniy, did qm nich pattlie whotoeome ftwiiie of
lound woxdt, in their sacramental celebrations etpedallj, and afterwards in other ImIj administm-
tions or public duties, as made up their sotomn, deront, and pnhUc lituglea.''— D[r.3 Ofanden,] Con-
sideration touching LltQigles, p. 8.
* opponents.
K
248 A DISCOURfifE CONCEBNINO LTTUBOISS.
were so of old, becaiue they are so now ;* and that the mistake had
not so long prevailed, if it had been sooner examined.
It is not denied, but there were some forms of prayer of oldy Tis^y
arbitrary and particular, such as this or that person composed him-
self, or made choice of, composed by others, for his use in pabHe.
There is an intimation of this latter sort. Can. 23, Gone. Garthsg. 8, hdd
in the conclusion of the fourth age ; and it is the first that I meet with.
But common forms (though arbitrary,) viz., such as many chuichei
made use of in the same words, I cannot discover till many yean after;
unless the Lord^s Prayer be made an instance hereof.* This indeed
was used anciently, but far otherwise than of late, not more than OQoe
at one assembly, not in prayers before or afler sermon, not at all in Uie
catechumen*8 office,'^ no where in their ordinary service; but ip r^ mpm
T&p nioT&Py " in the season allotted to the faithful,^' as Chzysostom calk
the eucharistical office ; and there commonly in the oonclusioii of the
prayer for the blessing of the elements.
But though they used the words of it there, yet not out of any appse-
hension, that Christ did enjoin them there to use it Augoatine dedarci
it plainly,' that Christ in the delivery of those petitions, did not teadi
• IloXXoi r6v itwBpmwmv Ik tAv mJ* iavrovv mU vcp< r6v iXXtn rdr ^Sif am t k^pMPvnr, "Mmf
men dnir oonelnttaoa from matten belonging to tlieir own time, conoeming otlwr nuttan."— 4irfi.
Pelut. lib. T. £p. 18. [B. Ed. Patie. 16S8.]
ToU ye vdvv ixovvt, soi iiwp6\nwro¥ ic«icrt|/Li^voif rStv wpaffidrttv r^ uptr^ptop tra^4t Irrl ^
&Xn0^, " Tbe truth it dear to the intelligent, and to those who haTe gained their lodgmeiit eoa-
oeming the CHcts without prejudice."— Isid. lib. iii. Ep. 191. [C]
• 'E«eivo4 M^ifoi utra rav Bavfuuriow mSiwat raK iw r& Btitp fiawrianart itKoto* &v efev r6 Ildr^
hfiMv X^eiv uiMv kwihtiKvvixtvoi tvnot6rirrat ftc " Those onlj who hare p aa aed throogli the mii»>
culoua birth-pangs experienced in Divine baptism, could be right in saying, Our Fnthcr, fte..
since these manifest their legitimacy as sons."— l&id. Pelus. lib. iv. Ep. 24. [p. 451, C]
' "Ori lap irio-TOit avrn n mpofftvxh itpocifittt, Koi o\ vofiw Tr\^ icKXtiffior dcMvKovrt, sol t4
wpooifiiow r^f evxnr * A fdp afxvrirot ovk dw 6vvatTO Haripa tuiKeiw r6v Oc^v, " That thla pcSfW
pertains to the faithfUl, the laws of the church and the commencement of the prayer both taadu
For one uninitiated could not call God ' Father."*— Chrysoet. In Matt. Horn, [xix.] p. IM; ni
Hom. ii. in 2 Cor. p. 553. Amongst other things there recited, which the catechumena ntn not
partakers of, this is one : — ov6iittt fdp evxri* Ixov0'< riiv vtvoy^iciJii¥nv nau uavrxfi^lomf lnt6 reS
XfHrrcH, " For they possess not as yet the prayer dispensed and introduced by Christ,** Henoe wbaa
he is to speak of the Lord's Prayer, he uses the ordinaiy form of concealment, whereby tb* •■''•Hiftt
denote what was peculiar to Xtitfidtlei, Icrt M o\ wtoroh " Ye who are believers underataad," (b
1 Tim. Hom. [vi.] p. 273,) and leairtw ol ntfivntiivot, "The initiated understand," (In Gen. Hon.
xxviii. p. 214,) and that the baptised were admitted to say it presently after haptiim. — YUu la
Coloss. Hom. T. p. 122.
Hane orationem baptizati orant, " This prayer the baptixed use.*'— August. Epist. 54. [Ed.
Antw. Ep. 153. cap. 13.]
Vide Albaspin. Observ. lib. i. cap. 9 ; and in him Cyprian, Cyril, Ambrose.
Quam totam petitionem fere omnia ecclesia Dominica Oratione concludit, " Which whole i
almost every church closes with the Lord's Prayer."— Aug. Ep. 59. [Ed. Antw. Ep. 149.]
^ In 2 Cor. Hom. [ii. p. 557. ]
• Aug.: " Non ie ei^o movet quod summus Magister, cum orare doceret discipulos, verba ^
docuit, in quo nihil aliud videtur fecisse, quam docuisse quomodo in orando loqoi oportuetf**
Adeodatus : " Nihil me omnlno istud movet ; non enim verba, sed res ipaas eos verhla doeoit,
qnlbus et se Ipsi commonefkoerent, a quo et quid esset orandum, cum in penetraUbna, ut dieCnm
est, mentis orarent." Aug. '* Recte intelligis." " Ave.- Does not the authority of tlM Lord, tlM
supreme master, weigh with thee, who, when he taught his disciples to pray, Uught t
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 249
his disciples what words they should use in prayer, but what things
they should pray for ; and understands it to be a direction for secret
and mental prayer, where no words are to be used. The coherence* in
Matt. yi. led him to explain it of such praying, as Christ is speaking of
verse 6, which he took to be mental, and none deny to be secret.
It is granted also, that divers churches had a certain order, wherein
they agreed to administer the several parts of worship, and particularly
the severals ^ in the sacraments ; so as each had its known and fixed
place. An order there is visible in Chrysostom,* and in Augustine to
Paulinus.' This was settled in some churches by custom ; and in some
there was in time a rule for it, such is that. Can. xix. Syn. Laodicen.
whose title in the Latin copies is, De Ordine Orationum Catechumeno-
rum atque Fidelium, " Of the Order of the Catechumens' and Believers'
Prayers." And in the west, the twenty-seventh canon of the Synod of
words, wherein he ^ypeara to hare doue nothing more than teach them how they ought to speak
in prayer r Adkodatvs — It weighs with me not in the least: for he taught them not words, but
things themselves by means of words ; whereby they themselves alio might bring to mind what to
pray for, when they prayed in the hidden chambers of the heart, aa the saying is. Auo. — Thou
understandest it aright."— Lib. de Magistro, cap. i. p. 172, tom. i. edit. Lugdun.
To the same purpose Beda, in Matt. tL And of late writers some of the most eminent: " Noluit
prKscribere Filius Dei quibus verbis utendum sit, ut ab ea quam dictavit formula deilectere non
liceat," " The Son of God had no wish to prescribe the words which we are to use, in such a manner
that it should be unlawful to deviate from that form which he has dictated.''>-CalTin in Matt. vi. 9.
So Musculus.
Maldonat. sic : Non his necessario verbis, sed hac aut slmili sententia ; nam non apostolos orando
his ipsis verbis usos fulsse legimus ; aliis leglmus Act. i. 24. Neque voluit Christus, nt quotles-
cunque oramus, ista omnia quae hac oratione continentur peteremus ; sed ut omnia, ant aliqua, ant
nihil certe his contrarium peteremus, " Not necessarily in ihe$e words, but wUk tkU or the like mind :
for we read not that the apostles used these very words ; nay, we read that they used others.
Acts i. 24. Neither did Christ intend that so often as we pray, we should seek fox all the
things which are contained in this prayer; but that we should seek for all, or for some, or at leaat
for nothing Inconsistent with these things."— In Matt. vi. 9.
Gomel, k Lapide.
Grotius, in Matt. vi. 9, o\nmt : In hunc sensum ; non enim prsoipit Christua verba recitaxl, quod
non leglmus apostolos fecisse (quanquam id quoque fieri cum fruetu potest) sed materiam precum
hinc promere. In Luc. zi., Docet nos compendium rerum orandarum, neque enim eo tempore
syllabis adstringebantur, " o&T«#t, L e., according to this sense. For Christ does not teach us to
recite these words, which we do not read the apostles did, (though this also may be done to good
purpose,) but to draw hence the matter of our prayers. Idem on Luke zi.— He teaches us a sum-
mary of what things we should pray for ; for at that time they were not tied down to syllables."
Casaubon, Ezerdt. 2S5 : Chrlstus vero non de prsdicatione Dei laudimi agit ; sed, ut reete
monet Augustinus, de mode eondpiendi preces privatas, '* Christ is not treating of the public
celebration of the praises of Ood, but, as Augnstine rightly hints, of the manner in which we
should i^aroe our private prayers."
Mr. Mede conceives that the disciples understood not that Christ, in Matthew, intended it for a
form of prayer unto them, but for a pattern and example only, ftc p. 5.
And surely they could less understand, by that in Luke zi., that Christ intended they should use
the same words (as in a set form,) since the same words are not there used.
Hence Jansenius infers, that Christ would not have any so careftil of the words, aa of the things
to be prayed for. " Itaque ut dlsceremus in oratione, non tam de verbis, quam de rebus, esse aazil,
ac de spiritu orationis, diversis verbis orationem txadidlt, in Luc. zi., " Therefore that we may
learn not to be so careftil in prayer about words aa about things, and about the spirit of oar
devotion, he delivered the prayer in different words, in Luke zi."
• context. * details. • In 2 Cor. Horn. zrUL p. 647.
'^ Epist. liz. QusBSt. V. pp. 340, Ml. [Ed. Antw. Ep. 149.]
e2
250 A DI8C0UB8B CONCSBNINO UTUBOIXS.
Pauy in the beginning of the sixth age. And it is provided Ibr In
general terms by the Council of Yannes,* in the latter end of the fifth age.
Besides such directions as is in those canons, other written rabria
were not needful. For the actual disposing of the severala* in tfaflff
proper place, the &pdfHw senred them, of which, vid. Can. xziL and
zziii., Gone. Laodio. This managed by a deacon, aoqnainted with Uie
usages of the church where he ministered, was sufficient, without other
rubric for that purpose, suf^iosing it answered that descriptioii of its
ancient use, which we haye in Balsamo.^
There was also some kind of uniformity in their sacramental pray a i ;
that is, a general agreement to pray for the same things, though not in
the same words. They might haye said thereof, quamUbet aiia tMris
dicamusj nihil aiiud dicimus, ''though we utter diverse words, we
utter no diverse thing." This appeared especially in the genenl
prayer before the eucharist. Therein for whom, and for what they
prayed, very many of the ancients give some aocoimt Thereby it is
manifest, that they prayed for the same persons, (for all of all sorti,)
and for the same things, with respect to the various conditiona of those
several sorts of persons ; and this in variety of expressions. So that
herein was exemplified that of Augustine, Liberum M aUia atqm
alUs verbis, tadem tamen in orando dkere, " We are at liberty to utter
ever-varying words, so that we utter the same things.*'' And this is
the uniibrmity in prayer which Celestine urgeth against the' Pelagians,*
all churches through the world agreeing to pray for those persons,
and those things, which were inconsistent with their tenets. And
that mode of praying, which as the author of the books, De Vocatione
Gentium,-^ says, the Lord, by the apostle, having prescribed, the devo-
tion of all sorts did concorditer, " harmoniously*' observe.
* [Can. XT.] • details.
* AiciKovoi 6tiovvt¥ e7di|ffii> 6td tov Apapi'ov toIV kv r^afifimvi d(ojc6iroif, rnt h^t\o^0tit fivtim
j^K^Mv^o-CMT' fi fow Tov Koipov THV iiCTCvovv, T«v alrfiatttw T«v tarnxovuhm¥ nai rmv Xmvmw^
** The deacon* giTe a signal by means of the orarium^ to the deacons in the reading-desk of the
bidding proper to be made, or of the time to which the prayers of the catechumens and of Uie c
classes extend.'*^In Con. Laod. Can. in Cod. 126.
' Epist. ezxi. [cap. xti. ad Probam.] ' Epist pro Prosper, et Hilar, cap. xL
/ Praecipit itaque apostoins, imo per apostolum Dominns, qui loquebatur in apostolo, fleri a
crationes, &e., pro omnibus hominibus, pro regibos, kc^ quam legem supplicationis it« oianHiM
saoerdotum et omnium fldelium doTotio concorditer tenet, ut nulla pars mundi sit, in qua liqiasmodi
orationss noa cslebrentur a populis Christianis. Supplicat ergo ubique ecclesia Deo, non solom
pro Sanctis, et in Christo Jam regeneratis ; sed etiam pro omnibus infldelibus et inimtei s cmds
Christi, pro omnibiu idolomm eultoribus, pro omnibus qui Christum in membris ipslos press
* The orailum signified at first a handkerchief for wiping the face, fhnn o«, the countenanee.
See Dr. Smith's Die. Gr. and Rom. Ant. p. 674. In the ecclesiastical sense, it appears to liSTS
denoted a part of the TestmenU hanging down fhmi the shoulder, and to hare been used bf the
elergj in making signals to each other during Divine senrice. Bishops and pres b yts i s w«rs
pririleged to wssr this on esch shoulder. Deacons only on one, and that, aa testilled by a canoo of
the fourth eouneil of Toledo (held a.d. 633) the left. See Bingham, Ant ChristlaD Chiuek,
Fol. It. p. 208.— Ed.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITUROIEa 251
Such particular and voluntary forms, such an order in administering
such an uniformity in praying, is not in question ; nor am I concerned
in common forms if arbitrary, though settled by custom. But this is
it which is denied, that in the ancient church, for many ages after
Christ, such liturgies, or forms of prayer, were conmionly imposed on
those who administered the sacraments, as are before described; or that
in the ancient church, while its condition was tolerable, or its practice
imitable, the common and ordinary way of administering the sacra-
ments, was by such prescribed liturgies and forms of prayer, as are
before described ; wherein the administrators had no liberty left to
change words or order, to abridge or enlarge, or otherwise vary from
the imposed models.
If there had been such liturgies anciently, as are contended £>r, and
are now in use, prayers woiild have been read then, as they are now.
But apayivwrK€ip nx^s, or preces legere, or de scripto recUaref "read
prayers — recite from a manuscript," or any forms of speech equivalent,
are phrases unknown, and not to be found, so fiir as I can yet discover,
in any writers of the four or five first ages at least ; and therefore the
thing in all probability [was] not knoMm, nor practised in those times.
We meet not only with the reading of psahns,* reading of lessons ;
but reading of the narratives of the martyrs' sufferings.^ Reading of
epistles from some eminent persons or churches ; as Dionysius of Corinth
says Clemens' epistle had been read, as it was wont to be in their Lord's
days assemblies.^ And Athanasius wills those of Antioch to read the
epistle sent from the synod at Alexandria, Ma xaX tUiOart wv6e^<rBai
ayayvcn-€ ravraf " When according to custom ye meet together, read
quuntur, pro Judaeii, pro hsreticii, et •cUsnuHcia. Quid autem pro IstU petftr niii ut, lelietii eno-
ribus suls, convertantur ad Deum, accipiaot fldem, ace^iant charitatem, et de Ignorantte teneliria
liberati, in agnitionem Teniant TerlUttaf " The apoetle, therefore, teaches, yea, the Lord, \tf the
apostle, that supplications, Arc. he made for all men, for kings, frc. (1 Tim. 11. 1, It) which rule of
prajer, the deTotion of all bishops and of all the CalthAil, so harmoniously obserrea, that there is no
part of the world in which prayers of this kind are not oflbred by Christian people. Therefore, the
church everywhere supplicates God, not <mly fbr the regenerate already in Christ, hut eren fbr afl
unbelieTers and enemies of the cross of Christ ; ftar all idolaters ; fbr all who peraeeute Christ In his
members ; for Jews, for heretics, and schismatics. But what does she aeek on their behalf but that,
abandoning their errors, they may be oonrerted to God, may reeelTe fUth, tiay reoeiTe lore, and,
emancipated from the shades of ignorance, may oome to the knowledge of the truth r— De Voe.
Gent. Ub. i. cap. xii.
• Theod. lib. IL cap. xiii. p. 63. [F.]
* Liceat itaqne legi passlones martyrum, cum anniTeraarii diss eoram edebrantvr, " TheieliDre
it is a lawAil practice to read the passions of the martyrs when their annlTersaries are kept." Cone.
Carth. iii.. Can. xlvii., Caranx. p. 116.
Ta uwoiivf\tio*96fiara ti7v *Ayoffr6XMv, t} to ffir)r7pd/A/Mira rmv npo^i|T»ir awafcMMVMTflu lihtP**
^rx»99h ** The memoranda of the apostles, or the writings of the prophets, are read as long at
is suitable."— Just. M. Apol. ii. [p. 98. Ed. Col. 1686.]
ntpk rov kw Vixfifid-nf tiarr^Xta y*^ frepov tpAfw &vaY<M&M«v#ai, '* Of thi leading Ofthi Ctotpils
on the Sabbath after the other scripture."— Cone. Laod. Can. xtL
• Euseb. Ub. It. [cap. xzili.]
* Ad Antioch. p. 461, tom. i. [In Edit. Colon. 1686, p. 769, C]
252 A DISCOUBSB GONCBBNINO LITUBOIB8.
this.** And ComeHus was wont to read Cyprian's episliles to ilie ohmdli
at Rome.* Beading of the diptyches, rw Upmnf wntxj^ ditififtfmtf **iim
rehearsal of the sacred diptyches f^ mil pAn^ Arx^yovr ml wpamiyaplmf
«< the names were read.**
In a word, of the reading of cTeryihing that was wont to be read;
but of the reading of prayers, not a syllable. We may as aooci find a
saying of mass, as reading of prayers. None had then the o ppor t un ity
till since it has been the happiness of many to merit the commendation
which Pliny gave of his senrant Zosimus.'
If their prayers had been written, and they confined pareciaelj to the
words and syllables of the writing, as in prescribed forms, this would
have obliged them to haye had the writing before them, and to ban
read the prayers out of it, to prevent varying ftom the prescribed model,
since there had been as much necessity to read then, as there is now.
Besides, reading and praying are still represented as distinct thii^
and such as were not then coincident. The deacon, when he called to
reading, was said, iaipv<r<r9i» riiv Jawy^^awy '' to bid reading;'* but when to
prayer, laipwrartw rifw cv^^, '' to bid prayer.** Prayer b^gan in Jnslin
Martyr*8 time, mvfrafupau rov dycryiy^oicorrof , '' when the reader had dcme."/
So Athanasius calls to praying and reading in terms quite diffinrent; «po-
OTo^ff itOKovow Kripv(M cvx^v, tMts yjtaXfi6p XtytaStu wapttnuvamf ** aftsr
commanding the deacon to bid prayer, he again caused a psalm to be read."
So Socrates,^' which in Theodoret is, 6»ayuf^Ktw ^roXfi^ wpovrptww^ n^
vpwrra^as cv^^i^,* '' ^^ moved him to read a psakn, and having directed
prayer/' &c. And Sozomen, where he shows there was an uniformity
in his time in public worship, tells us, xal evxaU dt xaX yftakfu»diai£ rau
aiircus, 1j duayvaxrfuuri icar^ t6v (xMv Kcupbp ov iraarras KrxpfiyJvovt ruptiw
t<mv,* " It cannot be found that the same prayers or psalms, yea, or the
same lessons, were used by all at the same time.**
Indeed it cannot be apprehended how they coiild read their prayers,
who, while they prayed, had their eyes lifl up to heaven. And that this
was the posture of the ancient Christians in prayer, there is abundant
evidence.
Tertullian thps represents them praying; lUuc suapidentea C%rit*
ftdui,* " thither the Christians intently gazing.**
And Clemens Alexandrinus,' Uaa-av yap r^v Mtadrrop SfuXliw 6 B^
• Gyp. Ep. IS. * Dionys. JBocI. Hier. cap. [iU. p. 88, D. Ed. Pwri*. 1615.]
• The Diptyches were regUten of the names of eminent sainU, hishops, and martyrs, whleh for
tome ages were recited publicly by the deacons in the churches, as an introduction to th« aarriesi
in commemoration of the dead.— En. * Ueyl. Antid. p. S4S.
• £p. xiz. 1. T. / Apol. ii. [p. 98, D. Ed. Paris. 1686.] r Lib. ii. [cap. xL p. M9.]
« Lib. ii. [cap. xiii. pp. 63, 64.] Vide D[r.] H[ammond], PrefiMW to Psalms, and TfertuU. ciftad
by him. ' Sos. lib. rii. cap. xix. Vide Just. Not. tL p. 36, ea^ ir.
• ApoU. cap. XXX. ' Strom, lib. Tli.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 258
ddtaktiirraf arauty ravTjj Ka\ npoatyrtofofitv r^ K€tf>ak^¥ koI ritt X'H^^ '^^
ovfxivbv atpoyifv : " God constantlj hears all that mentally regulated con-
verse wherein we raise our heads and lift up hands to heaven."
To whom we might add Cyprian Ad Demetrium.
Amobius,* Ad sidera sublevavit et caelum, et cvm Domino rerum Deo,
supplicationum fedt verba, atgue oraiionum coUoquia miscere, '' he lifted
his hands towards the stars and toward heaven, and made the utterances
of his supplications, and the converse of his prayers, have to do with the
Lord God of the imiverse."
And Lactantius. Oculos eo dirigamus, quo iUos naturcB sues conditio
direxit,^ " Let us thither direct our eyes, whither their own nature
directs them." Cur igitur oculos in coelttm non toUitiBf^ " Why do ye
not lift your eyes heavenward ?"
So Dionysius of Alexandria representing to Xystus of Rome, the
case of that troubled person, and that, amongst other scruples, he durst
not join with them in prayer, does it in these terms, itrfit napfirfo-iop fyiup
tnapcu Toifs o<l>BakfjLovs wp6s t6v Gc^v,^ '' neither has he the confidence to
lift up his eyes to God." Lifting up the eyes to heaven, is a phrase by
which prayer is imderstood in this third age.*
In the fourth age, this was €vxofUpov «r)^fM, " the posture of a sup-
pliant." And when they represented Constantine in a praying posture,
it was with eyes lift up to heaven. So his e£Sgies in his coins, *Ey roir
Xpva-ois pofiitrfiaa-i rrfv airov avT6s thcdva &de ypacJHaBm ditrvnov, »s S^m /3Xc*
irciv doKelv dvartrafifvog irp6s GfAy rp6no¥ tv^piUvov,^ " He formed the
project of having his own image portrayed on his golden coin, as one
stretching forth his hands to God after the manner of a suppliant, to show
that he looked on high." So in his palace ; 'Ev ahroU fiwrtktloit — iar^
tipBios €ypaxf>€To, &«> fiew €ls ovpa»6v ^ft^Xcinov t» X'^P^ ^ ittrtrafuvog tirxPV^
vov (Tx^/ixart,^ '* In the palace itself, he was painted in a standing poeturei
looking on high towards heaven, with his hands stretched out in the
manner of a suppliant." Others, *Air« /SXcirfiy tU ovptofh^,^ " to look on
high toward heaven," in praises.
Chrysostom observes, from Christ's posture in prayer expressed, John
xvii. 1,' " These words spake Jesus, and lift up his eyes to heaven ;" that
thereby we are taught, when we pray, to lift up both eyes of body and
mind : Aia ykp rovrav naidfv6fif$a rh errcvcf ri €P reus dc^o-f (rcy> iva xal iirrAnt
dvaffX.€iro>ft€v fiij rois i<f>6akiUHg rrjs (TOfmiiS fi6vov, dkkii Koi rrjf dioyouw.
• Lib. i. p. 28. • Lib. vi. ' Lib. ii. cap. ii. ' Euieb. lib. tU. [cap. is.] p. 188.
' Or shutting their eyes. Origen contra Celtum, lib. tU. p. S62. Astyriut, 'At/avtvcama m otptf
vov Mtrtvirat, " lifted up his hands toward heaTcn and prayed." Euseb. lib. viL [ci^. xril.] p. 19A.
/ Euseb. De Viti Conitantini, lib. It. cap. xt. p. 884. r Ibid.
* Vit. Const, lib. It. cap. zzix. ' [Horn. Uzx.]
* P. 890. So Hilary, Eathjmius, Theophylaet, Leontius, Ammoaina, in Maldoaat on Matt.
xiv. 19. cap. cccii.
254 A DI8C0UB8B CONOBBNINa LTTUBGIBf.
And Angostine intiinates as rnnchy when he teUa qb itpcm liie
place, Ita se Patri exhSbere voltdi pneatonn^ ut iiiflii i iniii i fli
€S8e doctarem; he so prayed, as minding to teach lu how we ahooU
pray.«
Yea, Damascen, upon those words,* '' Jesos lift op hiB eyes and
said, Father, I thank thee,** &c. observes, propUrw oeukm mcstelins «f
farmam nolna traderet arandij " therefore he is said to hsre lifted up
his ejes, that he might deliver to us the manner in which we afaooU
praj."
Whereby it appears, that not only this de facto was their posture
in praying, but that they thought ^emselves obliged to it by CSizisfi
example.
Some bishops (what may we think of presbyters and deaoons) oonld
not read.^ *
So that in Damascen*s time, when set forms were grown
this reading was not in fashion;' I will not inquire into Uie :
it may be, that which made Pliny loth to read his pleadings, mjg^
hinder them from reading their prayers. What he suggests, is obTioiis
to each one's reason and common sense ; and whether it be not appli-
cable to some pleaders at another bar, let others judge. Neque emm nm
prcgteritj octtonM, &c. Then he says, they are thereby bereaved of
many advantages, which render the plea forvent and available, ut qum
BolearU commendarej and the want of which must needs dull the audi-
tory ; quo minus mirum est, auditorum intmUo kmguescit.
Hortaris ut oradofiem amicis plurihus recitem, faciam quia hartariM:
qucanvis vekementer addubUem, neque enim me prceteriij acHoms qua reeir
tantur, impetum omnem caloremque, ac prope nomen suum perdere^ ut
quae soleant commendare, simul et accendere, — dicentis gestus^ tncessais,
discursus etiam, omnibusque motOms animi consentaneus vigor corporiB^-^
recitantium veto prcecynta pronuntiationis adjumenta, oeuU^ manua praps-
diuntur; quo minus mirum est si auditorum intentio languescitj nullis
extrinsecus out blandimentis capta out aculeis excitata;* " Tou recom-
mend me to read my orations to a ntimber of my friends. I will do so
since you recommend it, although I am seriously in doubt about it : for
I do not forget that pleadings which are read, lose all their force and
warmth, and well nigh their very name, as being things which the
gestures of the speaker, his bold advances, even his changes of position
• Traet. in Joh. [cIt.] torn. ix. p. 6S1. * John xL 41. • Blondd, pp. 500, Ml.
• Hereby it appean that reading of old was not in fuhion : none had then the o pportiuJiy ,
(though tinee it has been the happineie of many) to merit the commendation which PUay gnve af
hie ierrant Zoaimni. Idem tam commode orationee legit, ut hoe iolum dididaee Tidaotnr. *' Ha
read! speeches so well, that he seems to hare studied nothing else.** Plin. Sp. six. lai. t. Tet
Fliny was loth his orations should be read. His reasons, though they eoooem not the aneiaiita,
may be considerable to othen.
• Plin. Ep. ix. Ub. U.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITDR0IE8. 255
and the actdvity of the body in harmony with all the emotions of the
mind, are wont at once to enforce and kindle. But the eyes and hands
of one who reads, which are the main auxiliaries of delivery, are fettered,
so that it is no wonder if the attention of the auditors flags, since it is
enchained by no charms, and awakened by no excitements fix)m without."
What would he have said, how would this wise and judicious person
have aggravated these disadvantages, how intolerable would this great
orator have accoimted the motion, if Cerealis had moved him to read
the same oration to his friends whenever they met, at every solemn
meeting I
Chrysostom tells us, that in his judgment, it required a greater con-
fidence than Moses and Elias had, to pray as they were wont to do
before the eucharist. '£ya> fih yhp Koi n^y Mfl»v(rf«ff koI r^y 'HXioO
napprja-iav oifdeirtd irp6s rijp roa-avrriP iKcnjpiap apKibf ^yovfuu ;* " I judge
that even the confidence of Moses and Elias would never suffice for such
prayer." Now why such boldness was needful, if they had the prayer
in a book before them, and no more to do than read it, I apprehend not.
I never heard of any, who were masters of the art of reading, that foimd
so much confidence necessary to exercise their faculty upon any prayer
whatsoever. Ilapprfaia,^ in him is equivalent to iktv6€poaTOftlay as
Phavorinus, a boldness to express one's self fireely.*^ No freedom is leffc
him, who must only read what is prescribed him/
If the ancient churches had no written liturgies, no books of public
prayers ; they could have no prescribed, no imposed, no nor any com-
mon liturgies, (viz. the same in many several congregations) though not
imposed. And if there had been any such service books, it is not
imaginable, but there would have been some notice of them in some of
the writers of those ages ; yet for this, both we, and those who are most
concerned to find it, are still to seek.
We meet not with any mention of such books, upon such occasions,
where it might be expected they would be mentioned, if anywhere;
and where we might justly look to find them, if they had been to be
found.
Those who give a particular account of the books, vessels, and several
utensils, which were to be found in the church, make no mention of any
such thing as this.'
Amongst other things, wherewith Athanasius was falsely charged by
the Arian faction, to make way for his condemnation : Maoarius (with
reflection upon that great person who employed him) is accused, to have
• De Saoerd. [Orat. yI] p. 46. • Ujtfi^ wtwa^finna^ixh^i, Iffiit. ZZOUL p. lit.
• Epist exc. p. IM.
' Vld.inEph. Horn. uU. p. 891, wlMW>i^^<>faiirm>A>mth»#ip Jaj^^— »*'t>i>
ImayaajallthincawlikhlwMWBttOMf." Vld. D{4. BIjHiBMO. tf • V. T
' Vid. DftU. De OI^Mto Cttltui. . . . t ;iu
256 A DISCOUBSB CONCXBNDia XITUBOIML
leaped upon the altar, oTertihi0wn the table, broke the ooauniuiioii mf,
bumt the Bible ; €hnnfii<ms tlr t6 Bmnaarlfptmf, Mtp t^^ ftiw rfr ypdnfii^
Now it may well be preenmed that Ischyras, the ft]ae aocuaer, eDeon-
raged with hopes of a bishopric (which waa his Tewaid mftetwmtd) anl
so concemed to swell the charge as big, and render it as odioiis as he
could, would have added to the rest some indignity oflfered to the aacnd
liturgy. This had been as easily alleged as the rest (if die Bubjeot had
been extant), and might haye been as heinously resented, if tihexe had
been such liturgies, or such opinion of them, as in our times.
When Georgius, the Arian bishop, came to take pooaessiaii of iht
bishopric of Alexandria, and entered a church by force, of what abasei
were offered to all things therein, Athanasius gives a partiLonlair aooomil:
the table, aylay rpaweCoxfy '^ the holy table ;'* the Scriptures, r4r Mag fir
ypanf^ filfikousf ^* the Divine yoliunes of the Scripture ;** the font, Sym
fiamrurnipwwf '' the holy font;'* the wine, obor iroX^ diraml|ccpor, *^ gnit
store of wine f the oil, Z\aM¥^ the doors and latticed partttkiiay Bipm
ml row jcaiucfXow, the candlesticks, the tapers, Xv^v^ <ad rovr Kfplmmt^
But not a word of a service book, no more than of a book of hondlieSi
When the multitude of Christians so increased at Gonetantiiioiil^
that it was thought necessary to dispose of them in several chiixdbfli,
Ck>nstantine takes care, that those churches should be respectively itar*
nished with Bibles ; and writes to Eusebius of Cssarea to have them
prepared accordingly.^ Now (let those that are for prescribed litorgiei
be judges) would it not have been requisite, that those churches ahcmki
have been also furnished with service-books ; and care taken, that these
should have been likewise writ out for them, if any such had beoi then
in use ? Would Constantine have omitted this, if he had been <^ their
mind ; or would not Eusebius (who overlooks nothing of that QAtare}
have added this in commendation of him, if he had made any such
provision?
Does it not hence appear, that churches were then thought sufficient)^
provided with books, necessary for Divine service, when they were fur-
nished with Bibles ? And can it be supposed that Constantine, whose
generousness towards the church is known to have run out in mai^
superfluities, woiild have been deficient in things accoimted in any degree
necessary ?
In the fourth council of Carthage, it is provided, when the biahop is
* Socr. Hiit. lib. i. [cap. xxTil] p. 539.
* Ad Orthodozoa, Ep. tain. i. p. 729. [In Edit. Col. 1686, p. 944, torn, i.]
* 'O 6i rStv IncXfio'ifiv rw 0«ov kw9frpov6nfi9vof, ircp< KaravKtutiv Btornvtvirrmv XmyimvA^
vp^tfwirov kw9ri9€t r6 fpdfifiat " In hit care for the churches of God, he wrote to us a
eeming a supply of the inspired orades." Euseb. De Vit. Constant, lib. It. cap.
cap. xxxwi. p. 401, where we hare that ipdfina.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITUB0IE8. 257
ordained, the book of the Grospels shall be held over his head, tenecU
evangeliorum codicem super caput et cervicem ejuSy' " let him hold the
book of the Gospels over his head and neck." When the exorcist
is ordained, a book of exorcisms is to be giyen him ; accipiat de nuam
episcopi libellumj in quo scroti aunt exordsmif '' let him leceiye from
the hands of the bishop the book in which forms of exorcism are
written." When the reader is ordained, the Bible, out of which he
is to read, is to be delivered him, tradet ei codicem^ de quo Ucturus estj
dicem ad cum ; Accipe, et eato lector verbi Deif '' he shall deliver to him
the book out of which he is to read, saying. Receive this, and be thoa
a reader of the word of Grod."
But no book of public prayers is either used, or delivered, or men-
tioned, in the ordination of bishop, presbyter, or deacon, (the onlj
persons who ministered in the prayers of the church,) or any other
officer. Yet here, if any where, we might reasonably have expected to
have met with a service book, if there had been any at that time.
One of the first books for public service, which I meet with, is the
libellua officialise^ which seems rather but a short directory, than a com-
plete liturgy, given to every presbyter at his ordination, to instruct him
how to adfliinister the sacraments ; lest, through ignorance of his duty
herein, he shoiild offend. Quando presbyteri in parochiia ordinantur^
Ubellum officialem a suo sacerdote accipiant^ ut ad ecclesias sUri dqpvr
tatas inatructi mccedant, ne per ignorantiam etiam ipsia dmnia aacror
mentis Christum offendant, *' When presbyters are ordained in their
parishes, let them receive the book of offices, that they may go to the
churches entrusted to them well instructed, lest through ignorance they
offend Christ in the Divine sacraments." And many of the canons of
that coimcil had been needless, if those churches had been before fur-
nished with such a liturgy ; since that would have provided sufficientlj
for the severals* there decreed.-^
To ascend a little higher ; in the times of the church's persecution,
in the beginning of the fourth age, if there had been such service
books, why did not their persecutors call for the delivery of them, as
they did, not only for the Bible, but for other church utensils ?' Why
hear we of no traditores^ upon this account? It was not the Christians*
belief contained in the Scripture concerning the true God, or the
Grentiles' false gods, that did more exasperate the heathen against them,
than their worship. The Jews, whose belief was as opposite to theirs,
had a toleration many times, when Lho Cliristiimsf werw dei*uxjyed. And
• Can. IL » Can. vlL ' Crni* tWI. ' lo Caot. T*4 It. Caw. latl. mi* d3*.
• putlealara. / Chi. 11^ r* ft ^m, Lt, £. it xlt tXil %lv, x*, %rh ^rll.
r VkL Cone. Aniat. Can, ilil. In €«ninf, p. 9it,
• Tbit iniUmmwm&9kit:h &a^ iu timet nf ptrm«nttqiit ddlriWTd up Ibc BtMc^ • ured
ftimltave of tta otantes to tba hettthen ta ba bumL—JIti*
I
258 A DI8C0UB8B CONOEBNINO LTnTBOm.
Oiigen (as is remarked by Grodiu*) observes, that thej were not wcaA
to persecute any for their opinions, Aik wmow yhp My/Ma rmm iw Jp ^f > A si
ytywfinhw KoKaCorrai koI ^fXXot f " For which of the doctxines cnrrenl
among men are others punished ?" There were opinions ttnongst tliar
persecutors concerning God as scandalous to the heathen, aa those which
the Scripture taught the Christians. The Epicureans wbollj denied
Divine providence,^ which is Origen*s instance,' ro^ mSyra wpAmm
araipowTtK, '' those who subvert all providence,** holding tlist tlieir godi
were composed of atoms, ol rov 'Eirueovpov ^l avr&tvm i$ ilwy p
rvyxSmsmsy* '' the gods of Epicurus, composed of atoms by chanoe f
that there were no rewards nor punishments aiWr death ; nor any true
good, but what is sensible. The Stoics maintained, that a wise man
was equal to their great god Jupiter. Solebat SexHuB dUeerej Javem
plus non posse quam bonum virum, — Deus nan vincit sagnsniem feUeitakt
sHamsi vincU cetaU. — Sapiens tarn cequo ammo omnia apud aUos mdsi
contemnitquej quam Jupiter: et hoc se magis suspieitf quod Jiqniar uU
illis non potest^ sapiens non vullJ Est aUquid, quo stqnens an i eesd M
Deum: ills natura heneficio non sua sapiens eat; suo sapiens.^ ** Seztiai
was wont to say that Jupiter was not more powerful than a good man —
God does not surpass a wise man in bliss, even if he does in duration—
a wise man surveys and despises all things among his fellows widi
as even a mind as Jupiter; and in this respect he prides himseif
more, viz., that Jupiter cannot avail himself of these tilings ; the
wise man has no wish to do so. There is a something in which
« Neque de diis non recte tcntire crederentur, earn non ftdue Terun MBritte mnwnn ex m
probat Origines, quod Epiciireis aliitque philosophU, omnem omnino diTinam proTideBtlim
toUentlbus parcebatur.— Grot. ** Neither wexe they (the Chriatians) deemed to be of p e ticia i
ientiment concerning the guda. Origen prores this not to have been the true canae of tlM emaUj
practiied against them, firom the ftct that the Epicureans and other philosophers who altogether
denied a Divine providence were spared."
* Adv. Gels. lib. U. p. 68.
* Ol tiiw jip avrofiarmf Kai iltt ctvxc to vcirra f€ftv^c$at Xifoiwtv, 4if ol 'fLwutaipuH' & ko« rfv
Tfiv 8\mv wffowoiaw KaV iavrStv oifK «lvat fiv$o\ofov^tt ** Some say that all things oome to poM
spontaneously and as it were by chance, as the Epicureans, who feign that there is no UBfrenal
providence concerned with themselves." Athanaa. De Incamatione Verbi, p. 38, torn. L {p,H,
C. torn. i. Ed. Col. 1686.3
iX fop twrofidrmt ri mdvra xwp'f wpov6tat Kar airoirt fiyo¥t¥t ftc " If^ acooidilig tO
their view, all things have been produced sponUneousIy without a providence," fte. Athaa.
De Incam. Verb. p. 38, tom. i. [In Edit. Col. 1686, p. 54, tom. i.]
T&v jap avSptrnrnv ol fiiv fin^ tlvai r6 0eXov kv6fitCoVf ol 6i eiwat fiiv, fiij vpovoctv H' mai
ol fiiv wpoviHsiv fiiv fStv 6* oStpavittv fi6vov, ol H oi fiovmv r&v oipaviwif, itWa Kai r6v kwtf^im*,
o6 wavrmtv 6i iikXa r&v i^^x***! o^ov fiavt\4tiv re ica* apx6rTttv, ko* ol fiiv ainofiarivfAiwf el A*
olfiopM^nf ol d* cUfi fiptoBat ru itavra. " Some among men have thought that there fa ■•
Divinity ; others that, though there is, yet that he is without care ; some also that he carea only te
oelestial beings; others that he cares not only for celestial beings, but for terrestrial aa weU, and yet
not for all such, but only for the principal, such as kings and rulers. Some say all things are »»»^i»ga -
iam; some deatlny ; and others, that they are upheld by chance." Isidor. Ub. iv. Epist. [liz. C.]
* IhUL • Lib. iv. p. 169.
/ Senec. Ep. Ixxiii. pp. 672, 673. [Ed. Antw. 1614, pp. 516, 517.]
ff Ep. liii. liT. [Ed. Antw. p. 474, A.]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 259
a wise man surpasses God ; the latter is wise by the gift of nature,
not of himself; the wise man is so of himself." Tijv aMjy iptrijw
Xeyovrts avBpomov koX Gtov ol arr6 lijg 2Toas <f>ik6<ro(f>oif fu) f^daifunwoTf/Mw
Xryoxrtv tlvai r6p ar\ jraai GcAir tow O' Mpwirtus Kor avroiff axxf>oVj dXX* Xtnfw
tlvm T&p dfi<f>oT€p»v €vdatfiovia»,'^ " the Stoic philosophers, who ascribe
the same virtue to man and to God, to avoid sajing that God over all is
happier than he who, according to their estimation, is wise, and to make
the happiness of both equal."
And the Peripatetics, with other* philosophers, curtailed and con-
fined the providence of God to generals,^ or to the orb of the moon, so
as human affairs were not regarded by him ; and all human addresses
to him, were to no purpose ; r&v aw6 rov irc/MiraTov aifaip6vT»p rip wp69
^fuis 7rp6votaPy koI rrjv trxttrw nf}6£ a»$pinrav£ rov QtUjv^* " the Peripatetics
deny all ^providence concerning us, and the relation of the Divinity to
men." Or, as Justin Martyr represents them,' *Y^ tvtxtipova't mi-
Buvy or rov flip avfinayrosy kcu avT&¥ rS>v ycvcor xal cidttv intfukMirm 6c^,
€fiov df Kol a-ov ovK tfri Koi rov KaBtKotrraf cVel ovd* &f ifvx^iuBa aur^ di* S^f
wkt6s Koi fffupas, ic.r.X. " They imdertake to persuade you, that Grod
takes care of the whole, and of genera and species, but not of you and
me and of the individual ; seeing that not even if we should pray to him
through the whole day and night," &c.
Nor was it their opinions concerning worship, delivered in the Scrip-
ture, so much as the exercise of their worship, which incensed the Gen-
tiles against them ; for divers of the heathen held and published
opinions highly derogatory to their worship ; as that of Heraclitus, that
to pray before images was as wise an act, as to talk to a wall, cited by
Clemens Alexandrinus,-^ 2ov Acovtrw ^iXo(r<$^ov rov *^j(^vlov 'HfMkktlroVf
Kal aydkftaa-i rovrtoKrip tUxovrM 6kou}¥ ft ri£ d6fUH9 Xf (r^i^vcvocro,' " hear
your own philosopher, Heraclitus the Ephesian, And they pray to these
images with as much wisdom as if one should prate to the walls ;" and
that of the Pythagoreans, who thought it not fit to pray, because it was
uncertain what was profitable, and so fit to be prayed for, ovk §a €ifx'fr3*u
xmtp iavr&v dtc^ r6 fiij dMvai. tA trvfufttpoPf^ " he does not permit prayer for
• Origen. sdr. CeU. Ub. tL p. 309.
• Epicur. in Senec. de Beneflc. Ub. Iv. cap. xix. p. 44S. Vld. Grot. De Jure BeUi, p. 443. Ibid.
Cicero, PlaUureh. Euaeb. [lib. ▼.) cap. ▼ 'O 'ApirrorcXifc /itxp* <r«X^f|t vrifaat ri Omov, tA XotwA
ToZ Koaiiov ix4pn wtfHfpa^i rnr rdu Oeov dionui^tmtt ** Aristotle allows the Dirlnity plaoe at Ikr
as the moon, bnt marks off all the other portions of the uniTerse from the DiTlne administration."
Vid. Spens. Not. in Orig. zTi. Chrysostom in Act. Hom. Uy. p. 911. Aino* oU d^act wpo-
voi'ar dwoXaittv ra inr6 atXiivfiv. ** They grant not that sublonaiy matters hare tha benaflt of a
Providence.** Vide Doun. Notas Arist. MeUphys. Ub. x.
• general matters. ' Orig. ooBt. Calanm, Ub. UL p. IM.
' Dial, cum Tryphone, p. I. / Clem. Alexandrin. Protitpt. [Ub. L Id. Lottt. MM, p. tS» B.]
r 'HXitfiov c/vM r6 roit i^tiiXtiaeiv ««x«*««. " Thijr think pnfw to ImiiH tUfy," OHf. tOBtr.
Gels. Ub. Tii. p. 875, Ub. L p. 6, and lib. tU. p. S78.
• Laert. in Pythag. [Ed. Londtn. 1664, p. S16, B.]
260 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITUBOIX8.
one*8 self, on aooonnt of our not knowing what is best Ibr us ;* or,
ihat of the philosophers in Justin Martyr, whO| denying m particokr
pioyidenoe, conceived God woold take no notice of any person, thoqgh
he sought him night and day, M* S» iivx&fu&a oXrrf d»* IX^v wmer^ mk
ifjjpat,* '' not even if we should pray to him through the whole m^
and day ;" and that of the Peripatetios, that prayers and seeanfioes were
good for nothing, as Origen represents* them,' Bfiyd^ ^Acnemnag iamm
€^X^^> '^<^ ^ «^ ^P^^ ^ ^^^1" ^^'^o^i '' they say that prayers and sscrifieei
to the Deity are of no use ;** and that of the Platonists, that there ww
no immediate intercourse betwixt mortals and celestial gods ; but all
addresses were to be made by the mediation of the demons, which was
cross to the practice of the generality of the heathen in their derotioiii.
And what more vilifies their worship, than that of Seneca, QtuB cwmn
scqnms servahit, tanquam legHma juaaoj rum tamquam dm grata f ^ All
which things a wise man wiU observe as things enjoined by the law, not
as pleasing to the gods.'* And that, sk adarainnmSj ut mmmmrimm
oukitm tnagia ad marem, quam ad rem pertineref* '* we will so wonhi^
as to bear in mind that devotion is rather an affair of £uihion than of
reality.** Just such apprehensions as many prudential conformists' hafS
• Dial, earn Trypb. Princip.
• Ob iji6¥0¥ r6 ei^Cirtfoi rotr liyAfiatri h^9i6v kcrtv, &XXck jap Kai ri 9vtiwpt^€p6famw9¥ row wmhXm
wpo«rwotw$ai roU itfafiavtv tSxtv^ai — 6iroiov irmovetv ol ^v6 rov fleptrdrov ^tXo^o^tStmt ni
ol TO 'EirtKovpov fi ^fiMOKp«Tow ^viraCofitvot. " It U toUj not only to pxmy to Images, Imt alao ta
make belioTe to pmy to Imagei in compliance with the crowd, aa the Peripatetic philoMplMta aif ,
andthow who embrace the lentimenta of Epicurus, or of I>emocritu8.'* Orlg. oon. Cela. lib. vIL
p. 375.
• Lib. iL p. 68.
' Quomodo tint dii colendi, solet praecipL Accendere aliquem lucemam >abbathia prohibeamiia :
quoniam nee lumine dli egent, et ne homines quidem delectantur fUligine. Vetemua aalutatlooi-
bus matutinis tnngl et ibribus assidere templorum. Humana ambitio istis offleiis capitnr; DwHi
colit, qui norit. Vetemus lintea et striglles Jovi ferre, et speculum tenere JuncmL Non qwRlt
minlstros Deus, &o. satis illos coluit, quisquis imitatus est. " It is customary to gire pr ao p l a aa
to how the gods are to be worshipped. We forbid the lighting of any lamps on their Ksativala ; ftr
the gods are not without light ; cTcn men delight not in darkness. We forbid the morning obei-
sances, and sitting at the doors of the temples. Human ambition only is captiTated with tbeae
serricea. He worships the DiTinity who knows God. We forbid the carrying of napklna and
strlgil* to Jupiter, and the holding a mirror to Juno. The Divinity does not seek laeqneyi, ae.
He worships the gods enough who imitates them." Senec. £p. zcv. p. 791. [Ed. Antw. p. SO!*
A.B.]
OvMv otrrMC i^xvp^i' wapa dvBpmwott itt cwnBtiat iraXwfft rvpavvit — ov6i¥ yap o&tm &opimflH
^vxh*, K&v ^( XP1'*Vif ''*** Y<Vi|rai, i$t natvorofielw ri Kak (evi^etv, ecu fidXicrra orov vept XarpM*
Kai wept rrif ritv Ocov 66(n^ rovro yivnrai. Tlavra yap rU euKoXmrepov iL^iti^ftiw $i rd 9€p* $p^r'
meiav—itd M rovro Kal rivtt rfiv i^ttSev btintpav ^vctv ri^v awijjBttav kxaKtvav, '* There ia »»*f*>**^
so influential with men as the tyranny of ancient custom. For nothing so disturbs the aoul eirea
if it attach to aught useful as noTelty and strangeness, especially if it affect the wonh^ and ^oqr
of God.— Things of every kind admit of change more readily, than the circumstantials of worship^
—On this account some of those without the church, called use a second naturo." Chrya. in 1 Ooc.
Hom. vii. p. 286.
• Who have studied to deserve Aristippus's character, ^v ^ap Isoi'^c app-ocacBai mX r^vy mm
Xp6€if Koi irpotf-^vY, $uii wfUrav ntpivraoiv &pixo¥iav {twonpivacBuit " he was aide to acconuDodala
• The iiriffU was an instrument used by the Romans to scrape off the pertpfaraUon fttmi their
bodies after bathing.— Ed.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 261
of our formality and ceremonious worship, jet both compljring with the
present modes enjoined, and maTHng some show of liking what they
secretly deride ; for which feigned consent, and not setting up any
other way of worship, they (several sorts of the philosophers) escaped
then, and ours now well enough.
Now, if the exercise of the Christian worship, which lay, as is sup-
posed, in the pretended liturgy, were as odious to the heathen, as their
tenets concerning Grod and his worship, which lay in the Bible ; if there
had been any such liturgies, why would not the Gentiles have been as
zealous to destroy them as the Scriptures ?
However, it may well be supposed, that the delivery of the Chris-
tians' liturgies, if there had been any, would have been required, if not
as much as that of their Bibles, yet more than that of their other ohurch
utensils ;'' since it is observable, that the Bomans, who forced the
Christians upon that crime, for which they were denominated traditoreSf
were more zealous against new liturgies, though heathenish, than against
new gods. These they did more than tolerate, those they would not
endure. An instance hereof we have in Livy.^ Some at Borne made
bold to sacrifice and pray in a way not conformable to the Boman mode.
Mulierum turba eratf nee aacrificantium nee preeantium Deos patrio more^
'^ There was a crowd of women, who neither sacrificed nor prayed after
the manner of the country.*' This was heinously resented by all sorts;
primo secretes honorum indigncUiones exaudtdxxntur^ deinds adpatrea etiam^
et ad pubUcam querimoniam eaeessit res, '' first the secret umbrage of
good men was buzzed about ; then the affair reached the senate, and
grew to a matter of public complaint." The inferior magistrates are
sharply taken up by the senate, because they did not hinder it ; incusad
graviter ab senatu cediles, triumvirique eapUakB^ quod non prohiberenL
'^ The ffidiles, and the capital triiunvirs,^ were sharply reprimanded by
the senate, because they had not prevented it." And when their endea-
vours were not effectual to suppress it, the pnetor is employed therein
by the senate ; who, by their order, commands all the new liturgies to
be delivered in to him by such a day, — Edixit lU quieunque Ubras vaH-
cinos, preeationesve, out artem saerifieandi eonacnpUnn haberet, eaa Ubroa
omnes literasque ad ae ante ealend, Aprilea deferret, *' He gave command
that whoever had in his possession prophetical books or forms of prayer,
himself to place, time, and person, and to act eTery circumstanoe of eonfonnlty." Dtogen. Laert.
Aristipp. [Ed. Londin. 1604, p. 49, D.]
• Torti Prodoaii, EuMb. lib. TiiL p. 242. * Dae. UL Ub. t. p. 11 1.
« These weie officers of the Roman state, first appointed about B.C. 991. It waa tbalr dutj to
inquire into all capital crimes, (hence their name e«^taie$,) and to laeaiTe inftmnation iwpaetinf
such offences. It was also a part of their offlce, in oonnezion with the mUlaa, to prawat all unlaw-
ful assemblies of the people. See Diet. Or. and jBom. Aui. t. «. JH w ri r.^to.
262' A DI8COUB8E CONCEBNINO UTUBOIBB.
or a written rabric of sacrifice, should ddnrer all these boob and doen-
ments to him before the first of ApriL"
We see^ihej would not tolerate heathenish litnigies, diflfering from wiM
ihej used only in mode and rites, though conformable as to the aabstaaoi
and object of their worship. Would they not be more ▼ioleat for dis
delivering up of Christian liturgies, more opposite to them erveiy way, if
there had been any ? But there is not a word, in the axunenta, of any suok
demand, or any compliance therewith, or any censure of sncsh oomplianoe ;
when the demand and delivery of other things less material, leas <
to them, and proceeding against the traditors, are frequentlj ]
Augustine aUeges some things frequently prayed for in public, but not si
in the words of any written liturgy, but of the administrator, Ubi auditrk
sacerdotem Dei ad ejus aUare^* &c. '' Wben hearest thoa God*s prisit
at the altar ?** &c. And the same petitions he afterwarda aeta down in
other words ; which signifies, he had them not out of any prescribed cr
written liturgy ; for then they would, they must, have been the aama
Pro turn credentibttSj ut eos Deua ad fidem canvertat; '' for unbelieven,
that God may convert them to the faith ;** but, in another place,* «l
incredulaa gentes ad fidem auam venire oompellat, '* that he may inflnentti
ihe unbelieving nations, that they may be brought to fiiith in him."
Pro fideiibtia, ut peraeverent in eo quod esse ceperuntj mtmsrs suo; ^ftr
the faithful, that by his gift they may persevere in that profeasicm which
they have begun to assume ;** and elsewhere,^ ut profidant m eo qmoi
esse ceperunty '^ that they may make progress in that profession which
they have begun to assume."
Augustine mentions the public prayers against the Pelagians ; but no
othenvise, than as he might have alleged the extemporary petitions of
such, who seeking the same things that Christians usually do, use not
the same words ; and agreeing in the subject, vary other ways in the
expressions ; without any intimation, that they were prescribed or in
variable forms. And elsewhere he speaks with some note of uncer-
tainty, whether they did pray so and so, or whether such and such
were their words in public ; whereas if they had been in a common
written liturgy, he would have known it, and might have been poaitive.
Or with some intimation of liberty they had to use such and such
words or not, those or others ; si voluerimus, " if we shall so please.**
Finally, it cannot with any reason be supposed, but, if there had been
such liturgies, they would have been made use of against the errors, and
for deciding the controversies, wherewith the church was exercised in
the ages we are concerned in. To waive others, there were two espe-
cially as to which they might have been this way apparently serviceable;
• Ep. ovli. p. 567. [Ed. Antw. Ep. ccxtU] * p. 577. ' p. ars.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 268
viz., that concerning the Godhead of Christ, opposed in the first, second,
third, and fourth age especially. And that concerning the dyafAafynja-ia^
" siiilessness," of the faithful ; and other errors, with which Pelagius and
his adlierents troubled the churches in the beginning of the fifth age,
and aflerwards. *»
None will fancy a Christian liturgy, wherein there is not some
acknowledgment of, or some address to Christ as Grod, or wherein there
is not some confession of sin, or some petition for pardon, in prayers
proper to the faithful, something equivalent to the petition in the Lord's
prayer, Forgive us our trespasses, and so no liturgies, wherein there was
not evidence enough against both those errors, dnd others also of the
Pelagians, inconsistent with the necessity of the grace of God.
And it will be granted, that if those who were judicious had the
managing of thase controversies, if they thought it requisite to make use
of human testimony, they would make choice of that which is most
cogent and convictive.
Now they did make use of human testimony, as we find by that
unnamed author,* who, confuting Artemon's error, who maintained
Christ Wiis only yftiKos avOptanos, '^ a mere man," alleges Justin Martyr,
Miltiades, Tatian, Clemens, Irenaeus, Melito, and the hymns composed by
the brethren of old, ^roXftoi de ^o-oi koL <udai adcX<^»i' air* opx^r viro wiur&w
ypa<l>f'i(rai, tov \6yov tov &€ov top XfH<TTov wnwvu'i &€6Xcyovrrts ; '' SO many
psalms and odes composed by the faithful brethren, from the b^inning
celebrate Christ, the word of God, calling him God ;" but not a word of
any prayers, ancient or written, by brethren or fathers ; which yet (by
one who, as it is apparent, industriously sought out all sorts of confirma-
tions) would not have l)een omitted ; as tending as much, if there had
been some written of old ; but contributing much more, to the confirm-
ing of that truth, if there had been any enjoined to be publicly and
generally used. Also Athanasius against the Arians, and Augustine
against the Pelagians,^ two of the most judicious writers that those ages
afforded, make use of the testimonies of their predecessors and contem-
poraries ; but allege not one passage out of a service-book, or any
prayers written, or so as to give us occasion to think there were any such
used publicly, and authorised ; whereas they could not but apprehend
lis well as we, that one clear allegation out of an ancient and commonly
received liturgy would have been more cogent and convictive than any
or all the particular testimonies they produce ; (since the judgment of
• His tenet see August, contr. ii. Ep. Pelmg. lib. W. cap. U. p. SS9.
* Eusebius, lib. v. cap. [xxviii.] p. 146.
« Athanasius Syn. Nic. contr. Hseres. Arian. Decret. torn. i. p. t40. [In Edit. Col. 168S, pp. V4,
277, torn, i.] quotes Theognostoa, iv r^ Stvrip^ rfiv bworwwmvwv. Alio Dlonja. of Alezand. and
Dionys. of Rome, with Origen. Eliewbere Ignattna. [Vid. p. 99S, A. Ed. Col. IMS.]
S
264 A DI8C0UB8B CONCBBNINO UTUBOIBB.
whole churches, in severml ages too, is fiur more cofisider>Me, than [that]
of many particular persons.)
Augustine, and others allege, against the Pelagians, divers things,
which were frequentlj prayed for in public ; but without aignifying in
the least wise, that ^e prayers were written or ancient, (which he ia
Eusebius thought it requisite to express, concerning the hymns he men-
tions,) or that they were generally received, or in the same form, or author-
ised for the public service, or prescribed to be invariably used. Yet in
these particulars lay the force and the advantage of such an ail^ation ;
and that which would render it most considerable, and of £ai more
weight than th^ testimony of single writers : and therefore imdoubtedlj
would these have been insisted on (if there had been any such thing to
urge) by any, who knew how to manage an argument, or to make use
of a very obvious advantage. «
So that we may conclude, either [that] the greatest wits and judgments
of those times were not wise enough to discern the best advantages they
bad from human testimony, such as were obvious to every eye ; and
either could not manage them, as those of ordinary capacities amongst
us can do ; or would not improve them, as the interest of the truth they
contended for, and their faftlifulness to it required ; and so were either
injudicious or unfaithful ; or else that they had no such advantages to
make use of, and so no such liturgies.
Further, if there were such liturgies, liow comes it to pass, that we
meet with no intelligence of any changing of them, or alterations made
in them, upon such occasions, as we may well conceive would necessarily
draw on such changes, and in all probability bring us some account
thereof ? Qttisquis unquanij says one, religionem mtUavit^ et orandi ratio-
nem mutavit : nulla unquam hceresis fuity quce non continuo suaa ejffinxent
preces,^ '* Whoever has made a change in religion, has made also a
change in the methoil of prayer. There never was a heresy which did
not suddenly devise prayers of its own." This being so, we may expect
to meet with frequent mention of rejecting old liturgies, and composing
new, of altering or correcting them, if the ancient mode of praying was
by prescribed liturgies. But I have not yet met with any mention
thereof, no not in those circumstances wherein, if anywhere, it might be
expected.
The heresy of Artemon, holding that Christ was a mere terrene crea-
ture, having seized on Paulus Samosatenus, (Xcyri 'Ii;<roOv Xpiorov nirw-
^€v, " he says that Christ was of the earth,") bishop of Antioch ; the
fatliers of the council held there, upon that occasion, tell us, in their
circular epistle, that he prohibited the use of the psalms sung in the
• Maid. In Luc. xi.
A DISCaUBSK CONCERNING LITURGIES. 266
honour of Christ, yltaK^iovs dc nvs fuw €ls r6v Kvptov ^'fx&v *lff<rovif Xpitrr^
navaaiJ^ And would he have tolerated a litoi^, whose contents were
as much for the honour of Christ ? Or, can there be supposed a liturgy,
which had nothing in it for the honour of Christ, «( Sv^^Btv, ^' as from
heaven?** And if he had made as bold with a liturgy, would this have
been concealed bj those fathers, who are so large and particular in
giving an account of all his impieties, innovations, presumptions, (that
the justice of their proceeding against him might be clear to the world,)
not omitting those hjrmns, which were of less moment ?
When the Arians so far ' prevailed, as thej had possessed themselves
of all the public churches, in a great part of the Christian world, the
east especially (so as the orthodox, reduced to conventicles, were glad to
keep them in private houses, fields, woods, or where else they could or
durst) they had power and opportunity to make what changes they
would ; and no less will and for^vardness, showing sufficiently how much
they were given to change, and that no respect would restrain them from
altering anything, which crossed their tenet, by the alterations they made
in the doxology, in the words of Christ for administering baptism, yea,
in the Scriptures themselves, as Ambrose tells us.* And remarkably in
the universally received confession of faith, since thfey made a new creed
almost every other year. Socrates gives a particular account of three in
little more than twenty years.*^
And what could restrain tliis innovating humour (when they had
power enough) from abolishing or altering the supposed lituigies, if they
were but tempted to it, by what they would count a just occasion ? And
such occasion they had, if those liturgies contained anything in favour of
the eternal Godhead of Christ, or his equality with the Father, or the
divinity of the Holy Ghost, (which the semi-Arians opposed.) And
some things (if not many) of this tendency they contained, if they were
Christian liturgies. Why is it, then, that we hear not a word of their
changing any old liturgy, or composing any new ; when we hear of their
making bold both with that of greater moment and less ? And how is
it that their antagonists, who thought themselves and their cause con-
cerned to give a full account of their innovations, (conceiving their
novelties to be one of the great advantages they had against them, and
improving it, by publishing them to the world) make no mention of any
such thing ? In all reason this must be, because there was no such
thing, no occasion for it, no such liturgies then in fashion.
We hear also afterwards, when Eutychianism was prevailing, what a
tumult was made in Constantinople, what a noise through the world by
• Buaeb. lib. vll. eap. xzz. * De Splrktt Saneto, Ifl. zl. • Hitt. [Ub. U. cap. xzx.] p. 6M.
s2
266 A DI8C0nR8B CONCERNING LITUROIES.
the adding of one 'word or two, 6 oraupmBiU di* ^imos^ " who was crucified
for us,** to the Trisagion, the hymn so called.*
And could more changes be made in settled liturgies (with whose
forms and prayers the people are presumed to have been as well
acquainted, and longer accustomed to them, than to that hjnm) without
any noise, without any notice?
Certainly, if they had been abolished, or such alterations made in them,
we should have heard of it, somewhere or other. And if there were
no changes made therein, upon such changes of the Christian religion, it
was because there was none to be changed, no such liturgies extant.
In general, that they had no such public liturgies for the administra-
tion of the sacraments, appears by this, that they thought themselves
obliged, with all care to conceal the symbols, the rites, the prayers used
in these administrations, from the sight and knowledge of all that were
not initiated. The Christians, in the fourth and fifth ages especially,
counted it a heinous crime, to have any of the heathen or catechumens
acquainted therewith ; some of them make it no less^ than sacrilege,'
one of the greatest crimes, and^ worthy of the liighest censure, proUxim
anathemate.
Hence, they durst not administer them in the sight of the dftwfm^
" uninitiated," nor discourse of them intelligibly in the hearing of such,
nor commit them to writing for common use ; that being the way to
have them divulged.
They called baptism, and the Lord's supper, and the prayers used
therein, with some other rites, fivorrjina,' " mysteries," and used them
• Theodor. Lcct. Collect. lib. ii. p. 187. [C]
• Chii&tianln ipsb uiiniinc contieciatU bine saciileglo vidcri non potest, " It cannot be wen
liy uninitiated Cliristians even, without Bacrilufje." Auctor Sermon. De Coutinentia ; not Zeoo
Veronensic, who lived nliout a.d. 360 ; but one who says in that sermon, he writ four hundred 3rean
after the Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians was written.
' "Oaov tap h iepucrvXiu kukov, owdt iiniv eiweti, " How grcAt a crime .«acrilcge is. is not even
possible to say." Chrysost in 2 Tmi. Horn. ii. p. 338. ' Concil. Ilerdenx. [Can. xvi.)
• Sacrae orationis roysterium, ** The mystery of tlie sacred prayer." Ambros. De Fide, ad Gra-
tianum, cap. v. yitrawoieiTiu fup u^yi/Toa- Xo^ott 6 aproc ovrot dta rni nvcriKr\^ ci'Xu')4ar. ** With
words ineffable this bread is transformed by means of the mystic benediction." Theodoret in Job
vi. And Chrysostom of the words used in baptism, ^era 7(ip Ti/f anayYeXiav rtiv uwTtKl^v piuto-
ru>v tKeiv^v Kai ^o/h(>Stv—hrav niWutfut, /S.iwriCtiv, "after the enunciation of those mystic and
fearful words — when they are about to baptize." In 1 Cor. Horn. xl. p. 514. Obsccratioiium sacrs-
menta. " the mysteries of supplications." Caelestln. Epbt. cap. xi. in Crab. p. 525. Ol>secrationam
quoque sacerdotalium Micramenta re^piclamus, quae ab apostolis tradita in toto mundo, atque in
omni catholica ecclesia uniformiter celcbrantur. •' Let us have respect to the mysteries of the
priestly supplications which were taught by the apostles in all parts of the world, and are celebrated
in uniform manner in every Catliolic church." Ibid, et in fine Operum Prospeii, p. K94. uniform-
iter, t>ecause they all pray for the same things, viz. those which he speaks of; that there »»
everywhere an uniformity in words, is apparently* false.
'Eirtrr\pouvre<t rm r&y a^iMv cux^f TcXerar, " Keeping closc the m>steries of the sacred prayers. "
Balsam, in Can. cxxvi. Cod. Mvo-tckuv tvXo-nat, " the mystic benedictions." Cyril. Alexandr. Epist
ad Nestor, cum 12 Anatbem.
* manifestly.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 267
according to the import of the word, which in Phavorinus, is tipprjrov
a€^as Koi to anopprjrov^ " an object of awe, not to be spoken of : also
what is ineffable," and derived" naph ro Briva fivaavra *« rrfptlv evdow,
" according to the signification, viz. * certain tilings which men must
keep within, by shutting them m/?,*" as concerned to keep those secrets to
themselves, and confine them to their own breasts, without communi-
cating them to others, either by action, word, or writing. It is not at
all a mystery, says Basil, if it be exposed to common notice ; ovdc yAp
oXo)r fiv(rn}ptov to €ts ttjv Bfjfiaidrf koi tiKalav qko^v €K(f>opov,^ It is a
myst<.Ty, says Chrysostom, therefore keep all close, &c. fivarripiop €<rnp
— xXflo-ov Toiwv TCLs 0vpas iva fiff tIs tbrj Sntp rn-cdci^i ov Biiusf using a
like phrase to that wherewith Orpheus'* begins the discourse of his
myst<jries, for the divulging of which Diagoras (amongst other crimes
of the like nature) was proscribed, ^Biy^ofuu ols Oipus cot!, Bvpas d'
tniOfa-Of ft€^i]\oi ndvT€s ofiibs, " I will utter my mind to those to whom
it is lawful ; but all ye profane shut to the doors."
Indeed the Christians came not far short of the heathen herein, if
they had not a design to overtake them.
Cclsus objecting the secrets of Christianity, t6 Kpv<f>iov b6yiia, as
matter of accusation, Origen answers, it was not peculiar to Christians
{ov fiovov idiov Tov \piaTiavc!>v \6yov) to have some things reserved from
commtm knowledge {firj rls tovs ttoXXo^s <l>BduovTa,) The heathen had
their mysteries also, and those botli philosophical and devotional. He
instanceth' in both. For the former, Pythagoras (who himself was
obliged to be circumcised, that he might procure admission to the
Egyptian secrets,/) had some hearers who learnt in secret, such things
as were not fit for profane ears, nor yet purified ; cV dnoppijTt^
dida(rK6p.€vot to, firj a^ia <l>Bdv€iv €ts aKoas /3f/3i7Xovff, «cat fit)fifnoii KtunBctpni-
vas.^ And for the latter, he says, all the mysteries everywhere, both
in Greece, and amongst the barbarians, were not blamed for being kept
Nos autcm quoties sacraroenta sumimus, qua per sarm orattonis mystcrium In camem trans-
flgurantiir et sanguinem, mortem Domini annuntiamuv, " As often as we take the sacramentit.
which by the mystery of sacred prayer, are transfigured into flesh and blood, we show forth the
I^ord's death." Amhr. Do Fide, ad Grat. cap. v.
Christi corpus et sanguinem dicimus illud tantum, quod ex fhictibus terrae acceptum, et prece
my Htica consecratum rite sumimus. " We call that only the body and blood of Christ, which having
been taken from the fruits of the earth, and consecrated by the mystic prayer, we worthily receiTe."
August. De Trinitate, lib. iii. cap. iv.
Til Toiv Itpoa toi'toic nai <ppiKTotv /x^Wovtu irpoci4viit fivvrrtfjioit i^prii[Of.^vat XP»Jf *' It behores
him who is about to approach the sacred and tremendous mysteries to be watchftil." Chrysost.
C.itcches. de Baptismo ad lUuminandos.
Mvarrjpiov 'flip fiufji^ofitvov ouAiv inr't Xotwov B<w^iai6fAtvov, ** A mystery whcB made known
is no longer an object of awe." Auth. Qusst. ad Antloch. in Athanas. tom. li. p. 275. [Respons. ad
Quieftt. 1.]
■ From fiv€tVf to shut up, and Tn/'oy, to keep. — Ed.
« De Spiritu Sancto, [cap. xxvii.] p. 273. [Ed. Par. 1722, tom. Hi. p. 55, D.}
' In Matth. Horn. Ixxi. p. 451. ' [In Just. M. Exhort ad GnNM.p. 14, C.)
' gives examples. / Clem. Alezandr. Strom. I. [Ed. Lntet. 1611. p. 8M, C]
r Lib. I. Contr. Gels. p. 7.
268 A DISCOURSE CONCERNINO UTUBOIBS.
secret, icol irdrra di rh moFraxw lUMrr^pui utrii r^r *EXXifta ml r^v PapfiAfW
itpUfua tmt ov dui/3ff/3X7Tm.« And Seneca before him mentions both,
where he will have Lucilius observe the difference between h&fiui and
pnxcqjtum.^ Idem dkert de prcecqfUs posgum^ cgperta sunt; d^creta vero
aapienltuB in abdito. Sicut sancticra aacrorwn tatUttm imiiati ackmij Ua »
philoBophia arcana iUa admissis receptisque in sacra ot^mdwUur; atpra-
ospta et alia hujusmodi profanis quoque nota nmt,^ *' I maj speak of the
precepts ;, they are public matters. But the fundamentals of wisdom
are secret As the initiated know the more sacred truths of religion, so
in philosophy, these arcana are shown to such only as are admitted and
received to the mysteries. But the precepts and other matters of that
sort are made known to the profane as well." None were admitted to
the sight of their mystical rites, but the initiated ; others were warned
to withdraw.**
— Pzoenl, O firoeal este profiuil,
CoDcUunat vatei, totoque abtUtito luco.'
" ' Far hence I fkr hence ! go, ye profiine,' the prophet crlet, ' and stand off fnnn the wlude
gtoTel'"
*Eicar knat S«Tit iXirpot.f
" Far hence 1 fkr hence 1 oTery profuie one ! **
And if they would venture to be present, it was at their peril.
As Peiitheus in Pausanias •/ and those of Acaniania in Livy* found it
Nero durst not venture, Eleusiniis sacris, quorum iniUatione impii et
acelerati voce prceconis suhmoverentur^ interesse rum atisus est,* " He did
not dare to be present at the Eleusinian mysteries, from whose initiatory
rites the impious and profane are warned off by the voice of a herald."
They would not speak of them in the hearing of others, 6 Xrya>y tois
dfivTfrois TO, fivarripia dcrciSft; he is impious that speaks of tlie mysteries to
those that are not initiated, says Chrysippus in Lacrtius. This was
■ Ibid. p. 8. *AXXo 7ap Hjna tuti &XXo Ktipvyfxat rd fxiv yap Aojfxara e-i»iwST<Uf nt 6i Knpvyfutra
dn/ioin'eirrai, ** Dogma is one thing, and preaching another. For our dogmas are held in silence,
but our preaching is for tlie public." BasiL De Spiritu Sancto, cap. xxvii. p. 273. [Ed. Par. 1722,
torn. iii. p. 55, £.]
• £p. zcv. [EA. Antw. 1614. p. 606, A.] ' Page 794.
' So Pnidentius in Apoth. represents the heathen, excluding Christians from their mysteries.
—Lotus procul esse et unctus, " Every baptized and anointed person is excluded."
• Virg. JEn. vi. [258, 259.J / [Callimach. Hymn, in Apollon.j
r Pentheum alunt, ut focminarum operta sacra specularetur, in arborem asccndisse, atque inde
omnia conspicatum, quod cum Bacchse animadverti&sent, impetu focto viventem cum lacerasse, ac
membratim discerpsisse, " It is narrated that Pentheus, in order that he might haTe a ftill riev of
the sacred ritea of the women, climbed a tree and witnessed the whole ; which when the votaries
of Bacchus perceived, they rushed upon him, mangled him alive, and tore him limb fhim limb.'*
Pausan. lib. ii. [cap. IL]
• Tempore initiorum duo Juvenes Acamanes, qui non initiati erant, Athenas venerant, et in
sacrarium Cereris, cum aliis popularibus suis intraverunt ; ob hoc tanquam nefas sumntum— c»si
sunt. Flor. Brev. " At the time of initiation two young men of Acamania who had not been initiated
came to Athens, and entered into the sacred chapel of Ceres, together with the others of their own
nation. On account of this, as of the greatest of crimes, they were slain." Liv. Dec. iv. lib. i. c. 7.
' Sueton. Ner. [oap. xxziv.]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING UTUROIES. 269
part of Alcibiades' crime, myateria Ckreria munticniasej^ "that he
divulged the mysteries of Ceres." And Augustus, when he was to hear
a cause wherein these mysteries were touched, would not let it be
opened till the company was dismissed.^
They would not commit them to writing. And so we may observe,
that when the ancient writers have occasion to deliver anything par-
ticularly concerning them, they waive it with an ov ^/ur, ** it is tmlaw-
ful :" so ApoUonius of the Samothracian mysteries :
Nno'or ^/bifif KCXttpOiTO, Ktt« 0( \axov 6pyia kcimi,
" But farewell that island ! and the gods dwelling theieon, who receive that mytiexknM wonhip
whereof it is unlaw Ail for us to sing."
Numenius venturing to write of them, understood by a dream, [that]
he had incurred offensam numinum, '^ the displeasure of the gods," as
Macrobius tells us.'' But M . Atelius fared worse, suffering as a par-
ricide, for permitting the Sibyls' books in his custody (containing secreta
civiUum sacrarum, and used by the Romans as their extraordinary ritual)
to be transcribed ; i>s irarpoKT6vo¥ tg cutkov tppa^^ag ^ottov tp^'^p ^U t6
vfXayos/ &c. '^ lie sewed him up in a linen sack and cast him into the
sea as a parricide."
If they trusted them to vrriting, it was in a secret character, such as
* Alcibiades absens Athenls insimulatur mysteria Cererli initiorum saera, noUo magls quam
silentio solemnia enuntiavisse, " Alcibiades durinff hit absence ftom Athens, was charged with
having divulged the mysteries of Ceres, whose sacreoheas consists mainly in their secxeey." Justin,
Hist. lib. V. cap. i. Vld. ComeL Nepos. in Alcibiad.
* Athenis initiatus, cum postea Romae pro tribunall de privileglo saceidotum Attics Cererla cog-
nosceret, et qusdam secretiora proponerentur, dimisso condlio et corona drcumstantium solus
audiit dlsceptantes, " After his initiation at Athens, when in his judicial capacity he had to decide
concerning the privileges of the priests of the Attic Ceres, and some things of a more pTivate nature
were about to be laid before him, he caused the council and the crowd of bystanders to withdraw,
and himself alone gave audience to the parties." Sueton. Octav. August, cap. xdiL p. 103.
Pausanias says, Oinvcr d' ucrtv al Kdfitipot mi ^ota kariv avrolt coi r^ fitirpi ra ipmfitvat vtttmiiv
&fovTt ifwip avTMv vvfyvw^in wapa u¥6pA9 ^XtiK6m9 ivrm fioi, " But as to who the Cabeiil are,
and what rites are celebrated to their honour and to the honour of Cybele, I shall be pardoned by
the curious if I keep silence concerning these things." Bceot. [cap. xxt.] Vid. Dionys. Hall-
camassens. infra. ' [Argon, lib. i. 924.]
'' Numenio denique inter philosophos occultorum curiosori offensam numinum, quod Eleusiiia
sacra interpretando vulgaverit somnia prodiderunt, " Numenius, a man more curious in recondite
matters than most philosophers, was informed in dreams (hat he had incurred tk* tUtpUanart of Ikt
gods, because by interpreting he had divulged the Eleusinian mysteries." Somn. Sclp. lib. i. cap. il.
p. 25.
' Dionys. Halicamass. lib. iv. [cap. Izil.]
Tarquinius autem rex M. Atelllum duumvirnm, quod librum secreta dvilimn sacrorum eonti*
nentem custodie suse commissum, comiptus Petronio Sabino describendum dedisset, culeo Insutnm
inmareabjici jussit; idque supplicii genus mnlto post parricidis lege irrogatmn est, "Tarqnin
ordered that Marcus Atellius, one of the duumvirs,* should be sewn tai a sack and east Into the sea,
because he had given to Petronius Sabinus to be copied, a book intrusted to his keeping, whleh eon-
Uined the secrets of the state religion. This kind of punishment was some tlmt after dea««d hy
law for parricides." Val. Max. lib. L cap. L p. 8.
• The duumvirs here referred to, are the dmmmvM aacrvniM, two ofllean vko had Aoft of Ite
Sybilline books, to which allusion is made in this paaMfew— Sa.
v^>^'iitf^:^f?«!fvr3^«
270 A DIBC0UB8B COMCBBMDIO UTOIMIHk
could not be underatood by tho«e from whom dwj imie to be <
Ipsa mysteriafigurarum eumeuUi cpernmiurf ^the mjsifries are cam-
mnnicated bj means of the secret way of dpher " aajB Maorobiiit; 4
• Uterii ignonbfltbai, m Apnlefin of the ritat of Ms.
profert qnotdam libroo Uteris IfnoraMinms inraotatai
coM^ti lenooiili compendioM t«1» tuggerentM; putim nodorit ot in
capreolathnque condentia apldbiit, a cuxlooitete praftnonnii tocti oao imuifta. Ii
dicat qoae forent ad unim teletae neecMario pneparmada, ** Tho higli-prieat broug ht teft ham ttort
cells certain books marked oTer with characters which leonld not rseofBiaa : flu mow parti flinM^
ing by means of figures of cTery kind of animal the ahortaned woida of a pneoaealvad ^SmBummi
the reading being secured in other parU against the eariodtj of tho proteie \j figima kBoMid mA
tortuous, like a wheel with connected ends projecting like two homa. Oat of thoa* baaka ki
described to me the preparation requisite to be made by a oaadidata iw Ifriflatton.'' MstHMp.
Ub. xi. p. 208. [Edit. Ripont. p. 271.]
XdMrnr a cidor cut in dcaptta ^ nixptijot n ipa^ 6*fe^mpnro¥ Kara^aeMt^bvA tSv kfydtm
toy ¥ovv, frc. '* The silence, so to speak, and obscurity which the writinff enploya, ia aot laadiy sia
to convey the sense of the dogmas.** Basil. De Spiritu Saneto, cap. xxtU. p. S7S. pUL Vm. 1IK
tom. iii. p. 56, A.] And Leo Imperator says, that laws were not to bo wilt obae ng dy, hi i ami Ik ^
were not mysteries, ov ydp fivariipta rov vo/iov ra $49tiia m«Tt a wix>*pM» a^ra tin ^Av vnXXfiv — ■ ■
XifilrcMt, '* Legal ordinances are not mysteries, that we should pbwa than iMftond tfaie laach tf tti
understanding of the multitude." NoTel. IzxTiL
'C^ot 6* o«u fiiv 6pHv hiractv ov BifiiK, oSrt irapd opAvtwv ciico^iv, oM* 2w ^tfpd^mtm 0l$tm 9m,
*' Matters, which it is not lawftil for all to witness, nor to hear ficom the wttnaaaea of Cham ■■'
not, I think, be described." Dionys. Halicamass. lib. 1.
Ov a T&v fxvcrnpittv ^iri KaTfiXOviJiivm¥ Xerafit XaXsv/uMv, liXXo voXXa woXXduut Xtyopttw InMSS^
XvfAfifvtoxt tVn oi cidoTcr irio'TOf votiataat nal oi fiif ctA^rcr, fiif fiXaflmwt, ** Wa apaak not daarijtf At
mysteries before the catechumens, but often say many things under a TaO, that tho fhlthfhl mtf
understand, and that, at the same time, those unacquainted therewith may get no harm." C^
Catech. vi. p. 60.
'UpoXo^tirai 6i aal rtBtiaerai rd *Oaipti<n, mvrt niv^wvof wapo/8<iXX«##a< Wp69 ri/m | «^ ^ W i
Osiridis historia sacris sermonibus mysteriisque Celebris est ita ut periculoaum ait earn imiiifiaiatTi
et narrationibus commendari, ** The history of Osiris is commemorated in saered rarchitioH mi
mysteries, so that it Is perilous to commit it to parchment and popular deserfptiOD.'* Synaa. Da
Providentia, p. 123. Ed. Paris. 1633.]
'lepur XoTOf i-<rrtr, ov ovk ootov i^n-jopttttv ovU i-v fivBtW axh^^<^f*» " ^^ 1* ^ Saocd mattefi wMck
It is profane tu expose even figuratively." Id. ibid. sect. I. p. 115. Xv^Ypa^ir'di^a^ |iif (Bsaol-
mentis Intacta) Kut riaiy ov Bt^mv o/i/iu /SaXXf^triv, "Things not committed to parchment, leat tht
eye foil on things whereon it is unlawful to look.*' p. 124.
Ei jap Oeiuv \67twv KarifKooi Iftvovro tu r^r evafovt Kai ^nfxifrov ^jitfiv 9p»|««ca«c ««/Sa«puSi
k^vXarrov, Kai roin ilfviKoin Kai d\6yow rStv wap* f|/i«v ifittv Kai etfiaafiimv a^aa0at ob
*' Were they obedient to the Divine oracles, they would respect the Teneration due to our I
able and innocent worship, and would not suffer heathen and unreasonable men to tourii
and religious things.** Ibid. lib. iv. p. 144.
A6701 BoiMTioi rnvr IvaWofiivow Kai kwoirreuovraK opjia Atovv^ov ewaparroturtt 6 t« yup i
6 Tc t6uv vtfittrarat wapd tuv Oetov, " Boeotian arguments distract those who buret in to '
Dionysian mysteries. For both he who exposes them.^and he who beholds them, incur '
from the Deity.** Id. ibid. p. 124.
Miontv A bwatktBa irapoKaXvirTorrcc to dfiifivika, " We speak as we are able, Telllnf €bSa^
sacred.** Id. ibid.
'KW* tvXafinriov fdp nin /i'/ ti Kai tS$v a/jp^Mv ^(opx*iv««M«^u» " We must take heed laatwa
expose any of the mysteries to contempt." Id. p. 125.
Toit dwop^firotv rov fivBov—iwola utto kcriv iixoi oSfWtt Oifiit ^laYopcvciv, " The Ineflkhle pOItJOl
of the narrative, such as it is unlawful for us to publish." Id. p. 128.
'ivaatv ii oi uttrrat to Xt-tSfitvo*, " The initiated know what is meant." Id. Epiat. clzIL Ub. flr.
Kai TcXcTar niv unii 6 X^^or kivcitm, " Let not the discourse even touch upon the initlatoiy yftaiL'^
Id. De Insoraniis. [p. 133.]
The council of Laodicea, setting down the place and order of those prayers, shows na, thay wars
made firrd r6 lUXBtU rovt sarnxovM^t'ot^i " ^«r ^^^ catechumens depart** [Can. xix.]
^E.wtfivtitcKtTt dXXiiXow /uiff Tir riv aXXo^wXJv dvafi4fiiKrtii, " Know one another, leaf tstij of the
strangers mingle with you." Chrys. Adv. Judssos.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 271
figuris defendentibus a viUtate aeeretum^* "and by characters which
secure the secret from depreciation.'* Such were the Egyptian hiero-
glyphics, and used on purpose for such conceahnent; they could not be
understood without a fivaraywyhs^ " an initiator ,*" to interpret them; and
he explained them not, but in secret ; and there but to some few select
hearers, as the author of the Quasstiones ad Orthodoxoa tells us ; rk
Upoy\v(f}iKa KaXovfi€va to. iv tois ddvroigj ov rois rv;(ovo-fy, aXX^ rols iyicpi-
Tois irapadidofifva,^ " the so-called hieroglyphics which are communi-
cated in secret cells, and not to everybody, but to those only who are
approved."
I will not say, the Christians imitated the Gentiles herein, especially
if the practice began so early as Tertullian (which some suppose,
because he waives the mention of the sacrament, when he had occasion
to give the heathen an account thereof, in such circumstances, as Justin
Martyr before him had plainly described it.) For there is a great zeal
visible in his writings against compliances with the heathen. Yet will
I not deny, but that this custom amongst the Gentiles might have some
influence upon Christians in afler ages ; when it was thought a good
expedient (how rightly experience afterwards showed) for drawing the
pagans over to them, to meet them in some of their observances. And
it is evident, that many usages amongst the ancients were continued
upon other considerations than those to which they owed their originaL
However, it is undeniable, that such concealments were in use
amongst them, and particularly as to the prayers which were made in
the administration of the sacrament^, and some other rites counted
mysterious.
None but the initiated were permitted to be present at these prayers;
tS)v afivrfTaiv ovdtva xpv irap€iucuy as Chrysostom, having said before,
Srav oKovoTis ^trfBafitv ndrrts Kowfj^ " when thou hearest the words, Let
us all pray together." None but the faithful were to be present, when
they began eucharistical prayers. Those that were not fit to partake
of the mysteries, were not fit to hear the prayers, ovk cf r^r Bwr'tat ifyos^
ovdi TTJs /AcroX^^fur : ovkovv ovdc rrjs evx^r, " Thou art not worthy of the
sacrifice nor of communication ; neither then art thou worthy to hear
the prayers ;" they were warned to depart, dicovtit iarSn-ot rov Kffpvieog, mil
\eyovTos "Oaoi iv furayoitf wrcX^rrc ndrrtt — oircX^crc ol fifj iwdfitpoi
li(rj6rjvai, " Thou hearest the herald who stands and says, All ye
that are penitents depart — Depart ye that may not pray." And this
was done in reference to the prayers, rovro yivenu di^ r&v cvx^s ^
■njt /3o^f Tov KTipvKOf, " This takes place at the time of the prayers, by
proclamation of the herald." Those that were unworthy to see, were
• Somn. Scip. lib. i. cap. li. p. 23. * p. IM.
272 A DI8C0UB8E CONCERNDia IITUBGIXS.
unworthy to hear ; a¥6$toi xul 6^Mi§Moi rSr Btoftirm^ ramn^g Mi(m
jBol SiooMy* '' Their ejes are unworthy these spectaclea ; ao alao are their
ears nnworthy."
So elsewhere, he says, the catechumens were forced away £r(Hn thefle
prayers, JankaOi^mu rmp ^^puerAw €vx»p ixtivrnw yivofupwf'j they never heard
those concealed mysteries, oudc y6p ^ficoMraM rwv dtnpprjrmp fivanffdm,
Inlying that of the apostle to them, A iffMkfii^ oU c2lc,* &c, '< which
eye hath not seen,** &c.
So far baptism, the first council of Orange decrees, the catechumens
should not come at the font, Cateckumeni ad baptisteria nequaquam
admittendi^*' ^' The catechumens are by no means to be admitted to the
bi^tisteries." And the pretended Dionysius b^^ins his discourse of
baptism with fujd€U drcXc<rTo^ tvl rrjv Btop irro^^ " Let no uninitiated
person come to the spectacle;" conformably enough to the usage of his
times, though not [to that] of the apostle.
When they have occasion to speak of these prayers in their sermons
to a promiscuous auditory, they decline any recital of them, with their
usual aposiopcsis, Norunt fideUs^ taamw ol firfiwifitvoi, ol fiwmuy or ol
imrrol, t6 \wy6fuvw, " The faithful know — ^The initiated know — ^The
fiuthiul know what is meant," so frequent in Augustine, Chrysostom,
Theodoret, as to the eucharist. For the prayers in baptism, see
Chrysostom.*
Nor might they commit them to writing; that was the way to divulge
them. Writing was counted a publishing, though but in an epistle to
a private friend. So Basil to Meletius,-^ *Iva fifi eV rj a^ TeXc/onTr*,
ypafifuuri dii^fuxrifvcra) — dirjyrjadfifjv r^ ddfX^o^ Q€o<f>pdaT<j^ ra Kaff cKaarov
• In Ephes. Horn. Ui. pp. 778, 779.
AdTertariit Athanasii, pro crimine magno objectum sit, quod de calice confracto contenderint
OOrain EthniCO, Kai ovk aloTtt^t^ir rai ravra—liri KaTtJXOVfi.kvttv nai ro ft x^^P**"'*** ^''^^ 'EXX^vwv rpu*
7«ioyirrer ra fivoriipiai ov x/^»j ^op to fLvirriipta duviiTOtt rpaftaAttv, Tva /ifj "EWnvtc /it» a7*'t»r>T€t
jt\»ich (iaTrixo''Mci'o< ^ wtpiepfoi fivofitvoi aKavfiaXiCtavrai, *' It was cast in the teeth of the adver-
Mri«s of Athanailnt aa a grcMlt crime, that they went to the law before a heathen concerning a
broken chalice. ' And they are not ashamed of this, that in the presence of catechumens, and what
if far worse, in the presence of Greeks, they enacted the mysteries. For it is unlawful! to enact the
mysteries In the presence of the uninitiated, lest the ignorant Greeks ridicule them, and the cate-
chumens becoming over-curiou», be scandalised.' " Syn. Alexandrina apud Athanat^ium. Apol. ii.
p. 569, torn. i. Edit. Commel. 1601. [Kd. Col. ]CHt]. p. 73], A torn, i.l
*EKi a ri¥ kfhiiM¥ t(ira(o%rwtpi tKKXrifftar, ir«pi froTn^iUi', ircpi rpavt^iir «a< riv iif ti^v, kai to
6ttv6T€ttovt iBvticavt IkoXovv fiaprvpit^t iffpi wornpiov fxvvTiKov CnTiu'iTer. "They instituted Icfral
proceedings before heathens concerning the church, concerning the chalice, concerning the table,
and things sacred ; and what was a more fearful thing, they called heathens as witnesses touching
the mystic chalice. " Ibid. p. 571. [Ed. Col. p. 733, D.]
So Julius expresses himself astonished, that wapovrw Kurnxovfi^wv r6 ri xeiptaroi ttri ^^(Km*
Kai '\ovdait0V rtiv dfo/9c/9Xt)M^*^v trtpi rov Xpitrrtavto^on i^iractt wept aifxarot XptCTOv Kai amfiaror
XpKTTfw 7<v«Toi, " In the presence of catechumens, and worse still, in the presence of heathen and
Jewish slanderers of Christian religion, inquisition is made concerning the body and blood of
Christ." Epist. in Apol. ii. [Ed. Col. p. 750, A.]
* In 2 Cor. Hom. ii. p. 553. ' Can. [xix.j •' Hier. Eccl. cap. ii. sect. i. p. 21.
' In Gal. !▼. 28, p. 748 ; in 1 Cor. xv. 29,- Hom. xl. p. 514 ; in 2 Cor. i.; Hom. ii. p. 555.
^ Ep. iTiL [Ed. Paris. 1722. p. 151, D. torn. itL]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITUR0IE8. 278
mrayytXKtu, that what he was intiTnating, might not be divulged by
writing it, he would acquaint Theophrastus therewith, who should
declare to him all particularly, by word of mouth.* As they had their
mysteria chartulce non committenda, '' mysteries not to be committed to
parchment,*^ in Origen's phrase ;^ so these mysterious prayers were to
be kept as secret. To write them, so as strangers might come to the
sight thereof, was not n^/Hiv Mow, *^ to keep them close,** to use them
as mysteries, no more than to recite them in their hearing. What th^
durst not plainly pronounce, they would not venture to write ; aocoid-
ing to that of Clemens Alexandrinus,^ ^fiovfuvog ypAi^ip h ml Xeytip
€<l>v\ti(dfiri¥, '^ Fearing to write those things which we are cautious not
to speak.** By this means they might come to the knowledge of aliens.
Ruffinus puts this in the accoimt he gives, why the creed was at first
not written, (idcirco denique Iicbc non scribi chartuUs out membraniSf
'^ Therefore this is not to be written on paper and parchment,**) it was
to be used as a watch-word, whereby they might know friends from
foes, {interrogatua symbolum, prodat, si sit kastis an socius, '* When
asked for the creed, he shows whether he is an enemy or a friend.")
But if it had been written, and the Christians got it by reading, the
design might have been frustrated ; for this way, the infidels might
have got the word, ut certitm esset hcec neminem ex Uctume qua inter-
dum pervenire etiam ad infiddes solet, didicisst.* '' By means of this
reading, which afler a while is liable to come to the ears of even the
imbelievcrs.**
That which they would have kept secret, they did not commit to
writing, for the view or use of others. Therefore Baronius says, the
way of dravring up their literoB formates,' was not in writing ; because
they were concerned to keep it secret, lest it should be counterfeited,
existimamus ejusmodi formulam nequaquam ab eis fuisse scripto traditam —
sed penes episcopos catholicos retentam esse secretam/^^ln our opinion this
kind of cipher was by no means committed to writing, but was kept as
a secret in the custody of the Catholic bishops.**
And there wants not direct evidence, that they had not any prayers
thus writ. Basil says expressly [that] the words they used in blessing the
• Page 307. » In £p. ad Rom. ii. 4. [Ed. Paria. 1759, torn. iv. p. 479, C] '
< Strom, i. [Ed. Lutet. 1629. p. 276.]
^ Expos, in Symb. in Cypr. Opera, p. 4. [In Hieronym. Oper. Ed. Paria. 1706. col.ezxTiiL torn, v.]
• The litera forwtata were letters of recommendation sent Uvta the Mahopa of one dmreh to
the Msbops of another. They were of three kinds : the first sort were only given to penona of
quality, or to thoee whose character had been called in question ; the second sort w«r» glTen to aajr
communicant who had occasion to change his abode ; the third kind were granted only to tlw oiBi|7
who were remoTing from one church to another, and these were called also MUn rf iwls esry .
These letters of commendation were called fonmalM, from the very cirenmatanee to whkh the
author nukes reference above, vix. from their being dlatlngutshed by eertaiD f^rwu or ohmclna, m
a safeguard against fbrgery.— En. / Ad anno tli. a. 44.
274 A DISCOURSE CONCEBNINO LITUBOZR8.
elements, rh r^g ivutkrimm piftara^ were not writteiii they had tliem aot
4yypA^w ; and that what thej said, botli before and after the conaecn-
tion, they had not from any writing, ahXh, jboI wftokiyoft^w ml /nXryo^
rrrpa, ns /uyaXffv txovra wp6s t6 fiwrnipuHf r^ ^^HC^ ^' ^' dypA^ov Mk-
(ncaXioff m^NiXd/SoKrcf , '^ We premise and subjoin other thiiigs besdei
as contributing great efficacy to the mystery, and these we deriTe froa |
the unwritten tradition/' As much he says of the prayers in baptisiii; ^
(the words we shall have occasion to produce hereafter:) «iid#ao haTiog
reckoned the prayers made in the administration of the sacnunents;
amongst other things, which of old were kept secret and unwritten ; he
tells us the ancients were well instructed to reserve them, as mjsteiioaf
things, in great secresy, Kcik&t €Ktlvoi (ol irarlp^i) IkMay/upoi rmp fivan^im
n& irtfuA (TioMT^ dta(riaC€<r$€u ; and adds, those administrations^ at whidi
the non-initiated might not be present ; how could it be lawful, to
expose the notice thereof by writing them ? & y^ ov^ g'wo mw iy iftm
Tols dfiwfTois, rovroi>v nSts ay fjv tliehi r^y dtdcKrmXuiy iitBpuMfMfimw h
ypofifuiarX ;' And all along these prayers with the other arcana there
mentioned, are awdpprfray ddi^fuxrtnn'a, 3ypa<f>a, and,* rit Sypail>a rff
^lucXfyo-tar fiwrrripia,^ " ineffable — private — unwritten — the unwritloi
mysteries of the church."
Dionysius (who, though he belied his name, and would have been
thought elder by some hundred of years than he was, yet hath credit in
reporting the usages of times wherein he really lived*) declaring why he,
writing of other rites and practices of the church, declined* to give
• DeSpir. Sancto. rap. icxvii. p. 273. [Ed. Par. 1722. p. 55. torn, iii.] * Page 174.
• Itaquc sflentium hoc quodcunque sit non oppoiii voci sed scriptioni ; ut non ait sensua, noa
debuisse prnnuntiari : ted tantum non debuisse scripto tradi, " Therefore this silence, wbaterer it
be, is not to be opposed to speech but to writing. Since it would not be sense that the nysterin
ought not to be enunciated, but only that they ought not to be committed to writing."
torn. iT. lib. ri. cap. Tlii. sect. xxvi.
Nolebat Basilius earn tradltionem UHpujufieitaBat iv fpafifxaciv, atque id periculosum <
bat Tif ctfiytf Twv nvarnpif^v, " Basil was averse to that tradition's beintr paraded in writing, aai
thought that such a proceeding would imperil the reverence due to the mysteries." Id. aert. zzls.
^ Cum et hie, et alii apocryphorum scriptores. sua soleant ad pnesentis suo aevo ecclesiae ritua.inoRt
ac sermonem efllngere ; primo plerlque eo potissimum consilio sua figmenta sub vetustiorum »wwpl^
edant, ut res sui ssculi novas false antiqtiitatis nomine constituant et fonfirment ; clamni eat ctiaiii.
ex istius generis apocryphis magnam utilitatem percipi posse, si diligenter obsevetur, qaoa ffll
mores, et quos ritus ecclesis, et Christtianis illis tribuant de quibus loquuntur, " Since both this aai
other writers of apocryphal books an' in the habit of feigning things of (heir own after the modd cf
the rites, customs, and manner of speaking in une in the church existing in their own age ; aai
■ince very many the rather In cnnvequence of this their chief design, viz., to establish and anpport
the novelties of their own age by a forged ancient name, publish their own figments under the » wfft
of their predecessors, it is clear that great benefit may accrue from apocryphal writings of that atao^,
if we carefully note what customs and what ecclesiastical ritc« they ascribe to those Chriatiana eoa-
ceming whom they speak." Df llaeus de Lib. Suppoftitis Dionys., frc. lib. ii. p. 250.
• Cur reticnerit precationes quse in mysteriis adhibentur, '* The reason why he has obaerred dtaDea
at to the prayers which are offered in the mysteries," says his translator, dm ri irdvrav irrot T«t« &fiui
intKXfivttt, Kai T(iT tvtpftlut iviumnatv, "The reason why he has kept silence as to all, or at laaiL
as to the sacred invocations, and their cfiects," says Maxinius, his rcholiast, p. 96. If it be Mid, hv
tpa^lt i^pun^cittv, is to explain or write commentaries on their prayers, not sinply to ^■^iM^ti i t
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 275
an account in writing concerning the sacramental prayers; (rcXcorijcc^
€iriKXT}(r€is) assigns this reason, ov B4fUTov cV ypdffxus a^piuifvmiv ; it is
not lawful to declare them in writing, being mystical and secret,
fxvoTiKovs ova-as koi diropprirovsj (as Pachymeres,) being secret, and not to be
divulged. To deliver them in writing would have been fV rov Kfv^Uw
irp69 t6 Koivbv e^ayciv, to bring them out of secresy into common view,
as he expresseth it afterward.^
For the Latin church, InnoceQtius I., bishop of Rome, may satisfy
us. Deccntius of Eugubium consulting him about divers particulars
concerning the church service ; Innocent* in his epistle in answer
thereto, refers him, not to any written orders or prescriptions, which
may well be presumed lie would have done, if there had been any;
but to what he had seen practised at Rome, when he was there. But
more particularly and expressly,*' he determines that the presbyter
might anoint the baptized with chrism, rum tamm fronUm ex eodem
oleo signare; but not anoint their foreheads with it ; that being
reserved by him (and first by him) to bishops : but what words
should be used in that rite, he might not tell him in writing ; verba
vero dicere non possum, ne magis prodere videar^ quam ad ccnauUO'
tionem respondere; lest he should seem a betrayer (of the church's
arcana) rather than an adviser. Now if they were thus reserved and
cautious in a baptismal rite, as much or more caution would be thought
requisite as to the Liord^s supper, which was anciently, in their style
and accoimt, secretum,^ and jJ Kp\j(f>ia, " a mystery — ^the secret ordi-
nance." 'And indeed he shows himself no less reserved about the
eucharist ; so we find him.^ Cum post omnia quce cq)erire nan debeo, pax
them to writing, I answer if it were so, this proves as much what I allege him for, as the other. Fw
this was unlawful, not as commentaries, but as written, it was ov Bttiirhv, " unlawfbl,** not to
explain or render them intelligible, but to divulge or make them common, cit rh luuvo* k^afttv.
Now they were exposed to common view by being written, not by being intelligible, for intelligihle
they were in the most reserved use of the church ; unless their prayers were riddles, and they
offered to Gi>d they knew not what for a reasonable service.
• Hicrarch. Eccles. fln.
' Sterne dilectionem tuam ad urbem venisse, ac nobiscum in ecclesia oonvenisse, et quern monnn
vel in consecrandis mystcriis, vel in caeteris agendis nrcanis teneat, cognovisse, dubium n<m est ;
quod sufficere ad informationem ecclesise tun, vel rcformatlonem satis certum haberem— nisi do
aliquibus consulendos nos esse dixisses. " It is indubitable, beloved, that thou hast often come to tho
city, and met with us in the church, and observed the routine which obtains as well in consecrating
the mysteries as in other secret oflices ; which 1 should Imagine suflBcient for the ordering or reform-
ation of your church ; unless you say that it is necessary to consult us touching certain matters."
Prarfat. Kpist. aU Decentium, In Crab. Cone. torn. i. p. 452. • Cap. iii.
' Innocentlue negat se tunc tcmporis, i. e. cum scriberjt ad Decentium Eugubinum deberc dicere,
" Innocent says that he ou^ht not at that time, (i. f. when he wrote to Decentios of Euguhiimi,) to
mention the arcana," (Ctiamler, tom. iv. lib. vi. cap. viii. sect. Hi.) lest the writing might have come
into the hands of the non-initiated. Populus pars erat a/Minroit pars iMfivniUvot, lUte noque Tidcn
licebat, neque audire, et hi satis erant, ut non auderet omnia Uteris Innooentlus comnittwe, "Pvt
of the people were uninitiated persons, part initiated. The former ware allowed ndther to ••• nor
hear ; and the Utter were so numerous, that Innocent did not dare to commit aU mattan to wxittng.**
Id. sect. liii. Vid. Bcllarm. sect. I. ' Cap. I.
276 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES.
ait necessario indicenda, " Since subsequently to all those parts of the
service which I am in duty bound not to expose, the salutation of peace
must be pronounced." Those things, which passed in the oelebration of
the eucharist, before the salutation of peace (before which were all the
prayers) he might not open to him in writing ]" and in reference to the
whole, he speaks thus, towards the conclusion, EeliqfM veto quae acribifaB
non eratj quum ad/ueris, interrogali, poterimus edkeref "For the rest, which
it is not lawful to write, when thou art here, we may, being desired,
declare them." Now, if to write this in an epistle to a particular person,
who was not only fufiwjfimt, " initiated," but, as Nyssen speaks,
fiv(rnjpi<ov \av3av6vTci>p fxvirraytiyhi^*^ " an initiator into the secret
mysteries," would have been no less than prodere, no better then
treachery, a betraying the curcana eccUsioBy " the arcana of the church,"
what would it have been to have had thera written for public use, and
exposed in common prayer-books !
I suppose it is hereby manifest, that they were not wont, in those
times, to commit their sacramental prayers to such books or writings ;
and 1 cannot apprehend, how the prayers requisite to make up a liturgy
for the sacraments could be either prescribed, or of common invariable
use, in many churches, if they were not so written.
Finally, since they thought themselves obliged to keep the things we
speak of secret,'' making account [that] the order of the churches, and
the reverence due to those mysteries could not be otherwise secured ; we
cannot suppose they would take a course, which would make it next to
• If a catechumen ask thee what the teachers say, fxniiv Xf7e r.p f^cd, /luirT^^ioir ^np aoi wapaiido'
fxev, &c. " Say nothing to one who in without ; for we entrust to you a mystery." — ^groti vinam
quandoque postulant ; quod si intemiK'stive detur ^pevijrnv IpitiCtrai, Kai dv6 Kuxa tivtrat caj o
vooSfv uirnXXvTui, Kai o iarpot faafiaWtrai' ui/Tcof o Karrwuv^KVOK ia\ uKovCfi wopa vkttov, Kai i
KUTHXOt'MO'o^ ^^ei'iTiy, ovK oi6t fap t* JiKoucrt, Ku< i\t7xc' to irpu7/ia Kui ^K/iiuKTfi/x'Ctt to X^-^ofitvii^t
Kai 6 ir»o-Tov wc fipoAornt (caTOKptVcTai, &c. ** Sick men sometimes ask for wine, which if it be unre»-
sonahly given produces delirium, and two evils supervene ; the patient dies, and the physician li
blamed. So If a catechumen hear these things from a believer, the catechumen in like manner grows
delirious ; for he knows not what he hears, and reasons about tlic matter, and scoffs at what is said :
also the believer is condemned as a traitor." Cyril. Procatcch. [cap. vii. Ed. Oxon. 1703. p. 9.j
OifK Itariv etfof t^nkDiv 6it\ft~nrHau " It is not our manner to cxi)ound these matters to the hea-
then." Catech. vi. [Ed. Oxon. sect. xvi. p. 97.] * Cap. viii.
« De Christi Baptism.
■' 'A^ywaia of^vorn^ iwi rtXi-r&v, " I[^orance in regard to the sacred mysteries b dignity.*
Synes. de Provid. sect. ii. p. 124.
'El- T<p KtKpvfifxivtf Kai a<f>Oi-iKrfft to acfivov tok /uii»<rT»ip«o«v i<piXatrtrov, " They preserved by con-
cealment and silence the reverence due to the mysteries." IJaail. de Spir. Sancto, cap. xxvfL
p. 273. OvTOi 6 \6fOi T»ic f&v ii-ipdiptav irapaducrewr, Av fit] KaTafifXriOttanv rm io^fxar^v ri/w
'fvSttriv, tvKata^p6vr\rov roiv iruWotr -^XvcaBai iia (rvvijifetni; " The reason for unwritten tradi-
tion is this, that the knowledge of our principles being to be learnt only by experience, may not
be exposed through folly to the contempt of the multitude." Id. ib:d. Toaoi'Twv &vrtt¥ iiipa^w
Kai Toffui'rni' ix^vrttv Iffx^v cU i6 t?jv cva^fieTat nvaTijpiov, " So many things being unwritttK
which possess such great importance in reference to the mystery of godliness." Id. p. 274.
Lysis, the Pythagorean, To fip Anfiooi,/. tfttXocoiptU, ntfciXn^ elv uv(^p(^7ow n/>fe rAv Otim* koto-
^pov^crewc, •' Philosophising in public originated a great contempt for Divine things/' reproTing hit
fHend for publishing something. In Synesius, Ep. cli. [p. 279, B. Ed. Paris. 1633.]
A DISCOURSE CONCEBNINO LITUBOIE8. 277
impossible to conceal that which they deemed themselyes so much oon-
earned to keep secret.
Now, if their prayers had been written out, for the use of many thou-
sands, or many hundred churches, (indeed the supposition must be for
all in the world ; for all are supposed to have some or other, though
not all the same) would not this have been a dividging of them, and a
ready way to make them €K<f>opa roU lf(», *' divulged^ to them that are
without?" Could all, of such multitudes of copies, be kept either from the
heathen, who were so inquisitive after the Kpv<^ui, " secret doctrines/'
of the Christians, as they used all means fair and foul* (sometimes
tortures, sometimes odious misinterpretations, sometimes subtle insinuft-
tions) to get the knowledge of them ? .Or, from the catechumens, pas-
sionately eager to be acquainted with these secrets, iEmy way though
surreptitiously ; as for other reasons, so because their acquaintance
herewith would have advanced them inmiediately into the higher form
of the Jideles, " faithful."*
It is no way probable, [that] these prayers and their other ivwipuca^
^^ esoteric doctrines," could have been concealed, if they had been written
for common use ; and therefore, since they thought it their duty to keep
them secret, we may conclude, they had them not thus written, and
• Quo magis neceMariura credidi ex duabua ancQlifl quae mlnlttne dlcebantur, quid etaet Teri et
per tonnenta qusrere. Nihil aliud inveni, quam supentitionem praTam immodicain. ** I thereftm
deemed it necessary to wring the truth by torture from two senring-women, who were called deacon-
esses. But I discovered nothing save a corrupt and intemperate superstition.** PUn. Ep. Tr^ano,
xcvii. Just. Martyr. Apol. i. p. 133.
Aioirep ti.arii\¥ unii vo^car uK^</)wr to Kpv^tov rov Xpurriantafiw iiafiAXXt* air6, " Therefore
in vain does he, who does not even correctly understand the Christian religion, slander it.** Origen
contr. Gels. lib. i. p. 8.
Maximus Madaurens. Ep. ad Augustin.
To iriar6v n/uttf a^avow Kai awoppiirou KOtvttviat oierat Mai tf'^tfif/iia, " He deems the cipher tO
be the proof to us of the obscure and secret doctrine of the conunanion." Celsiu in Origen. lib. tUL
p. 339.
* Ei 6i r'lK Kar ujvoiav fieraXafioit tovtov rdxiov vrotxtimtravTtt fiviiaare, livtn fAii Kara^poinrr^
i^v\6ot, "If any communicate in ignorance, instruct him immediately in the elementary doetrine,
and initiate him, that he may not depart a scomer." Clem. Constitut. lib. t. cap. xxri.jine,
Quodam canone uno comperimus, si cui contigisset catechumeno, casu aliquo, ac fbrtuito saert-
ficiis interesse, aut oculis ilia sacra intucri, eum protinus sacro fonte abluendum ftiiaae. — A Deo
magnum quoddara in se profectum benefieium arMtrabantur, si casus qoidam inspentvu tuUseet, ut
ea sacrificia, non tam mentis, quam oculis corporis contemplarentur, " We find by oiie canon in
particular, that if it chanced to any catechumen to be present by some accident at the saeriflces, or
to look upon those sacred things with his eyes, he was to be b^itixed forthnith.— >They esteemed it
a great blessing sent to them by God, if any unexpectt:d chance brought to pass that they should
gaze on those sacrifices with the eyes, not of the mind but of the body." Albaspln. Obeenr. Ub. U.
cap. ii. pp. S06, 207. Vid. Notes in Can. p. 206. Timotheus Alexandrinut, in respon. canon. Inter-
rogatus, si puellus catechumenus, vel homo jam perfectus, dum fleret oblatio, opportune allUeiit,
ej usque nescius partlceps fisctus sit, quid debet de eo fieri f Respond, debet Uluminarl, a Deo entan
vocatus est, *' Timotheus of Alexandria, being asked for a eanonJeal eolution of the queitloii— If a
child, who is a catechumen, or an adult, should be present at the very time when the oUatlMi ia
offering, and should become an ignorant partieipator of the same, what ought to be done In the eeae
of such a onet answered. He ought to he baptliid,haeiiiee nieh aoM tooUed of Chm.** InVieeoon.
de Bapt. Rit. lib. il. cap. Y.
278 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES.
consequently they could have no prescribed litui^es for the adminiBtra-
tion of the sacraments.
And the impossibility of concealment will be more evident, if litur-
gies were to be not only in the hands of the several ministers , bishope,
presbyters, deacons ; but also in the people's hands ; as it was necessaiy
they should be, unless they were quite other things, than either the
modern now imposed, or the pretended ancient liturgies ; for then the
people bear such a part in the prayers, as shows their direction by a
• book necessary. And some part they had of old, as appears by Cyril.*
Though nothing so much, as in the written liturgies, nor what they
might not have by custom without book.
This may sutilce for the sacraments in general, to show how far those
that administered them were from being confined to prescribed forms.
For the eucharist in particular, let us view the twenty-third canon of
the third council of Carthage : Ut nemo in precibus, vel Patrem pro FUio^
vel Filium pro Patre norninet, et cum ad altare assistitur, semper ad
Patrem din'gatur oratio. Et quascufique sibi pj'eces aliquis^ descrilnt, mm
eis utatury ntsi prim eas cum instructioribus fratribus contulerit. " That
no man, in prayers, shall name, either the Father for the Son, or the
Son for the Father. And when they are at the altar, the prayer shall
always be directed to the Father. And what prayers soever any shall
copy out for himself, he shall not use them, unless he first discuss them
with his discreeter brethren."
The middle clause of this canon evidently concerns tlie eucharistical
prayers ; the first and last respect both these, and the prayers also in
other parts of the administrations ; each of tliem make it plain, that in
those times, they were not under any restraint by imposed forms.
For the first. Those, who in their prayers named the Father for the
Son, or the Son for the Father, used not prescribed forms ; for surely
the church would not prescribe what the council forbids. And as they
used none before, so these fathers leave them at liberty, for the future,
to use what they thought fit, only imposing this on them, not to name
the Father for the Son, &c.
For the next clause. If no prayers were used, in the administration
of this sacrament, but what were prescribed by the church (and conse-
quently allowed by the synod, as duly directed already) it was vain and
ridiculous to make such an order, ut semper ad Patrem, thsit the prayen
be always directed to the Father. This is clearly a restraint upon
those, who before had liberty, in celebrating this ordinance, to address
their prayers to any Person of the sacred Trinity ; ordering that from
• Catech. Mystag. v. And Chrysostom in 2 Cor. Horn, xvili. p. 647.
' Hardouln reads guicuHque and aliunue.— Ed.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 279
henceforth they should direct such prayers only to the Father. And as
it clearly supposes, they were neither limited nor directed, by any pre-
scribed forms before ; so it leaves them free, to use what prayers they
judged meet, cum ad altare asaistitury " when they stand at the altar,"
provided that they were addressed only to the Father.
Yea, the weaker and indiscreeter sort, of those that officiated, are
allowed, by the next clause, to use what prayers they would anywhere
make choice of, with this limitation only, that their more discreet
brethren should first be conferred with about them. That of Augustine,
who was a great part of the African councils, at this time,' is the best
comment which can be desired upon this passage. Having showed,
that divers of his brethren had many things against the faith, in prayers
which they used in sacramental administrations, he gives this account
of it : Multi irruunt in precea, non solum db tmperitis loquacibus, sed
etiam ah hcBreticia compositas; et per ignoranticB HmpUcitatem, nan eaa
valentes dUcemere^ utuntur iis, arbitrofites quod bonce sint, " Many light
upon prayers, not only which are composed by unskilfrd babblers, but
also by heretics ; and through the simplicity of their ignorance, not
being able to discern, they use them, judging that they are good." Here
we have persons as fit to be confined to prescribed forms, as any we can
expect to meet with ; (such as could neither make prayers themselves,
nor make tolerable choice of prayers made by others ; being so ignorant,
as they could not discern an heretical prayer, when they met with it)
These are circiunstances, which might justify the imposition of set
forms, if any could do it. And yet the African fathers^ saw no suffi-
' De Baptism, oontn Donat. lib. ▼!. cap. xxv. p. 568.
* Now sine* tome, angry at this canon, (for what reason appean not, onkM becaoie it ihowa what
they would not have seen) would thifl it out of the AfMcan eonatitutione ; let it be tfbienred, that it
waa originally a decree of the council at Hippo, aa appean by the brief of its canons ; in which it la
the twenty-third, in number of forty-one. Crab. torn. L p. 4S3. A general council this waa, as we learn
by that of Possidonins, Vit. August, cap. viL Coram episcopls, hoc illi Jubentibus in pknarium
totius Afiricse concilium Hippone agebant, " Thua did they in the presence of the bishops, who sum-
moned him to a full council of all Aflrica." Vid. August. Retract, lib. L cap. xviL And of such
esteem, that, as Baronius tells us, Ceterae quae postea in Afirica celebratSB sunt synodi, ex HiniO-
nensl tanquam archetype quodam, complura ftierint mutuatn, **The other councils which were
afterwards held in Africa, borrowed very many things from that at Hippo, as tnm a kind of model.
Ad anno 393, n. 5.
And no AfHcan council hath ftiller approbation, nor that so frequently and solemnly declared. It
was confirmed, by a M\ council at Carthage, Ccsario et Attico. Coss. anno 397. So Marianiu
Scotus mentions it, anno 417. Concilium Carthaginense, ubi Hipponensis concilii statuta iirmantnr
et infemntur, <* the Council of Carthage, in which the canons of that of Hippo were confirmed and
cited." And an abridgment (now spoken oO was made of its decrees, that they might be the
better remembered and observed, as the fiuhers tell us in a synodal epistle ; breve vero statutornm
huic epistolsB subdi fecimus, ut eompendio (qusB decreta sunt) reeensentes, solidtius observari cura-
mus, " We have sutjoined to this epistle an abridgment, that we may provide for the more strict
observance of the decrees by the study of them in a more compendious^brm." In Crmb. torn. L p. 4SS.
Justel. NotSB in Cod. Af^. pp. 48, 49. And of fifty ascribed to this (so-called third) council ef
Carthage, thirty-nine are the same with those of Hippo ; and in both this canon ia the twenty-third.
It was confirmed afterwards (the ceaons thereof heiag recited) not only by the votes, but the sub-
scriptions of the Ihiheia la the initnl comaa at MOtvla, uino 4M. Aread. et Honor. 8, Cess.
T
A DISCOIJRSB CONCBRNINQ LrnTBGIIS.
dent reason, to prescribe snch forms to personB so lamentabfy inmffi-
cient. But, as thej did make choice of what prajen they thonght good
before ; so they leave them at liberty, to use what they made choioe of;
proyiding only, they should first confer with their more able brethren
about them, that so what was therein erroneous might be amended.
And accordingly Augustine, in the same place, tells na, mudiorum emm
preces emendantur quotidie, n doctioribus fuermt recUaUB^ '* the pr a yers
of many are amended daily, if they be recited to the more learned.**
There had been no occasion fbr any part of this caaoa, if such
liturgies as we speak of had been in use ; or if they had thought fit to
tetve imposed any. A few words would have served the turn, instead of
those they multiply ; (such as : let no prayers be used, in celebrating the
sacrament, but what the church prescribes.) But the wisdom of Africa,
and the great Augustine, thought that course more advisable, which is
utterly inconsistent with such restraint, and which left the most insuffi-
cient of their ministers at greater liberty ; fbr such evidently is the
course they take in this canon; the severals ' of which, if they can be
reconciled with any kind or degree of confinement to prescribed fimns,
then may we reconcile light and darkness.
That no ministers were limited to any prescribed forms, in the admi-
nistration of the Lord's supper, is manifest also, by the seventieth canon
in the collection caUed the African council ; which being the same in
effect with that which passeth for the twelfth canon of the [second]
council of Milevis, runs thus —
Placuit etiam hocj ut preces quce probates fuerint in amciUo^ sive pree-
fationes, sive commendationea, sen manus impositiones, ab omnibus celt-
brentur; nee alice omnino contra fidem proferantur ; aed qucecunque cum
prudetitioribus fuerint colUUce dicantur^^ " This also seemed good, that the
prayers which shall be allowed in a council, whether prefaces, or com-
mendations, or imposition of hands, may be used by all ; neither may
any other, against the faith, be used ; but all whatsoever, which shall
be commimicated with the more discreet, may be used." Where it is
observable, Uiat,
1. As much liberty in praying is lefl to ministers by this canon, as
by that but now insisted on, (though some, upon a conceit it is otherwise,
have showed more favour to this, than that:) those that were so indis-
creet, as they could not discern an heretical prayer from another, and
together with the eonatitutions of the last mentioned council of Carth«g>. VId. GMb. toai.
pp. 4SI, 509, et Justel. Cod. ccxviii. &c.
It was finally ratified by two hundred and seventeen bishops in a council at Carfluift, amoiU^
and the approbations and confirmations of it forementioned are part of the AArieaa code. In wMk
the title of Can. xxxiv. is, Quod nihil de Hipponensi concUio sit emendandum, '* That no Mk «f Ai
council of Hippo be amended." In JnsteL p. 114. Vid. p. 217, ftc.
• Particulaiv. » Collect, in Cod. Can. eUi. p. S81. Vid. TlMni. ». SH.
A DISCOURSE CONCEBNINO LITURGIES tdi
SO gave occasion of jealousy, lest the prayers they made choice of
might have something in them against the faith, were not, by the
decree of that coimcil, to use such prayers, till they were approved by
some prudent brethren : by this canon, they were not to use them,
unless they were allowed, either by such prudent persons, or else by a
sjmod. So that, here they have more liberty, in the choice of their
approvers, and no less upon any other account at all. I have showed
already, [that] as much liberty is granted by the former canon, as those
that are most for freedom in prayer do desire ; no restraint in either, but
upon persons so insufficient, as should not be suffered to officiate at all,
but in extreme necessities." In both, the prudent are allowed to use
what prayers or mode of praying they thought fit. For they who are
esteemed competent judges of others^ prayers, are thereby presumed fit
to judge of their own.
2. No prayers at all are forbidden, but such as were against the
faith ; nee cUicB omnino, contra fidem, proferanturj " nor let prayers
which are inconsistent with the faith be offered at all ;" by which we may
judge what prayers both the synod and the prudent would allow. They
were not so scrupulous about words, if wholesome, though not accurate;
they could better bear with some incommodious expressions or incon-
gruities of speech, if the prayer was affectionate, and had such oratory
as the great God is pleased to listen to,* though the niceness and
• Which seems to hare been the condition of those chorehes, hy the complaint of Aurdlus, in •
council at Carthage, Cum una cum episcopis suls consedlsset, adstantlbus dlao<niis, Anreliui episco-
pua dixit : ecelesianim Dei, per Africam constitutanun, necessitates mecum optlme norit eharltas
▼estra, sanctissimi fratres— tanta indigentia cleiicomm est, multaeque ecclesls ita deseitK sunt, ut
ne unuro quidem diaconum (margin, lectorem) rel inliteratum habere reperiantor. Nam de cs»t«rit
superioribus gradibus, et officiis tacendum arbitror : Quia (ut dixf ) si minlsteilum diaeoni fluile noa
invenitur, multo magis superlomm honorum inToniti non posse eertissimum est, ef quotidianot
planctus diversarum psene emortuarum plebium Jam non sustinemus ; quibns nisi ftierit allquando
subventura, gravis nobis, et inexcusaUIis innumerabilium animarum pereuntium causa ^md
Deum mansura est, " When he had taken Ids seat, together with his fellow-bishops, the deacoas
standing by. bishop Aurelius said, *Tou, beloved and most holy brethren, are very well awart
with me of the necessities of the churches of Ood established throughout Africa. So great is tha
want of clergy, and many churches are so desolate, that they are not found to possess even one
illiterate deacon. For 1 think it be<t to be silent concerning the higher grades and offices, because
if, as I have said, diaconal ministrations be not readily found, much more certain is it, that those
of the higher ranks cannot be met with ; and already we sink under the daily plaints of flocks
almost extinct, which unless we succour soon, a heavy unanswerable impeachment on the part of
Innumerable perishing souls will lie against us in the presenoe of God.* " In Crab. ConciL torn, i .
pp. 502, 503, in Cod. Jiutelli, p. 185. AureL in Cone. Garth, [v.] anno 401. Tantum antem inopia
clericorum ordinandorum in Africa patiuntur eceleslse, ut qu»dam loca omnlno deserta sunt. " The
churches suflbr in AfHea such destitution of ordained clergy that some places are almost abandoned."
In Capitulo Cone. Hipponensis, Crab. torn. i. p. 434.
* Ov fup 7Xctfrrf|¥ CnTCt xdWov 6 Ocor ov6i pn/idrttw cwBfiKnv, iWa 4fvxnt Mpov, " For God
seeks not elegance of language, nor the tacking together of sentences, but beauty of soul.** Chry*
sost. in Ps. viii. pp. S27, 524.
XptI T^v irpwrewxhtf nh kv trvWafiaXt hfJ^dt iKw\ttpuvv, uXX/i irpoaipivu ixXKXov ^vxnr, xai irpa(s*<
ratf Kar uprrifv irarri t^ fi*V wapsKTsivo/i^vait. " It is meet that we supplement prayer not with
syllables, but rather with porpoee of ioul, and with virtuous deeds extending throughout our
whole life." [BadL 8enn. Ix. De Omtknep taMD.]
Diinonfiaeciwfli adiiumiia iw^fcBi^t'ii Inaetwitia et wietltate 1
tS
282 A DI8C0UB8E CONCEBNING UTUBOZBS.
curiosity of a vainly critical ear would not be pleaaed with it. Ncwrnd
(says Augustine) etiam non ease vocem ad auree Deiy md ernhm qfectum:
Ua enim non irriddfunt, ei aUquoe antistitee et mmtstros eodeauB fofU
animadverterint, vel cum barbarismis et sokeeiemiM Deum mvooare^* ^ Let
them understand, that God attends not so much to the Toioe, aa the
inward affection ; and so they will not jeer, if perhaps th^ ob0er?e
some bishops and ministers of the church do call upon Giod with some
(were these prescribed ?) barbarisms and solecisms.**
3. Any prayers that were approved, either by a synodi or other dis-
creet persons, might be used, as in other church administrations, (and
in which of them was not ^ imposition of hands used ?) so pardcu-
exktiiiuntiir, qui de labrii eoruro punun castamque mentem, quam qui medUatmn canneB Intala-
rit, " The gods are not to well pleaaed with aocuraqr in prayer on the part of their worahippen m
with innocence and purity ; and he it deemed more aceeptaUe who ofltoa fhmi Ua Upa a apallaM
and chatte mind like their own, than he who preaenti a oazefiilly stndiad ode." FUa. la P auu a tJi.
adTn^an.
npoetvxh ov piifia<rt ^i\6it, &\Xa wpajfxofft fiSkXow xpnvroit Karcv^^rcu, " Pnyar ia VM^
vnred not 1>y ita smooth sentencea, but hy good deeda." laidor. lib. L £p. oooIzzxtL [C]
• De Catechiiand. Rudibus, cap. ix. tom. tv. pan poater. p. SSO.
* By impoaition of hands, here is meant, prayers used when hands were im p oaed ; nuoraa wtf i
impositio non sicut bi^ttismus, repeti non poteat. Quid est enim aliud niai ondo atqier hiwiiliisBiT
" Impoaition of hands is not like baptism, which cannot be repeated. For what dae ia it aaro
prayer orer a manf" August. De Baptia. contra Donat. lib. iU. cap. zri p. 496.
Hands were imposed almost in all prayers, and all church admiaiatrathma; the pragnen !■ the
first instance were those for the catechumens and penitents ; impoaition of handa waa naed at both.
On catechumens. Vincentius a Thibari in Ciprian Connec. Prime per manna tmpoaiHoiif
in exorcismo, secundo per baptism! regenerationem, possunt ad Christi polUcitatioiiem penreiiire»
"In the first place, they may obtain the promise of Christ by imposition of hands in ezor-
cism; and in the second place, by the regeneration in baptism." Vid. Auguat. De B^tia.
lib. vi. cap. xliv. Augustin, Nam et catechumenos, secundum quondam ™*m^^iip anua,
per signum Christi, et oraUonum manus impositionis puto sanctificarL " I deem catechumens
to be sanctified after a cerUin manner by Christ's mark, and the imposition of hands at pnyer.**
De Peccat. Merit, lib. ii. cap. xxvi. tom. L pars L p. 875. In exorcismis impoaitio manuum, *' la
exorcivms imposition of hands is used." Leo, Ep. IxxviiL cap. L Vid. Cone. Carth. iv.Can. IxxxT.
On penitenu, in admission to penance. Albaspin. Obsenr. pp. 230, 2SS, 897, Vid. Cent t. p. Ml.
In exercise of it while under penitence, fitra r6 i(t\0tiv rovt Koriixov/A^i'ow, tAv kv ^mtovom rift
•irxh* yivtfi&ai, Kcu ToirrMv wpofftXSotrrttv inro x<^P<*> " After the departure of the catech mneaa
comes the prayer for the penitenu, and these advance to receive imposition of handa." Gone. Laodie.
[Can. xix.] Con. Garth, iv. Can. Ixxx.
In abMjlution, or reconciling penitenu. Cypr. Epist. [Ixxiii.] Euseb. lib. vii. cap. ii. Lao, Noa
nisi per pcenitentiae medium, et per impositionem episcopalis manus commnnionia re c^ l aat
uniutem, Epist. Ixxvii. cap. vi. Reconcilientur per manus impositionem, " Only by penanee aad
imposition of the bishop's hands do they receive reconciliation." Cone. Carth. ir. Can. IxztL
In confirmation. Tertull.[DeBaptis.cap. vii] EgressidelaTacroperungimurbenedictauiicclgae
de pristina discipline, dehinc manus imponitur. Cypr. Qui in ecclesia baptixantor pfpealU i
ecclesise offeruntur, ut per nostram orationem et maniu impositionem Spiritnm Sanctun csa-
sequantur. [Epist. Ixxiii. ad Jubaian.] Jerome. Ad eos qui longe in nUnoribua uiMlnia p«
presbyteros et diaconos baptizati simt, episcopus ad invocationem Sancti Spiritua maaum lap^
siturus excurrat. Adv. Luciferian. [Cap. iv. In Ed. Par. 1706. tom. iv. coL 295.] ** On leaTlng the
font we are anointed with the consecrated unction ; after which comes impoaition of haada.—
Those who are baptized in the church are brought to the rulers of the church, that Iqr our pfafva
and the imposition of our hands, they may obtain the Holy Ghost.— To those who are beptfaad M
a distance from the motlier-church, and in the smaller towns by presbyters and deaoona, tiia hUip
pays a visit to lay his hands on them with invocation of the Holy Ghost."
In admission of reduced heretics. Leo, Quod si ab hsereticis baptisatum qaempiam fhliaa cm.
aUterit, erga hune nuUatenus saoramentum regenerationis iteretur ; sed hoe tantmn, quod i
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 283
larly in the Lord's supper, (as the title of the canon, De Precibits ad
Altars Dicendis, shows) in what mode, or by what person soever they
were made. And hence it follows, that either those African churches
had no common form of service at all ; or else (which serves my pur-
XX)se as well) they had none, but such as, with the good leave of those
fathers, might never have been used by any, either at the Lord's sup-
per, or other parts of worship ; since any other prayers, which either a
synod, or other prudent ministers should approve, have the placet of
this council.
The inference is just, and cannot be evaded, unless any will say, by
tlie preces qucs prdbatce fuerint^ " prayers which shall be allowed of,"
is meant a liturgy established in those churches. But that this would
be an unreasonable shift, the canon itself (a little further examined) will
discover. For
1. An established liturgy (if there had been any such) was used and
approved already. But the prayers, here mentioned, were not yet
approved, nor were they to be used, till approved. So the brief of the
canon tells us, ut preces et orationes compositce, nisi prdbatce fuerint in
concilioy non dicantur,^ " that written, prayers and supplications, except
allowed of in coimcil, shall not be used." It is provided that the service
to be used, be first approved in the usual synod, says a learned advo-
cate for such liturgies, upon this canon. Then
2. What is meant by {quascunque^ what prayers soever shall be
conferatur, ut per episcopalem manus impositlonero virtutem Sancti Splritiu conaequatiir, " But
if he be auured that any one hat been baptized by heretics, in tuch a man's case the sacrament of
regeneration shall by no means be repeated, but this only which was wanting in that baptism shall
be added, viz. that by imposition of the bishop's hands, he may obtain the Tirtne of the Holy
Ghost." £p. zxxv. cap. ii. Ep. Izxvii. cap. yii. Movn yptivBai r^ hta x<*pm» hri94vmv t^p
" Prayer offered with imposition of hands is alone to be used." Dionys. in Euseb. libi. Til. cap. [U.]
In visitation of the sick. Si fbrte ab SBgrotantibus ob hoc peteretur, ut pro lis in pnesenti Deum
rogaret, eisque manus imponeret, sine mora pergebat, "If it be requested by any sick persons to
beseech God in their presence for them, and to lay on them his hands, let him do so without
delay." Possidon. Vita Augustini. He tells afterward of one healed by his laying on hands, who
had a vision for it.
In celebrating matrimony. LeAtrange applies that of Clem. Alexand. Psdagog. lib. ill. [cap. xf.
p. 248. B. Ed. Lutet.] TtVi wp4<rfivrtpo9 twt0i/i$iff«t xeipa ; riva 9i\oyif9ti ; ov ripf fwaixa rffv
KfKoa/inn4vrtv, uXXd raf iiWorpiat rpixat, " Upon whom will the presbyter lay hands t Whom will
he bless r Not the adorned wife, but the hidrs of a strange woman."
In ordination, which needs no proof. Bed rid. Cone. Garth, iv. Can. ii. liL iv.
In exorcising the possessed. Cone. Carth. iv. [Can. xc] Omni die exordsta energumenis manus
imponant, " Let the exorcists lay hands daily on the energumens.** Vid. Can. vil.
In baptizing. Clem. Const, lib. viL cap. xUt. Vid. Vicec. De Bapt. pp. 614, 620. Hence
baptism is called, impositio manus, p. 8, in abrenundando tub antlstitis mano, ** Imposition of
hands — in renunciation under the hands of the bishop.** TertuDlaa De Corona Mil. cap, HI. poat con-
fessionem fldeL Dionys. Areop. Ecelea. HIerar. oap. Ii. [p. 78. D. Ed. Lntet. 1619.] in Ylcee. p. 811.
Hence Melltlus is, by the NIeene cotmeU, forUdden tlw azardaa of his ftaneUon, In tlieaa ttnna :
Mnde;i<'uv t^owriav 9x*h M^ irpoxcip^C<'ftu fiffn jBUptStrur inXAv M tA SvfMa viiv n^St mstS-
Bat, " He has no authority either to ordain, or to taiqpoao hmtiM, but onlj to itlafa pniHMlou of
the mere name of his offiee.** Bynodiea Zgiat Oooe. Nle. in Thaoiant, 1ft. L Oifi. Is. [f. tl. A.]
• In Crab. Concfl. torn. 1. p. 48t.
284 A DISG0UB8B CONOBRNINQ LITUBGIBS.
debated with the more prudenti maj be Mid) in the last cUawe of tht
decree?
1. If we understand bj it the supposed liturgy, it la added Tainly,
and no tolerable account can be given why. And besides, some pru-
dent brethren were to be conferred with about these prajexis, who were
to approve them before they might be said. (This is clearly and
unquestionably the design of qucBCunque cum prudentianbuB fuarwt tA-
latcB, dicantuTy " all whatsoever which shall be communicated with tht
more discreet, may be used.**) So that if hereby the Afrin^n litoxgy be
understood, it was such a one, as was not yet allowed to be used, and
possibly never might be. It was at the arbitrement of such judges, as
those, who were concerned to use them, would choose, whether it
should ever take place in the church, or no. It might be disused or
abolished, either in part, or wholly ; as they thought fit. Such was the
liturgy of these churches, no other established, nor otherwise pre-
scribed, if the canon here speak of it.
2. If we understand hereby other prayers, than such as the
imaginary liturgy contained ; then so much liberty is hereby granted,
for the use of those other prayers, that the pretended liturgy mig^
never be used : for these fathers authorise any other (with a qiuKwtqiii^
which prudent brethren might think fit for public use ; and so leave
none under the restraint of any prescribed forms, either in other parts
of worship, or (in precibus altare dicendiSy ^^ in prayers to be said at the
altar,") in the eucharistical service.*
In the 12th canon of that council, which passeth for the 2nd of Mile-
vis, for aim ptnidentioribua collcUcPj we have a prudeniionbua tructataf
• I am the more satisfied with this evidence of the AMcan councils, becsoM BeUaimiiie haih
nothing to oppose here, but what renders it more unquestionable. Chemnitiua had aUegod, CML
Afric. can. 70, Cone. Milevit. [ii.] cap. xiL to prove, apud veteres ordinem celebraadi ttaiMMm aiUtn-
rium, "that the order of celebrating the eucharist of old was arbitrary." Hlne colUgitiir, says
Bellarmine, non fuisse antiquo tempore prsescriptum certum canonem orationuin, qui omnei tU&-
garet, sed permissum fuisse, ut quisque componeret preces, modo ese analogae essent fidd, "Hence
we gather, that in ancient times, there was no fixed canon of prayer prescribed which bound aO*
but that it was allowed to every one to compose prayers provided they wer» accordinc to tt«
analogy of faith." De Miss. lib. ii. cap. xviii.
Chenmitius thus speaks, Non enim conceptis verbis prsescripta fuit una quasdam mta fnona wtA
libenun fUit uti quacunque forma, modo analoga esset fidei, " One fixed form was not preaoibad
with words hdd down, but men were at liberty to use any form provided it was agroMhlo to tka
faith." Examen pars ii. p. 358.
Bellarmine answers, Canones conciliorum citatorum non loquuntur de eanone miaa* ; ood <•
eoUectis, quse semper fuerant multiplices et varise, '* The canons of the couneUa dted. do not
speak of the canon of the mass, but of collects, which were always manifold and Tariooa.** Id.
ibid. p. 817. Where he denies not, but that those African decrees show, that all other prajrvra, ovm
in the eucharist, were then arbitrary ; only the canon of the mass, says he, they apeak not o£ Ani
no wonder, since the canon, which he is so tender of, was not in being tffl near two hundred flHt
after these decrees were made. And there is not a syllable in them, tn the '^"f Ihig af ay
other, more than that. Vid. Albaspin. ante.
• Scholium ad hunc locum in Cod. Pal. TiiaKraic-ria' riniiini liw tfrnifrla lenjiaaila, **!
which must be scrutinised, examined, tested." Glossss Baellli a Carole X«Mao OL !%• <
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 285
'^communicated with the more discreet;^* a phrase of the same
import, signifjdng the prayers handled by the more prudent, t. «. debated,
discoursed of, and so examined by them, in order to approbation,' if
they were found good, or to amendment, if otherwise. And this sense
of tractatce agrees best, both with the other constitutions of those African
churches, and Uieir practice also declared to us by Augustine. But if
any notwithstanding will thereby understand the prayers composed by the
more prudent, tractatus being a sermon in Cyprian, Ambrose, Augustine,
Optatus,* [be it so;] and I will thence infer, [that] the more prudent had
no more liberty in prapng than in preaching. If I should yield this, it
would be no great disadvantage. For, as they were not tied to use ser-
mons composed by others, being much below those worthies, orationea
alieno fortnare ingenio, " who owe their public discourses to another's
invention ;^* so they had and took liberty to preach, either ex tempore^
or upon premeditation ; and the former way commonly.
Jerome tells us [that] many homilies of Origen,'^ which he translated,
were preached, delivered in the church by the author ex tempore. Ora-
tiuncuhs has 26 in Jesum Naue ex tempore in eccUsia peraravit Adcanantiue
seneXf*' " These 26 shorter orations on Joshua, Origen delivered extem-
poraneously in the church in his old age.'* And Ruffinus speaks the same
of Origen's homilies upon Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, and Romans.
All that we have of Cyril's, bishop of Jerusalem, are extemporary
discourses, as Vossius observes, fix>m the inscription of them,' nanne
cogitant catechesea (rx^buiBt'uras sive extemparales, ut inscriptio indicatt
*' Do they not regard the catechetical discourses as unpremeditated, or
extemporary, as the inscription shows they were ? "
And such probably were those, whose occasion and subject was
the same as the Psalm sung before sermon; as, to omit others, that of
Nazianzen./
Chrysostom, while presbyter at Antioch, was advised by Flavianus
the bishop, to use his extemporary faculty in preaching, irpwfUrrrrtu,
avrhv avTo<rxt6lc»s i^rjyria'aa'Oai rf Xa^, '^ he advised him to preach to the
rpoKTaJcat' anoirricat, i^trdaat, rpaxTCt'Civ fap ol Aarc/vot tov (rKoii6v, t6 /9«w(\cv/Lta koi t6 ifira^fia
Xffovat, " to scmtiniie ; to examine. For by rpoKrci/ctv, the Latini ezpreM the ideas of aerutiiiy,
deliberation, and investigation." Jiutell. Obs. in Cod. p. 8.
• 'OirMT t6 wp&ffia 9iiowrt9hf teal h Kvp^9n h dtopBi»Bri, " That the matter may be examined, and
either authoriied or corrected." Cod. Af^. can. 60. * In Thomd. p. 176.
' Qua ab Origine, in auditorio eccleti«e ex tempore, non tarn explanatlonis, qnam sdificationii
intentione perorata sunt : sleut in homilili, sive In oratiunculii in Geneiin, et in Exodum, be.
" Such things as were spoken extempore by Origen in the church assembly, more for edification
than by way of explanation, as in his homilies or brief oratkms on Genesis and Exodus,** fte. RuflT.
Perorat. in Ep. ad Rom. p. 684.
In the editions of Johannes Orodichis, the title is, Catecheses ExtemporauMe ad IQuminatos 18.
•t Mystagoffioi 8. *' BlghtMn BxtampcraMmis Csteehctieal Disoounes to the Bi^tiMd; tog«Ch«T
with flre Myiti«Ogleal OndoM. VId. Rtr. Crit. torn. ir. p. S58.
' Pndns. in Honi. Orif . fai Jm. Vn. This prologiie is ascribed to Rufflnus. En.
« De Bynb. p .If /In Pt. exir.
286 A DISCOUBSE CONCBRNINQ UTUBOIBS.
people extempore,** as one of the writers of hia life relates it. And he
complied with Flavianus herein, w6pnt BwadfutHH aMm — a&roajfilm
6/iiXovKra avrois, " thej all saw him preaching to them &r tempore/*^
And such were many of his sermons at Constantinople, when he ww
bishop there ; particularlj those upon the epistles* to the £ipbe8iaD%
and Philippians ; as Sir Henry Savill, (who deserves so well of him, and
of the world for him) conceives ; as also those upcm both the epistles to
Timothy, and that to Philemon ; and more than these he intimates to
have b^n avro<rxf^utBivT€Sf "extempore."
Atticus, presbyter at Constantinople in Chiysostom^s time, and after-
wards bishop there, though far short of his predecessor's acoomplish-
ments, yet, by industry and practice, as Socrates tells us, he attained
the faculty of delivering himself ex tempore to his auditory ; <rvv rg ^ttka-
rroviq. koL irappriifiap icnia-dfiirvos c( avrcxTXcdiov, Kok watn/yupucmnpatf r^ Ms-
cKoKiajf inoUirof " by dint of pains-taking, he acquired confidence in
extempore delivery, and made his instructions more popular."
Jerome had no cure, and so left us no sermons. But of dirers of the
pieces which survive him, he was as easily and speedily delivered, as the
forementioned of their popular discourses. Of one piece of his, he teEs
us, ExtemporaUs^ est dictatto, " it was dictated ex tempore^^^ and fiuter
than it could be well taken in short-hand. And his interpretation (si
he calls it) of the three books of Solomon, Proverbs, Canticles, and Ecde-
siastes, was' tridui opus, " a work of three days ;" in which time, one
would think the quickest pen could scarce write out the text.
Augustine also, not only in his conflicts with adversaries, but also in
his sermons to the people, used extemporali dictfone, "extemporaiy
delivery," as Erasmus^ observes, in whose judgment, he nowhere ap-
• Georg. Alexand. Vita Chrytost. p. 179, cap. 17.
• Homilia in Epbtolas ad Epheslot, Philip, utramque ad Timotheam et PhOemonem, Jcek tA
avTOirxi^iov rnv \^(cMr, CoattantioopoUtania acceniend«. Not« in Chryiott. Horn. riiL p. SST.
Commentarii certe mediocres sunt et ut plurimum, qualet illi in epistolam ad Epbeaioa, concU, ct
airoaxfitaBivTtf (ut puto.) Id. ibid. p. 409. " The Homilies on the Epistles to the Ephesteni,
Philippians, and those to both Timothy and Philemon, are to be classed, on account of th* want of
premeditation in their style, amongst the Constantinopolitan ones.— The CommeatarlM an ctv-
tainly of a middle rank, and like those on the Epistle to the Epheaians as condensed as ]
and as I think extemporaneoiu."
• Hist Eccles. lib. vii. cap. ii. p. 7SS.
' Extemporalis est dictatio, et tanta ad lumen lucemulse facilitate profiiaa, ut noCariorum i
lingua praecurreret, et signa ac furta verborum, volubilitas sermonum obrueret, ** It n
extempore, and poured forth by candle-light with such ease, that the tongue outstripped the 1
of the notaries, and the torrent of sentences marred the signs and snatches of .words.** Ep. tML
[Tom. Iv. col. 734. Ed. Paris. 1706.]
« Tridui opus nominivestro consecravi, interpretationem iridelicet trium Solomonis Toluniiiiim,
'* I have dedicated to thy name a three dayu' work, to wit, an interpretation of the three booka ef
Solomon." Id. Praef. in Prov.
/ Plerumque per notarios ex ore loquentis excepta sunt, cujusmodl fere sunt enarratlonca Sci^
turarum ad populum, quas ipse tractatus appellat. aut conflictationes cum haereticla, qtue tMm
publicatas apud plebem fieri consuererant. Nee alibi mihi videtiir admirablUor. Quibua nedloeie
contigit ingenium, si lucubrandi cura adhibeatur, excudunt interdum aliquid non contemneDdum.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 287
pears more admirable than in this ; not that these discourses are more
excellent than his more elaborate works (as if he had been, what the
historian says of Tiberius, tx tempore quam a cura prcestantior, " better
extempore than after premeditation,") but because he could do better
on a sudden, than others (though well accomplished) with time and
study. One remarkable instance we have in Possidonius," who tells us
in Augustin's words, of Firmus, a Manichee, converted by such a dis-
course, as he never designed before he had begun the sermon. And
that seems another, which is intituled, Concio super gestis cum Emerito
DoncUista, being occasioned by an acclamation of the people at the
assembly.*
And those, who having much more work as pastors, did preach ordi-
narily every day, and some days twice ; yea sometimes twice in a fore-
noon, and thrice in one day ; (as bishops in those and former times
did ;) it cannot be thought, but many of their sermons were bom as soon
as conceived. Such were their tractates : nor was it then thought
canting, to ascribe such discourses to the assistance of the Holy Spirit
Nazianzen being to discourse of the Holy Ghost, prays for his assist-
ance, that he might thereby be enabled for the expressions, TA dc rov
llvcv/iaror, itapitmo fioi t6 Ilvcv/ia, Koi did6r» X<$yov, Scrov koi /SovXoftoi tl di
/i^ dc rocroOrov, dXX* Saos y« r^ Kaiptj^ avfifitrpos. ** That I may open the
mysteries of the Spirit, let me have the presence of the Spirit, and let
such utterance as I desire be given; or if not so much, yet what may be
agreeable to the season f^ and says also, [that] they both studied and
spoke, inspired by it. The Spirit, as he adds, blows where it listeth, and
inspires whom, and where, and how much he will, otrns rffuU Ka\ vo€w
Caeterum in eztemporali dictione, tantam adease mentis penpicaciam, tantam memoriK pnewn-
tiam, tarn paratam orationis copiam, non sine perpetua quadam Jucunditate, quis non moTeturf
Qiiis hoc hodie praestare queat, vel ex istis qui studiom omne collocaront in paranda dictlonia
Cacultater " They were for the most part taken hy the notaries from the lips of the speaker; of
which sort are those expositions of Scripture to the people, which he himself denominated trae-
taltu, or polemical discussions with heretics, which were formerly wont to be carried on in the
presence of the people. And to my mind, he does not appear more excellent in any other puts
of his works. Men whose mind is characterised by mediocrity, now and then, put forth somewhat
not to be despised, if the care requisite for elaboration be aflbrded them. But who is unaffected,
when in extempore speaking there is found so great transparency of meaning, such wondrous
readiness of memory, so available a supply of language, not without a kind of imiform sweetness r
Who is able to surpass him in our day, even among those who have devoted their whole attenti(m
to acquiring the gift of public speaking?" Erasm. Epist. ad Arch. Tolet. praeilxa operlbua
Augiutini.
• Ctun prnpositse qusestionis latebras pertractarem, in allum sermonis discursum porrexi, atqua
ita non conciusa vel explicata qusestione, dfeputationem magis terminavi adversum Manichaeorum
errorem, unde nihil dicere decreveram, disputans, quam de lis quse asserere proposueram, " As I
discussed the obscurer points of the question before me, I launched oat Into a digression foreign
to my discourse, and so without settling or unrarelling that question, oonelnded my dlspntatioa
with an invective against the error of the Mankhees, (of which matter I had not iatended to eej
anything,) rather than with those sul^ectt on whieh I had propoeed to njidf to epeek.** Vit.
August, cap. XV.
* Tom. vii. pars i. p. 770. ' Ont. xUv. [p. YW. A. titm. L Id. hih. ItlO.]
288 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITOBOIBB.
Koi \iytiv tfiirv€v6fAtSa vaph rov Ilivvfiarof ; '' aooordinglj we Sire inBpixed,
both to meditate and speak bj the Spirit.'*'
Thus they did preach, and thus they might pray. Nasianaen haviiig
given an account how his father prayed, in celebrating the euchaxist^
adds, Koi ravra naprjp avr^ wapa rov ayiav npevfugns^^ " Theae things were
brought to his mind by the Holy Ghost"
Answerably Ambrose to Forentianus.^ Docet autem S^inritus Ckrkd
(jsicut et Chriatus) orare discipuha suos ; quia autem post Christum doc^
ret, nisi Spintus ejus, quern ipse misit ut doceret et cUrifferet cr atioMS
nostras? Oramus enim Spiritu, oramus et menie. Ut bene pasnt mem
orare, prcecedit Spiritus, et deducit earn in viam rectam^ ne obrqnmt
carnalia, ne minora ac etiam majora viribus, Novit enim bonus medieus
qucB esca cui apta sit infirmitati, et cui tempori adperfectum valetudims;
interdum opportunitas escce sanitatem reddit^ quod si importune aliqm
accipiet, out non convenienter, implicatur periculo, ErQO quia noB net-
eimus quid oremus, et qtwmodo oporteat, postulat pro nobis JSpiritiis
Sanctus, " The Spirit of Christ (as Christ also) teaches his disciples hov
to pray. Besides, who should teach after Christ save his Spirit, whom
he himself sent, that he might teach and direct us in prayer ? For we
pray with the Spirit, and we pray with the understanding also. That
the understanding may be enabled to pray aright, the Spirit prevents it
and leads it into the right way, lest carnal things, and things below, or
eyen above our strength creep in. For a good physician knows what
diet is suited to every distemper, and to every season, in order to the
establishment of the health. But if any one adopt a diet unseasonably
or unsuitably, he is placed in danger. Therefore since we are ignorant
for what and how we ought to pray, the Holy Ghost makes intercession
for us."
Their affections excited by the Spirit could help them to expressions
without a book, and did form their words in prayer, as Augustine tellt
us, Qucelibet alia (quam oramus Dominica) verba dicamus, qucs affectui
orantis, vel prcBcedendo format ut clareat, vel consequendo attendit ut
crescat,^ "We say in addition other words than those with which we pray
in the Lord's prayer, such as the emotion of the suppliant suggests by
anticipating that it may make clearer the petitions, or by following in
order to intensify them." And if their affections were not always so
active, their judgment and invention, (which with Divine assistance)
served them so well on a sudden with expressions in preaching, might
much more easily help them to words in praying.
Let us show this more particularly, in the several prayers made in
• p. 709. * Drat. xix. p 305.
« Epbt. xzUi. Ub. ir. * Epht. cxxi. Ad Protam, e^. xU.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 289
the celebration of the eucharist. It appears by the eighteenth canon of
the council of Laodicea, that in the latter end of the fourth century
three sorts of prayers were used in that administration; after the
dismission of catechumens and penitents, ovr»s, rhs €vx^s tS>v mfrr&v
yivfaBai rpcly; " the prayers of the faithful are three;" the first of these
silently, fiiov fiev n^v irp&njvy di^ cruvir^r; the other two pronounced,
rriv dc hivripav, Koti rpirr^v bih irpo(r<l>avfia-€»t. Of which two, one must
be the prayer for all sorts in general, and the church in particular,
called avvdrmf lea^oXtic^, the general prayer ; for that such a prayer
was then made, there is evidence enough in authors both of Greek and
Latin churches of that age ; the other must be the blessing of the
elements, called the prayer of consecration ; for this was never omitted,
so Optatus, legitimum quod in sacramentorum myaterio prcBteriri non
potestj" " the prescribed part which may not be omitted in the
mystery of the sacraments."
Now for the first of these three, viz., that 6Ul (runris, I find no
mention of it elsewhere. Probably* it consisted only of some secret
ejaculations, used by the faithful, while the offerings or the elements
were preparing, to raise their souls to a posture fit for that most solemn
and sacred ordinance. However, being a mental prayer, there was no
place, and can be no pretence for prescribing words and expressions for
it. Chrysostom*' directs to something of this nature.*
As to the second, the general prayer, that this was not made in a set
and invariable form, appears by the epistle of Epiphanius to John,
bishop of Jerusalem.' There was some clashing betwixt these two
bishops ; he of Cyprus being a great zealot against Origen ; (as another
John, of Constantinople, found by troublesome experience ;) and he of
Jerusalem being an admirer of Origen, and under suspicion to be tainted
with his erroneous opinions. John had heard, that Epiphanius should
intimate, in the eucharistical prayers, that he by name was warped from
the faith ; he complains of it ; and that epistle is Epiphanius's answer
and apology, in reference to this and other particulars he was charged
with. As to this, he admires,/ that any should report, quod in oratione
quaiulo offerimm sacrificia Deo, soleamiu pro te dicti*e^ Domine pi^sta
Johanni ut recte credai, " that in prayer, when we oiSer to God the
sacrifices, we arc in the habit of praying for you thus. Lord, prevent
John that he may believe aright." This is the occasion. And hereby
it evidently appears, they used occasional petitions in this prayer ; for
such a petition is that complained of; and the occasion, a suspicion that
• Lib. IL Advera. Pinnenlmnum, [p. 45, Ed. Parii.lC79.1 » Cyrfl in Junius Not. ad Clem. Ep. p. 8L
• "Oto* cucoi^iir, ^n^Mcv vdvrtt noivri, " When thou hearest th« words, Let ni all pray toge-
ther." Chrya, in Eph. Horn, ili p. 778. ^ Horn. xxlr. in I Cor. p. 899.
• In Oper. Hleronym. Ep. Ix. p. 4«6. [In Op. Epiphan. p. JIS. torn. U. Ed. Col. 1681.]
/Wondeia.
290 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING UTUROIE6.
John was inclined to Origen's errors. If such liberty had never been
used, to pray in this place as occasion required, who would have been
so impudent, as to raise such a report ; or so foolish as to affirm what
none would believe, as being against the constant and invariable custom
of tliose that celebrated ? AVho can think, that the bishop of Jerusalem
would have brought such a charge against Epiphanius, as would hare
appeared false to the world at first sight, and miglit have been convicted
of impudent slander, by the known imalterable usage of Christians?
And why does not he, who designed to burden his adversary as much
as might be, charge him with transgressing the orders of the church,
to vent his particular spleen at a Christian bishop ? Is it not evid«it
upon the whole, that there were no such orders, confining them to any
invariable form, in that administration ; but that they might, and did,
vary in their expressions, as there was occasion ?
This will yet further appear, by Epiphanius's answer. iVb^i not m
tantum putare rusticos, ut hoc tarn aperte dicere potuerimus, &c. " Be not
ready to think us such rustics as that we could say this so bluntly." He
takes no notice, that what was objected was inconsistent with the custom
and pnoctice of that church, and so groundlessly suggested. He appeals
not to the known form, to which they were precisely confined, refers him
not to their service-book for his satisfaction; which yet, if there had been
any such thing, a duller person than Epiphanius would have discovered
to have been the be^t way, to stop the mouth of his accuser. He deniefl
not, but they ordered their prayers Jiccording to such occasions ; but
only tells him, they were not so rustical as to do it so bluntly.
We have in the English service-book, a prayer for the whole state of
Christ's church, pretended to be answerable to this prayer we are upon;
and indeed thc^ only pniyer in the book, that can pretend to any foot-
steps of antiquity, so high as the fourth age. Now suppose the bishop of
L[ondon] should be accused, in that prayer to prefer such a petition for
the primate of Ireland, Domine prcesta /., ut recte credat; what course
would the bishop take, to clear himself of this accusation ? Would not
the dullest of his chaplains appeal to the prayer itself, being invariably
used, as the best way to domoustratc the charge was false ; wliich yet
the bishop of Cyj)rus, supposed to be just in the same circumstances,
did not offer at ?
But let us proceed with his answer; Quando autem completnus orationem
secundum rituin mysteriorum, et pro otniiibusy et pro te quoque dicimuSj
Oitstodi ilium qui prcudicat veritatem. Vel eerie ita^ Tu prcesta Domitiey
et custodi^ ut ille verhum praulicet veritatis ; sicut occitsio sermonia se
tulerit, et habuerit oraiio consequentiam : '* But when we finish the
second prayer in the mysteries, we say in thy behalf as in behalf of all,
Keep him who preaches the truth ; or at least, thus, Do thou, O Lord,
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 291
prevent and keep Him that he may preach the word of truth, according to
the bearing of the occasion of our discourse, and as the prayer possesses
coherence." He says, they prayed for all pastors, (all that preached,)
which shows it to be the general prayer, wherein they were wont to
pray, imip rSav Upttav koi rav dpx6trro»Vy vntp rov dp^up^os Koi rov /3a(riXc«i>f.*
" For priests and rulers ; for bishop and king ;" and for him also ; but
in what expressions they did it, he is doubtful. It is but one article of
this prayer he gives an account of. It is the same thing (preaching the
truth) and the same persons, (those that preached) he is telling us they
prayed for. And they prayed but for the same persons and things
once in the same prayer ; and yet he cannot tell determinately what
words they used, as appears evidently, by his disjunction veL
Now Epiphanius celebrated the eucharist himself thrice a week, as
he thought by apostolical order ; so he tells us,^ Zvydjccf dc irrmXovfitvtu
raxB^la-cu cicrcv dir6 tS>v dirofrr^XaVf rtrpddiy koi npoaafifiar^y Ka\ Kvpuu^f
" Meetings for the celebration of the mysteries have been ordained
from the times of the apostles on Wednesdays and Fridays, and the
Lord's-day."
And if he had celebrated it in a set form, could he have been to seek
for the words he used so often ? Since if either his memory, or the
prayer-book would have helped him to the precise words, if they had
then confined themselves to any, and had had their prayers either by
heart or in a book ; he would never have writ so doubtfully of them
when his business was to satisfy a captious adversary.
Would there be any need, for one who has the prayer for all states
by heart, or has the service-book before him, to express by a distinction,
what is there desired for bishops, pastors, and curates ? No more would
Epiphanius, if the same mode of praying had been then in use.
To this prayer we may refer what we find of Jerome, who complaioB
that in his time, the oblations' were publicly mentioned by the deacon,
and the names of the offerers recited, yea, and the quantity of what
they offered, and also of what they promised to offer,* PubUce diacontis in
ecclesiis recitet offer entium fiomina, Tantum offert ilia ; Tcmtum iUe polUci--
tus est, " the deacon proclaims in public the names of the offerers — Such
a person offers so much ; Such a person has promised so much." Which
he sharply censures, placent sibi ad plauaum populi, torquente eoa coruci"
entia, " they delight in the applause of the people, whilst their con-
science torments them." The like complaint he makes elsewhere/ Nufw
• Clem Const, lib. U. cap. 11. vid. Leitr. p. 190. » Expot. Fldd, [No.xxil.] p. 110. • VU. AlbMp.
' Aa M[r.] Th[orndIke] olwcrves, it la called aa oblation (vis. the elements, or the offleringB
out of which they were chosen) according to the ityle of the moat aodent church writen ; not aa
consecrated, but as presented and offered (whether hj the people, aa the enstom was to blm that
ministered, or by him that ministered to God) to be oonaeaated. 8«rT. p. 979,
' In Eiek. lib. tI. cap. xriii. [Tom. iU. eoL 8SS, Ed. Fuii. 17M.]
/ In Jer. cap. xL [Tom. ill. col. 584. Ed. Paila. 1706.
292 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITUROIES.
publice recitantur oferentium nommaj'et reden^atw peeoatonim nucteter m
laudem, " The names of the offerers are proclaimed in public, and re-
demption is published for the purpose of magnifying sinful men." Now
who can believe, that a practice, worthy of so sharp a rebuke, was pub-
licly prescribed ; or, if it had been prescribed for common use, would
have been so severely censured ? And therefore, what can be though^
but that those who officiated were left to their liberty, to use #hit
expressions they thought fit ? If there had been a rule or preflcripdcMi,
limiting them to anything better, he would have taken notice of it;
and of this usage, as a transgression of the established order.
-Pertinent to which is this passage of Augustine ;^ Vir tHbumtiM
Hesperius qui apud nos est, habet in territ<mo Fuasulensi fundum Zaie^
appellatitm, ubi cum {afflictione animalium et aervorum suortm) domvm
8uam spirituum malignorum vim noxiam perpeti comperissetf rcgarii
nastros (me absente) presbyteroSj ut aUquis eorum iUo pergeret^ ct^ui ora-
Uonibua cederent Perrexit unus, obtulit ibi aacrificium corparu ChriMli,
oransy quantum potuit, ut cessaret ilia vexcAio ; Deo prcUnus tniseraUi
cessavit.^ "A man of tribunitial dignity, Hesperius by name, who
dwelt amongst us, has a farm called Zabedi, in the territory of Fossala,
whither, on finding that his house suffered much from the Tw^tHgn^nt
power of evil spirits to the damage of his cattle and slayea, he, in my
absence, requested of our presbyters, that one of them at whose prayen
they might be banished should go. One of them went, and oflT^ed the
sacrifice of the body of Christ, praying, as well as he was able, that
the infliction might cease. Forthwith tlirough Divine mercy it did
cease."
These passages of Chrysostom refer to the same prayer, viz., *Bir\ rm
Qtloiv fivoTTfpitov — 7rpo<r<f)€poyTfs xmip avr&v ev)(asj^ " Offering prayers OQ
their behalf in the Divine mysteries." And elsewhere, ^Eon/icffv 6 Itptvt
Tov Qfov rfiu navT<ou €v\^u ava(fi€p<ov^ ^^ The priest of Grod Stands ofiering
the prayer for all mankind," and after, *£icrcM>f iiiw rpiiimv wr«p crov rht
tvxus dva<f>€p€i,*^ " He with trembling offers prayers on thy behalf."
Those who . had lilDert}-, when they were offering supplications and
praises, in the celebration of the eucharist, to pray as occasion was
offen^d, and to put up such petitions as they thought fit, upon particular
emergencies, were not confinwl to set forms in that administration.
Cyprian's occasional praises and prayers, in sacriJiciiSj "in the time
of sacrifice," upon Lucius's return from banishment [are observable];
Hie quoque in sacrificiis atque orationibus nostt'iSy non cessanteSy Deo Patri,
et ChHsto Jilio ejus Domino nostro^ g ratios agere, et orare pariter el
• August. De Clvit. Dei, lib. xxH. cap. vili. » Blond, p. 2^6. Vid. In Aug. torn. It p. 6S6.
• Chrj-8. in 1 Cor. Horn. xli. p. 524. ^ Chrya. in Hcbr. Horn. xv. p. 5U.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 293
petere, ut qui perfectus est atque proficienSj custodiai et perficiat in vobi*
confessionis vestroe gloriosam coronam^ qui et ad hoc vo3 fortasse revocavit^
ne gloria esset occulta, si foris essent confessionis vestrce consummata mar'
tyria," " Even in our sacrifices and prayers we cease not to render
thanks to God the Father, and to Christ our Lord, his Son, and in like
manner to supplicate and seek, that He who is perfect and able may
preserve and perfect in you the glorious crown of your confession. Who,
perhaps, for this purpose has brought you back, lest the. glory should
be concealed, if the perfected testimony of your confession were given
abroad.
Add to this, what may be observed in Ambrose.* He, whilst he was
celebrating, about [the year] 387,*^ (missam facere ccepi) and employed,
as I suppose, in this prayer' (dum offero) tmderstanding what the Arians
were doing, and what had befallen Castulus, orders the prayer suitably
to that occasion ; Orare in ipsa oblatione Deum ccepi, ut subveniret, " I
began to beseech of God that he would succour us." The whole passage
runs thus, Sequente die, {erat autem Dominica,) post lectiones atque tractch-
turn, dimissis cateckumenis, symbolum aliquihus competentibus in haptisteriiM
tradebam hasilicis, illic nunciatum est mihi comperto, quod ad Portianam
basilicam de palatio decanos misissent (Ariani) utvela suspenderent, populi
partem eo pergere. Ego tamen mansi in munere ; missam facere ccepi.
Dum offero, raptum a populo cognovi Castulum quendam, quern presbyte-
rum dicebant Ariani, orare in ipsa oblatione Deum ccepi, ut subveniret,
" On the day following (it was the Lord's day) after reading and
sermon, the catechumens having been dismissed, I was teaching the
creed to some of the candidates in the baptisteries of the church.
Whilst there, it was told me, that the Arians had sent the deans of the
palace to the Portian church to lift the veils, and that a portion of the
people were gone thither. I nevertheless continued in the discharge of
my office. I began to consecrate the sacrament. Whilst I was ofiering,
I learnt that one Castulus, whom the Arians called a presbyter, had
been seized by the people ; whereupon in the midst of the very act of
oblation, I began to beseech God that he would succour us."
He celebrating this ordinance, and while he was praying before the
distribution, dum offero, having notice what the Arians were doing at
another church, applies himself in this prayer to that particular
occasion; Orare in ipsa oblatione Deum ccepi, ut subveniret; which one
that had been fettered with prescribed forms could not have liberty
to do.
Such occasional petitions, with thanksgivings of like nature, were
• Cfpr. £p{<t. lib. m. £p. 1. p. 53. • Spirt. [zzzUL] Ad ItaMlUnam Soranm.
' Spond. p. 2.
' " The ityle of this prayer, in diTcrt UtUflM, mm in tlw tmni ira cAr." Tbond.p.iM.
204 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITUROIE8.
used by Cyprian, in sacrificiis^ " in theee administrations.*'* Nor cm
this be iinderstood of some general expression constuitly used, com-
prising Lucius with others ; for the occasion was partictilary and
such as was not incident every day. And besides, as it had been t
vanity, to tell him of that which he knew before, being well acquainted
witli the supposed common form ; so it had been something worse, to
speak of that as a particular respect to him, when it no more respected
him, than others.
Proceed we to the third prayer, viz., that for blessing or sanctiiyiif
the elements, (called the prayer for consecration) which consisted modi
of thanksgiving ; and from thence this sacrament, as is thought, came
to be called the eucharist. It is of this, that Justin Martyr* gives as
account, in the words alleged by others ; 6 npot<rnis €vx^ SftoUm «
rifxaptarias ootj dvvafiis avr^ dvair€fi7rti ; '* the president, in like nuuuier, at
before, prays and gives thanks, according to his ability.'* This praying,
according to his ability, or as he was able, plainly excludes all praying
by forms prescribed, or composed for him by others, if he either had
ability (which none question in the pastors of those times ^) to com-
pose, or was able to conceive a prayer himself.
Many several ways are taken to evade this ; no way of one, it seemi,
satisfying another amongst themselves ; by which we maj guess, what
satisfaction they are like to give to others.
One** tells us, it is a compliment of civility, as when we say. Ago
gratias, non f/uas debeo, sed quas possum ; or, quantas possum majnmaSy
** I give tluuiks not such as I might, but such as I can, or the best 1
can.'' But, not well pleased with this (it seems) himself, (at which we
need not wonder) he tells us (which will no more please others) of some,
(learned too) who understand it of giving God thanks, with as loud a
voice as he is able : ycXor ravra koi Xrjpos, " ridiculous this and trifling."
Another' brings an instance, where ootj dvvafusy is thought to be
applied to a form ; this is in Gregory Nazianzen. / 4cpc Sarf fiwofus
TO iiriv'iKiov ad<i)/Li(v, tKfivr^v (odrjVy fjp nuTf ^<rav 6 ^lapa^X cVi rois Alyvnrioa
TTj ipvBpoi KaTa\r}<f)0(Laiv, ** Come let US, as we are able, sing a song of
triumph, the song wliich Israel once sung, upon the overthrow of
the Egyptians in the lied Sea." But here, by €K(iyTjv wd^y, the song
which Israel sung, we need no more understand the very same words
of that song, than in Kev. xv. 3, we are to understand the same by the
song of Moses. Which song of Moses, those who had got the victory over
« Ep. iv. lib. ii. Ad Mofcm et Maximum, p. 41. * [Apol. ii. p. 98. £. Ed. Colon. 1€8C.]
* <)l Tjire natfuTai tutv i-iv fubaaKnXtav KptmovK t\<ra.v, "The 8ChoIars of that day WCffe bCttCf
than the teachers of our own." Chr>><»ht. in Eph. Horn. vi. p. 792.
•< Anonym, p. 18. Uite of <lnily public prayers. ' Le«tr. Liturg. cap. tU. p. III.
/ [In\tctiv. coi.t. Julian, i. p. 5-1, torn. i. Ed. Paiis. 1G3U.]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 205
the beast, are said as expressly to sing, (^fdovcnv r^v Mdi)y Mowrtw rov
dovXov Tov Otov, "they sing the song of Moses the servant of Crod:**)
and yet, that which they sing, consists quite of other words, as appears,
yer. 3, 4. And therefore well might Dr. Hammond give us leave, (as
he doth) to conceive, by the song of Moses, another song after that
pattern. And so we may wairantably, by the song, which Israel sung^
in Nazianzen.
The learned remonstrant says, in answer to this, that in Justin
Martyr's time, they prayed according to their ability, and yet had a
public liturgy, as we have, though ours pray according to their ability :
(meaning, I suppose, before and afler sermon.) And so he grants (if I
understand him) that they used no public liturgy, in celebrating or con-
secrating the eucharist ; (for of the prayer for sanctifying the elements
the holy martyr speaks it ;) and thereby yields all that we now allege
it for, and in effect all that we desire : since it will be easy to satisfy the
world, that, if they used no public liturgy, no prescribed forms of
prayer, in this part of worship, they used none, in any.' And 6fioic*ff,
in this very passage, rendered by themselves "in like manner as
before ;'^ gives us notice, that as they prayed here, so in like manner
they prayed in the other parts of worship, which he had given
account of immediately before, in baptism, in the Lord's supper, in
all oayj dvyofusy according to their ability, without any public, any pre-
scribed liturgy.
Another, of great learning, apprehending, it seems,^ that, to grant they
prayed according to their ability, is to yield all ; makes much difference
betwixt Korh dvvofAUf and ^017 ^vafU£. And to show it, explains the
Greek by Hebrew, and Justin Martyr by Maimonides. I suppose it
will satisfy others as well, to have an account of this phrase, by the
Greek glossaries, or Justin Martyr himself. How much difference there
is between them, Phavorinus shows, when he explains o<nf dwofut by
Korii dvtmfwf. His words are, on the phrase i<ro¥ <rB4vovy ZvXXa/Sov
6(rri dvvafus' ckxXimo r($df. Barf fiol itrx^s' cXXccfrrue&f dc ravra Xeytrai, rit
tvTfXfj, ZvXXa/3ov Korii rrjp dwiifuv Sarf cdi coriy. " Lay hold 6aTf dvyofus.
I reject this 6<nf fxoi Itrxps- The phrase is elliptical : the full form
would be, Lay hold according to the amoimt of ability which thou hast.**
So that, according to him, 0017 dwofus is a defective phrase, which, when
it is represented entire, must be expressed by tcarii bvpofur. Let me add
that, in icar^ bwofu^y likewise 6arf is to be understood, when not expressed,
and all our abilities (as to parts, though not to degrees,) [are] there
included ; for when any of our abilities for a work we undertake, is not
exercised, and so oontribntot not to it| m do it not mrrd dvMfuy.
V
296 A DISOOUBSS CONCERNING LITURGIES.
Anflwerably, Ghiysostom uses kotA, dvM^uy and imm ttxt diwayitw, at
phrases equivalent.* And elsewhere in these words, Mc^tayuvy JM^^i^
r^ KMKpfVfifihnip a^Uof iw rols \6y(ns rov Uvruiunxn^ dttpamAgA^pot, ami
ivwofup ^fi€T€ptof, ovx ^^ itrrhj dXX^ Haxnf ^fu» ^HKrw^^ *^ Let as lean,
brethren, the wisdom hidden in the words of the Spirit, ej^plaring it
according to our ability not as much of it as there is, but as much as is
attainable bj us." What he had expressed bj kotA, dvvofMy, he ezplauis
by&roy ^fuv T^fjcroy. And so they differ, no morethan the Latin phrases,
pro vmbus, and pro factdtate; by which Camerarius and Donnssos
render xcmk tvrofuv, and quantum possum or quantum in me eatj by which
others render Zarf dvvofut.
But Maimonides may make the difierence evident : let ua see bow.
He tells us of one proceeding in discourses, tending to the humilialioii
of the people, according to his ability, until he humble their hearti, and
they return perfectly.
It is supposed, that if Justin Martyr had been to express this, he
would have used the phrase Kara ^vvofuv, not 6<ni ^wofus. Well, but
Justin Martyr, in this very Apology,^ hath a passage just parallel to this;
where he speaks of the discourses the Christians used, tending to the
conversion of the heathen ; and they proceeded therein Stni bvpaius^ not
narii hvvofuv, . His words are, cat bih. \6yov oZw xal a-xfiiun^>v rov ^oipd-
iu»av 6<ni dwofut frporpc^rd/icyoA vfuis oimtBwoi otdofjtitv \oar^ SwrwSf «Ar
vfA€is owtoTCiTf , " Therefore, both by the word and the figure of him
that appeared, they exhorting you, as they are able, know they are
unaccountable for the future, although you believe not." So Justin
Martyr's Satf dwa/uf , is no other than our author's Korii dwofiuf ; and the
vpoiarmsy " bishop," in him prayed, just as he in Maimonides preached ;
using his own abilities, invention, expressions in praying, as the other
did in preaching. And thus much our author must yield, if he will
stand to Justin Martyr's, or his own discourse.
And others in reason will be content, that the eminent martyr shall
show us his own meaning. The Christians, in those discourses he
mentions, whereby they endeavoured to bring the heathen to the faith
of Christ, used their judgment, their invention, and certainly their
own expressions. They employed all their abilities in this work;
and this was i<ni dvva/ut nporpe^frOai ; by which we may understand,
if we will admit him to explain himself, what he means by tvx^ Sa^
btvofut avan-c/iTTfty, and how well they represent his meaning, who will
have him to intend hereby, neither less nor more than earnestness in
praying.
Hereby I suppose it clear enough, notwithstanding all endeavours to
• Oen. Horn. xxvU. Ter. 20, page 20«. » Tom. ▼!. p. 759. edit. Savil. • Apol. iL p. 157.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITUROIES. ft97
obscure it, that the principal prayer, in the most solemn part of public
worship, in those times, was no prescribed form. Nor was it any such
form two hundred years afler, as appears by that of Basil ; who tells us
plainly (in the latter end of the fourth age) that no words of such a
prayer were left in writing by any holy men. TA rrfs irruckri(r€»t pfffiora
inl TJ dyadti^i rod Siprov Trjs tvxapurrlasy Koi rov mrriplcv rijt tvkoytas^ rit
rSiv oytW tyypd<l>»s ifuv mroXcXocn-cv ;* thus rendered by Erasmus,
Invocationis verboj cum canfidtur pants eucfiarisHcBf et poculum bene-
dictionisy quia sanctorum in scripto nobis reliquit f " Which of the holy
men have left us in writing the words of the prayer, at the con-
secration of the eucharistical bread, and the cup of blessing?"* By
this it is evident, they were so far from having any prescribed forms
in consecrating the eucharist, as^ they had not so much as the words
of any such form in writing, to his time, who lived, according to
Petavius, till 879.
It will be easily granted by the zealots for prescribed administrations,
that there never was any liturgy, wherein there was not a form for
consecration (since they think any part of a liturgy may be more
tolerably omitted than this ; and those that officiate had better be left at
liberty anywhere than here;) and they will show us such a form, in all
liturgies extant, modem or ancient, (or pretended to be ancient,) there-
fore they cannot reasonably deny, while there were no such forms in
writing, there were no such liturgies ; and so none in Basil's time.
By this also we may discern what sentence ought to be passed upon
those liturgies, which go under the names of Peter, Mark, James,
Clemens, and Basil himself too. In them the mysteries are clearly
described ; which, he says, the ancients thought themselves highly con-
cerned to keep secret. And there we have (as a most necessary part of
them) the form of consecration in writing ; which, he says, no holy man
ever left in writing.
In that, ascribed to him, the forgery is especially impudent. He having
declared his high approbation of the ancients' practice, in not committing
any such thing to writing ; and upon such reasons as obliged himself,
as much as any, not to run counter to them herein ; he, with them,
thought the (r€fiv6v r&v fivtmjpuip, the ^' reverence due to these mysteries**
hereby secured ; and another course the way to render them despicable,
€VKaTa<l>povrfrii ; as is evident by his discourse, in the place alleged;
icaXfior tK€lv<n MidayfUvot, t&p iivtmiplmif r^ crc/iva aumj duur^C^oBai hf r^
K€KpvfifjJvif Koi a<t>6iyKT*f rh a'€fiv6v roU fixMmjpioit i<f>vkacramfy '^ These
having been well taught to preserve by silence the reverence due to
• [De Splr. Sane. ci^. zztIL]
• Biihop Jewel's Apology, p. 60. "BitflbownifM God, that he might oelelntto wtih pogrtn of
hU own meUnff." * thet
U2
298 A DI8COUB8B CONOXBNINe UTUBOIBB.
lihe mysteries, maintained in secreqr and dnmbnen, yBOtanAaa ftr d
sacraments.**
Their prayers at the enoharist were long oidiiiazify : so in Jnali
Marfyr^s time, tlx^oLpiorimf vwip rov xanyfMMrAu r m n w tf wof^ oAnm A
iroXv voumuy^ '< He ofien at great length the eochazutio pimjer fi
those things which he deems desirable." Notlikethose of the moiiki i
Egypt. Paul said three hundred a day, nsing ^fnT^Xdor^ ** pebUes," fi
beads.* So in Ghrysostom, 'EcmyKt yAp 6 Upti^ o^ wvp toBan^wpmrn, M
t6 nycvfta t6 Syuip, Kai r^ UtnipUaf M iroX^ iroccraf-— &a 9 x6p*^ ^"'^
<rovira rj BwrU^f " The priest of God stands to bring down not fire, bn
the Holy Ghost, and offers at great length sappUcatioos for grace t
descend on the sacrifice.** And elsewhere he says, it required a grette
confidence than Moses and Helias had, to pray in this ministraticm, fy
ftiv yitp hcmfpUof dpKtuf Tyov/uu, k,tX.* And why soch boldnesB wi
needful, if they had the prayer in a book before them, I apprehen
not. Howeyer, those that were usually large* in this prajer, wn
sometimes brief, when there was occasion; and performed it Mym
prtfuuriy '' in a few sentences ;** which is a clear eridence they were no
tied to a set form, but were left to use their discretion ; and ordflTCi
their prayer over the elements, so as to be briefer or more enkiget
therein, according as they were disposed, and as occasion xequired.
Marcion imitated the Christians herein, norlfpui o&y K»Kpa§M§ma wp^
inrotovfuvos €vx*ipurrf7p, Koi iviirkfov crrccWv t6p X6yov rijs hnKkiimms/ Ac
" He aped the benediction of the cups containing mingled wine, anc
the lengthened invocatory prayer.**
This prayer, of old, consisted much of thanksgiving. Ghiysostoii
gives an accoimt of some particulars, for which they gave thanka. Anc
having mentioned as many, or more, than are to be found in any eucha
ristical form, either in the mass-book, or our service-book, adda, ctoi
his et ccBteria hujugmodi gratiarum actionxbtia accedimtis/ '' With thesi
and other acts of thanksgiving of the same kind we draw near,** imply-
ing, they were not confined to those specified, but enlarged themsdvei
in such like particulars according to discretion. But I insist not 01
thiSf the former evidence is sufiicient.
• Apol. U. p. 162. [Ed. C<d. 1686, p. 97, D.] • Soi. p. 897. Mqyiit L p. 386.
* De Sacerd. Orat. ill. p. 16. ' [Ont. yl. p. 46.] • oopioBB.
/ Irensiu, lib. 1. cap. ix. In Epipha. lib. L torn. iU. Haer. xxziy.
r Uomil. xxlv. in 1 ad Corinth. 'Yvfp rovrttv, aai tAv rotovrttv &nAvrmv tiyyurTod' ni oStt
flrpo<ri>cv, " With these and other acta of thanksgiving of the same kind we draw hmt." p. asi
E^apiiTTOvrret hrt rnv irXavrif &ir^\Xa(c t^ tAv ^irtfpHnrwv i4vot^ on fiaxpav Svrtt kjyin ^W^mi
Sti iXnida fiii jfxorrav nai uBtoin iv ryi Kotrfi^ hiiX^w iavrov carctrKcravc ecu vi'yKXtipov6ftmm
"We giye thanks that he has dellyered the human race fhmi errors; that when we wet* ate ol
he brought us nigh; that when we were without hope and without God in th« vorid, hm woai
us brethren and fellow-heirfl with himself."
A DISCOURSE CONCBRNINQ LITUBaiBS. 299
Gregory, bishop of Nazianzen, father of Gregory, called the Dxvine,
having been much weakened by a fever, but very desirous to partake of
the Lord's supper ; by the help of his maid, he gets to church,' and
there rhs irap€ifjUvag x^H^^ *'* ^X^ irxiffua-i<ras crvyrfXcc frpo^/MD^, 1j
YrporcXci Tov Xaov r^ iivarrfpioj prfiiatri fup SKSyoit Koi Savis tvBtvwvj dta^oi^
di a»r c/uol doKct Koi \ia» T9k€»T6Tjj — xal mvra frdpi/y avr^ napii tov ayiav
nveufiOTosj avr^ fiiv yip»<rK6fi€va^ roit napovauf di otfx SpJtfuva. E&o
iir(in»p rii Trjt cvxapurriaf prifum ovrat &s <rwTf$€S Koi t6v \a^p Konvkiyti^
(ra£]^ "lifting up his feeble hands in prayer, he cheerfully celebrates
the mysteries, with and for the people, with very few words, such as
his weakness would admit ; but (as seems to me) with a most vigorous
soul ;^ and afterwards, kqI ravra nafnfv atfrA, &o, " And this he had
from the Holy Ghost, perceived by him, but not discerned by those
that were present ;" where, if ravra refer to pfifuur^j which seems most
congruous, he tells us those few words, wherewith he celebrated, were
suggested to him by the Holy Ghost ; and so neither by a book, nor by
his memory. But I need not insist on that. By the former expression
it is evident, that he was briefer, and used fewer words in his prayers,
at this time, before the administration, than he was wont to do, when in
health. Now they that, in celebrating this ordinance, and blessing the
elements, do pray sometimes longer, sometimes shorter, as their str^iigth
will serve them, are far from confinement to a certain number of words,
which is the thraldom of prescribed forms.
For further evidence, that these, and other parts of the euchaiistical
administration, were not under the restraint of prescribed orders, in the
beginning of the fifth age ; let that be observed, which we meet with in
the epistle of Innocent the First, to Decentius, written anno 416, to
satisfy him (who was bishop of Eugubium) concerning many severals,'
which were then, it seems, not determined, but under consultation' and
inquiry ; so, cap. viii. Sane quia de hoc, sicuH de ccBteria ooMtdere vohnt
diUctio tua, ''Since touching this, as also other matters you desire
advice."
Particularly, it was inquired, what place in the eucharistical office
• Narrat Nasiansenui, patrem ranm Mcerdotem ardentlMlma et dintnrnt febrl •zlunittiiin» ab
anciUa aliquando synaxis tempora deductnm mann in eoetum eecleaiaatteum, in qno pro num
csnam, aed paudMimia et quibiu turn per morbmn potoit, Terbii oonaecratam, tUla et dlatrlbacrlt, eC
ex ea participarit ipse quoque. Reyennm Tero ad lectom, cn)oque panunper ac tomno rebetum
melius itatim habuiue, frc. " NaiUnxen relatei, that hit ftther being wearied oat with a bnntaig
and daily fever, waa led by the hand of a maid-iervant, at the time of commnnion, into tha ehuzch-
aasembly. in which as usual he distributed to the reat, and himself partook of the supper, eonae.
crated, however, with words few in number, and such as he oould command eonsldertaiff bit ilek-
ness. When he returned to bed, and had partaken of a Uttto food, and been rafreahedtqrtlaep^ ha
immediately began to mend." Cent. Magdeb. It. p. 421.
* Naa. Oral, fai Landem Patrlt Oregor. p. 805. Alterwardt ha addt, " ntttrinf tlw wocdi of
thanktgiring, aa waa utnal, and bletting the peopla."
800 A DI8G0UB8E CONOKBMniO UTUBeiMl;
shoold be aasigiied to the 08Ctt/«m/MKJf, '^ the kki of peaoe ^ *
or po8t confecta mysteria, before or after lihe oonieontian of tbe i
Wbicli Innocent satisfies^ not bj wondering that he took no notioe of Ai
prescribed order, though (sinoe he was a biahop in hia pireQiiiet» and edb
Decentioa' clergy cUHeoa noffrot,* ^^oar oleigj,*^ he might jnafi^ haia
wondered at it, ^ there had been any fooh presoripi ; baft by reaaon,*
Pads osculwn dandum eat post confecta mf^itma^ ut comtJOt popnlum a4
cnma, qua in mysteriis agwitur^ atque trt eecletia eeUbraniur, jirmfiiiii
eonsensum^ acfinita esse pacts cancUidentis aignaeulo demomBtrantur^ ** The
kiss of peace should be given after the o o naecratian of the myaterie^
that it may be manifest that the people have given their aaaent to aQ
the acts in the mysteries, and to all the rites celebrated in the chmdii
which are shown to be ended by the farewell emblem of peace."
It was also matter of consultation and inquiry, whether the namai of Aa
ofierers should be recited before or after prayer, made over the oUatkn.'
Whereby it appears [that] there was not then, so much aa any ftnmww
authorised direction for the order and method of their eochariatical ad-
ministration ; much less any prescribed forms or modes ; ibr if they had
not 80 much as a directory, how &r were they from such a litmgy aa is
now contended for ! If Decentius had known any soch established ocder^
his inquiry bad been needless, and so had Innocent's determination beea*
He might have referred him to the prescribed order, aa oifir prabtei
would have done in the like case ; and said to him, as he doea to two
other bishops,' concerning the canons of the church, Ecclesiaeiioonm
canofium norma nulli esse debet iiicoffnita sacerdoti, quia nesciri hcec a post-
tijice satis est indecorum; maxime quia a laicis religiosis vtrta et eciatur^ et
custodienda esse ducatur, " The standard of the church canons ought to
be unfamiliar to no bishop ; since it is disgraceful that it should be
unknown to a clergyman, mainly because it is both known and deemed
worthy of observance by religious laymen f* yea, and judged him miwor-
thy to be a prelate in his province, who would make a question of that|
which the wisdom and authority of the church had already determined.
But there is neither mention of, nor reference to any such order, nor
any resentment of his calling it in question. He tells him indeed, it waa
superfluous ; not because it was already determined, but because hia own
prudence might discern, what was most convenient to be done in the
case ; quod superfluum sit, et ipse per tuam prudentiam recognoscisj '^ See-
ing it is needless, and you yourself discern it, of your own prudence."
In the conclusion, he hopes, that in these, and other such like parti-
culars, which, if determined, amount to no more than the directive pait^
or rubric of a liturgy, Decentius may instruct, and give some order to
• cv.tlU. •cvpA. '019.11. ' Ep. ▼. in Cl«lk 4to.
A DISC0UB8E CONCERNING LTTUBGIES. 801
others, which they may imitate, not strictly conform to ; Erit autem
Domini potential id procurarty ut et tnam ecclesiamj et cUrioas nostroSy
qui sub tuo pontifido divinis famulantur offlcOSj bene insHtuoBy et dim
formam tribuaSy quaim debeant imitariy* " You will be able, however, to
compass this, viz. to instruct your church and our clergy, who, under
your episcopal superintendence, minister in the divine offices, and to
deliver them a form which they shall be bound to copy.**
Where it is observable [that] 1. At this time, there was no setded
form or order in that church. 2. The order he hopes for, if it comprise
all the particulars in the epistle, comes to no more than a direction
or rubric. And [that] 8. This [was] designed for imitation, not for
strict conformity.
And what liberty there was in those times, and how far they were from
imiformity, appears by the beginning of that epistle. Si instiiuta eccU"
aiasticay ut sunt a beatis apostolis traditay Integra veUent servare Dcmrd
sacerdoteSy nuUa adversitaSy nulla varietaSy in ^>sis ordimbus et comecratio-
nibus haberetur. Sed dum unusquisquSy non quod traditum eety eed quod
sibi visum fuerity hoc cBStirnat esse tenendum ; inde diversa in dwersu lorn
vel ecclesiis aut teneri aut celebrari videntury^ " If the priests of the Lord
would preserve intact the ecclesiastical institutes as they were handed
down by the blessed apostles, there would be no diversity, no varietji
in ordering worship and consecrating the mysteries. But while evexy
one judges that is to be kept, not which is delivered, but which seems
good to him ; there are seen various tenets, and modes of celebrating, in
the several places or churches.** He speaks as if there were as many
ways of celebrating, anno 416, (when this epistle was writ,) as there
were places or churches ; and this variety, m ordinihus et consecroHoni"
buSy which are his words immediately before, and means (if I understand
him) *^ both in ordering their worship, and consecrating the m3r8terie8.'*
It seems, this pleased not Innocent : the character given him by
Erasmus makes that no wonder ; Scevus potiuSy quam erudituSy et ad dam-
nandum potiuSy quam docendum instructioTy^ '' Harsh rather than learned,
and more apt at finding fault, than at teaching.** Those of least worth,
when they get power, are usually most narrow-spirited and imperious.
As for the traditum esty which he opposes ;** if he mean by it any apos-
tolical tradition, he alleges it with the same fidelity, as he mentions
ancient tradition for the Homan supremacy to the African fiithers f and
as his next successors, Zosimus, Boniface, Ctelestine, alleged a canon of
Nice to a council at Carthage, for the same purpose.
Objection, You take no notice of traditum esty which was something
that ought to have been observed, and would have left no such liber^.
• [cap. Till.] • In Cnb. torn. i. p. 462. * Not in l^ltt xetL In U. tarn. Aogoit
' placet in oontnit. « Epiit. xd.
SOS ▲ DIBC0UB8S CONOSBiaiie
Atuwer. Wltatever be mMnt bjr Ui fi^iBhwi «f^ it '
tatiye general order, eiyaiiiiiig all to we the «»
if there had been any aiich ihingy it woiild not bave
diaxegarded.
If there had been anything deSrvered, against
bratingy by ancient or modem anthosTBy worthy of oboervanoe ; it y
have been taken notice of, by tome of thoae who ued this fibertfyM
well as by Innocent ; who had manycontemporazijea not inferior to fani-
self: else that age was very unhappy; since notliiiig of enunmef
appeared in him, (nor in the Soman bishops generaUy of tliose tinNi)
but his great place, if that impartial critic* mistake him not^ idio saji^
et dicHonem^ et mgeniun^ et eruditionem taU dignam pramtU rfosafgani
ooghnurj <' we are compelled to deny him the address, and gemos, aal
learning, meet for such a bishop.'*
Yet he, ambitious to have all dance after the Boman pipe, thoi^ Si
yet it gave herein no certain soond, (and indeed their ■*«*i^»*g abost
this and the supremacy, was to little purpose for one age or two) mskai
that matter of compliant, which was fiur from being so with his betten^
both then and in better times.* But however he resented it ; he halk
left us evidence, that in his days, as elsewhere, so in Italy, ereiy cos
held his own way, even m conseorationibusj* and oonsecgeted as hi
thought fit. And in fine, there is reason to think, this biahop was not
so much ofiended, because they did not use the same woxcb in ods-
• Erasmiu.
* Qua in parte nemini Ttreeondia et modeetia nostra prajudieat, quo mtaraa i
Toluerit, untiat, et quod senierit, finclat.— Oetendi quid noe, quantom in nobia aat^
nemini prsscribentee, quo minua itatuat, quod pntat unuiquieque p ig po aiiu a, Mtna Md aitmtm
Domino redditurui, " In which reipeet our modesty and moderation judges no man, ao that afoy
one may think as he pleases, and act aa he thinks. I hare shown what optaloa wm a eao siUf la
our ability have formed, giving rules to none, so that ereiy bishop may est^bUsh what ha dasiM
right, as having to render an accotmt of his acts to the Lord." Cypr. ad Magn. Ep. wtL Hh. ir.
Haec tibi breviter— rescripsimus, nemini priMcribentes aut prejndicantes, quo mhraa twiMqidifat
episcorum quod putaverit fsciat, habens arbitrii sui liberam flKultatem, ** We hanra wiftten taW^
by way of reply, these things, laying down rules for, and Judging no man, so that evieiy ooa of ths
Ushops may do as he thinks right, haying the free ezerdae of his own ludfniant.'' 1^ ^
Jubalan. p. 227.
Augustine, without expressing any offlmco, says the varieties were man than eookl ha ««■
known. August. Retrsct. lib. ii. cap. xz.
LIbri duo, quorum est titulus, Ad inquisitiones Januarii, multa d« a
sive qu«B universaliter, sive qusB particulsxlter, i. «. non peraque in onmlbaa lodo i
nee tamen commemorari omnia potuerant, " Two books whose title is, * Answers to the laqoiila
of Januarlus,' contain much disputation concerning the sacred rites which the dnmh t^bmnrn,
either universally or in particular regions, i. «. not in all plaoee alike, and yet It waa tmpnsaHilt la
notice them all."
' Si instituu ecdesiastica, nt sunt a beatis apostoUs tradlta Integra veDant sarvara DomlBl «b«-
dotes, nulla adversitas, nulla varietas, in ipsis ordinibus et conseerstionlbus haberetor, " If tha pttseli
of the Lord would preserve intact the ecclesiastical institutes as they were handed down bf tha
blessed apostles, there would obtain no diversity, no variety in ofdering worsh^, and <
the mysteries." [Innocent, ad Deoent.] VId. Pr»f. ad Cone. p. SM.
A DISCOURSE CONCESNINO LITUBOIES. 808
brating and consecrating, as because they did not use the same rites
and order ; for in these, that epistle of his is most concerned.
And further, I can see no probability, that at Rome itself, there was
any settled (much less imposed) form of consecration, before' that men-
tioned by Gregory.^ For if any of the former bishops had left behind
them any such prayer, and commanded it to be used by that church for
this purpose ; it is not credible, that it would have been recited for the
novel composition of such an obscure person, of whom we can know
nothing by knowing his name. Gregory tells us, tiiat prayer (or canon,
as he also calls it) was made by Scholasticus, who, as it is most pro-
bable,'^ lived about his own time. Some writers of the popes' lives, and
others, ascribe indeed several parcels of that' canon to bishops before
Gregor3r's days ; one to Alexander, another to Siridus, another to Leo, (nor
find I more) but whether they knew better, at such a distance, or ought
to have more credit than Gregory, is easy to determine. And if those
parcels be examined, it will appear [that] they are nothing to the pur-
pose, or else later than the sixth age. This form of Scholasticus, Gregory
having' altered it as he thought fit, and added the Lord's prayer to it,
(which, though it were used nowhere publicly, but in the eucharistical
office, in any place ; yea not in that it seems, at Rome, till he introduced
it) made use of it in that church ; where, by custom, it came to be
settied, but not by rule, in his time at least. For, that he neither
imposed it, nor had a mind to impose it, is apparent, by what he writes
• Ordo Romanot continet baud dubte ordlnem a B. Oregorlo inititatam : nam at author eat
JohannM diaconua, oodioem Gelatlanum, quern de miasanun solennflma oompoaiient Oregortna,
multa lubtrahena, pauca conyertent, nonnuUa adjlciena, in uniua Ubri Toluinen ledegit, qui ofdo
poatea per untvenoni fere occidentem obtinah, " The Ordo Romanua containa doobtlen an order
laid down by Qngorf. For, as John the deaeon laji^ Gregory, hy cutting out many things, ehang.
ing a few and adding aome, compressed the manuscript which Oelasius had written canceming tho
solemnisation of the church-serrices into a Tolume, consisting of one book, which Ordo aftcrwardi
obtained throughout almost all the west." Cassand. Liturg. PrBf. ad Ord. Rom. p. 91.
In neither of those orders, which Cassander gtres na for the ancient Roman order, tho ahoitor
or longer, are there any prescribed forma of prayer ; but only a baio relation of the order wherein
they proceeded. • Lib. TiL Epist. [UiiL]
« Bellarmhie denies not but it is probable, that Scholasticus then lived. Do Misa. lib. iL 09.
six. p. 819. Gregorii igitur aetata, circa an. 590, vixit consardnator ille canonia, ** In the time of
Gregory, therefore, about a.d. 690, lived the author of the canon." Chemnit. Exam, pais IL p. MS.
Si yero Gregoriua per Scholasticus intelligat oertum aliquem hominem, qui vtate ipaiua rixaUt,
ut adversarii contendant, " It, however, as our opponents contend, Gregory means by Scholaaticua
any ^particular person who lived in his own time, it is agreed to be a probablo suppoeitJon.''
Bellarm. De Miss. lib. iL eap. xix. p. 819.
The benediction, it seems to be in Augustin. Epist. liz. [Ed. Antw. £p. ezllz.]
Vid. Thomd. Serv. pp. 384, 885. *
' Orationem autem Dominicam iddroo mox poet precem dlcimua, quia mos qMMrtolomm ftilt, nt
ad ipsam solummodo orationem, oblationis hostlam consecrarent £t valdo mihi inooaveniana
visum est : ut precem, quam Scholasticus eompoauerat super oblationem diceremua ; et ipaam
traditionem, quam Redemptor noster compoauit, super cjua oorpua et sangninem mm dieoremua,
" We say the Lord's prayer directly after thia prqrer, becauae it waa the custom of tho i^oatlaa to
consecrate the sacrifice with that prayer only. And it appeared very uasnitable to ma to eflteonr
the oblation the prayer which Scholasticus had eompoaod, and not to eOte tho tana which our
Redeemer eompoaod over hia body and Uood." Orag . Ubb vtt. Iplrt. liUL
SOi A BISCOUBSB CONCIBNIMe mUBfell
to our AtiBtin ;* who had mentioned the Tsrioos* modes of
the enchaiiBt in several chnichea, partienlailj the Romen and At
French ; with a design to know his sense thereof, and wluoh he wonU
have him follow.
That part ascribed to Alexander, by Flatom and DnzmiidDa, Uh
nothing of prayer in it ; being oviy a rehearsal of the woonis aal
actions, used in the institution of this sacrament ; and ao la impertiMBt.
That [part] fathered upon Siridus, Oommumocmie8f ieo. is sot ftnad
in the Roman order; which Bellarmine says, contains the encMiit esnoa
entirely,^ and so is a patch added somehundreds of years aiier SizioiBs;
when Rome was so degenerated, as to prefer Maiy before Glirist.
That [part] attributed to Leo, Hone igitur chiaikmem MrritelBi nortna^
&c. is a patch added long after, as M. Moulin' observes. These woids,
Of our servitude, for, Of us thy servants, show maniieBtlyy that dus
prayer was added unto the mass in a barbarous age, whensan thcj &i
say, Placuit nostrcB mediocritaU subdUter mtimare ve$tram /rattndkOmf
'' It has pleased our Mediocrity correctly to certify your Fratemitf ;* d
which phrases are stuffed the epistles of the bishops and cleargymen of
the seventh age, and others following.
Gregory, in his answer to Austin, (who was his crestare, and whoB
he might have led into any conformity with a beck,) is so &t htm
enjoining him to conform to what was used at Rome, that he does not
so much as advise it ; nay, he persuades him to a course inconsisteBft
with any restraint ; and will have him use his liberty, in making choice
of what he saw best, in any of the differing churches, and if he finrnd
anjTthing which might be more pleasing to Grod, quod plus onrn^pofesll
Deo possit placercy than what was used at Rome, to prefer that ; (which was
suitable to his maxim. In una fide^ nihil efficit sanctcB ecclesitB dwerm
consuetndo: " where there is one faith, there is no hurt to the church bj
diversity^ of usages ;") intimating, that he was not so fully satisfied widi
the Roman mode ; but that he had room to think, the way of another
• Auftln of Canterbury.
• NoTit fratemiui tua Ronuuue ecclette consuetudinem, in qos m nntrltmn meminlt ; Md aH
placet, ut liye in sancta Romana, sire in Gallianim, leu in qualibet eedesla, aUquid InTenlati, qpii
plus omnipotenti Deo possit placere, nolicite eliga*— Non enim pro lodi rea« sed pro 1
loca axnanda lunt. £x singiiliB er^ quibiuque ecclesiis, qun pia, quas icUcioaa, qu* reete •
elige, frc. " Thou knowest, brother, the manner of the Roman church, in which jmx i
you were nursed. But my mind is, that if you discover aught, whether in the Ronum or C
or any other church whatever which best pleases God, you should careftilly make dioiee i
For things are not to be esteemed for the sake of places, but places on account of good (
Make choice therefore of whatsoever things are godly, religious, and right, in any rin^o (
whaUoever." Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. i. cap. xxvii.
In diversis ecclesiis diversas protulit consuetudines ; nee Romanus ipse ubique Tolult tmjw
dus, " He patronised different customs in different chiurches ; and did not himtelf think that ^m
Roman order ought to be universally imposed." Spelm. ConcQ. p. 110.
< De Miss. Ub. ii cap. xx. p. 828. * Of the Mau, p. SSS.
' *H dia^via rtfg vn^rtiet* rf}i» 6fi6votav rnt wiartttv cwitrrn^tt ** Tha dlSbmieo about tiM flH^
commends the unity of the faith." Irensus to Victor, in Euseb. lib. v. [cap. xxtr.]
A DISCOUBSE CONCERNING LXTUROIES. 806
church might be more pleasing to God ; which was in reason sufficient
to restrain him from imposing it on Austin, or others. And the free
course he would have Austin take, was not only his advice, but his
practice : for when it was objected to him, that he followed, even in this
administration, the customs of some other churches, particularly of the
Greek ; his answer signifies, that he would not be so circumscribed by
the customs of Rome, but when he saw anything good, in any other of
the inferior churches, he was ready to imitate it. *
And, as Gregory did not impose the Roman canon, or form of conse-
cration on Austin, nor would have him prescribe it to others : so Austin,
though rigid and imperious enough, did not offer to impose it on the
Britons. He requires of them, but conformity in three things only, as
Beda relates that transaction, whereof this was none.* But, if he had
insisted on this, he had found no more compliance herein, than in the
other : for the Britons and Scots were not only<^ enemies to the Roman
use in the eucharist in Gildas* time ; but were adverse to, and unac-
qiiainted with any uniformity, as in celebrating the Lord's supper, so in
other parts of worship ; and had no prescribed liturgies for such
uniformity long ailer. Which is manifest, by what bishop Usher, the
most learned of our bishops, affirms of the Irish, (who with the Scots,)
as he tells us,' differed little or nothing from what was maintained by
• Epist. xli. ad Leandrum, lib. [i.j Cone. Tolet. It. Cad. t. [In Hardouln, Can. ▼!.] Walaflr.
Strab. De Reb. Ecclet. cap. xxvi
Non de ConstantinopoUtana eccletia, quod dicunt ; quii earn duUtat aedi apoatoUee ena ra1»-
Jectam t Tamen li quid boni, vel ipsa, vel altera eecleaia habet, ego et minorea me» qooa ab lUidtli
prohibco, in bono imitari paratus sum. Stultus est enim, qui eo ae primum exlatiinat, ut bona qwi
▼ideret discere contemnat, " Not from the church of Cona tantinople, do I borrow, aa they alkfa.
Who doubts that that church is subject to the Roman Seef Neyeitheless, if that church or anjr
other possesses anything good, I am ready to imitate in wnat is good those my inferiors whom I
restrain trom what is unlawful. For he is a fool who thinks himself superior in such a degree that
he is above learning what he sees to be good." Lib. rVL Ep. Iziii.
' Dicebat autem eis, Quia in multis quidem noatrae consuetudini, imo uniyersalia eodeslsB oon-
traria geritis ; et tamen, si in trlbus his mihl obtemperare vultis, ut pascha suo tempore celebretia;
ut ministerium baptixandi, quo Deo renascimur, secundum morem sanctse Romanci [et apoatdliese]
ecdesiae compleatis : nt gentl Anglorum una nobiscum yerbum I>omini pnedioetJs, castera qwi
agitis, quamvia mortbus nostris contraria, aequanimiter cuncta tolerabimus, " He said to them, In
many respects, indeed, ye act contrary to our manner, yea to that of the unirersal churvh. And
yet if in these three things ye hearken to me, ris. to keep Easter at the proper time, to administer
the office of baptism, In which we are regenerated to God, after the manner of the holy Roman
and apostolic church, and to preach the word of God, together with us to the English nation, wa
will meekly bear all other things which ye do, thou^ contrary to our customs." Bed. Hist. lib. [iL]
[cap. iL]
Another account runs thus : E Britonum et Scotorum episcopis, in synodo in Wigomlenai prm
vinda, postularit, ut deinceps noa Asiano sed Romano more, pnedicarent, baptiaarent, et paseha
celebrarent, " In a synod of the Scottish and British bishops, held in the proTince of Worcester, ha
demanded that thenceforth they should preach, baptise, and keep Easter, not after the Asiatio
manner, but after that of Rome.** In Spetan. Condi, pp. 107, 108. [Wilkina, torn. L p. SA.] Whtra,
by conformity in baptism, probably ha meana (aa in tkat about Eaater) the tima of baptising, Hor-
which the Roman biahopa ware giMt naiWi Tld. Lao IpiiC.
' Britanni moribua Romania Iniaaial, um wdam la Bliany mA alkm te iiMin, ** Xlia BiUmm
are enemiaa to tlM Roman eoaloBM, Mt on^ te MfMl l» tfit ^Mih M ll» te VHiaat la llM ten-
sort." Gi]dMin^Bh.Beiii.eCIllA•^H. 'J^M^IMUp.
300 A BT8C0URBE CONCKBJSINO LITUB0IE8.
their neigbbours the Britons.* "It la mre {says hci) that in the »tie-
ceeding ages, no one general form of dirine service was retained ; but
divers rites and manners of celebration, in divers parts of this kingdom ;
tin til the Roman use was broiaght in at laat, by Gillibertusj and Mah-
chiasj and Christianns^ who were the pope^s legates here, about five
hundred j^e^ars ago."* So tliat the Iri^h for above eleven hundred jears
(and the Britons and Scots, if not so long^ yet long after ATJstin)
retained such liber^ herein, as the church ancientlj enjoyed in all*
quarters of the world. And when GOlibert, one of those Boman legates,
nils at those Tarions' modes of administering worship as schiamatical,
and such wherewith all Ireland had been deluded : he does no more,
than those (whom a better prospect of things, in later and clearer times,
might have made wiser) who are ready still to brand that as schism,
which agrees not with their own novel conceits or orders, how oomr
spondent soever it may be to the general usages of the ancient churches.
And whether of old, the churches had any such custom, as to confine
the administration of the Lord's supper to prescribed forms of prayer,
let those who are disinterested, judge by the premises.
To proceed ; the words in their delivery of the elements were not of
old prescribed, nor used in any unvariable form. We need not go so
high, for proof of this, as the sixth age. Later and worse times afilnd
evidence enough to satisfy us. Only, in our way, the observation of the
truly noble Du Plessis, as to the former ages, is true beyond contradic-
tion. Inter dandum vera verba hujtta mysterii significativa, htpy^araru m
hfofyiarara quceque prceferfhcmt^ ita tameny ut certie et statis sese non dOiga-
haanty* " At the distribution they preferred the weightiest and clearest
words significant of this mystery, in such manner, however, as not to tie
themselves dovm to fixed and stated expressions." And the variety tised
herein, both by Greek and Latin churches, is worth our notice, as he
teUs us. Contra adveraariorum superstitionem, qui sacramentorumj turn
distribtUionem turn consecrationem, certis verbis adligare voltieruniy ''In
opposition to the superstition of the papists," (which it were to be wished
they had kept to themselves,) " who would have both the consecratioD
and distribution of the sacraments, confined to a set of words."/
« ut lup. p. 98. « Relig. of Irish, cap. It. p. SI.
« For the East, Vid. Socmt. Hlfet lib. [▼.] cap. [zxii.] napi wti^cut epnvKtiait rfiv c^Av, om^'
tlptiv ffvfi^vovvat AXX^XoiV 6vo Iwi r6 avr6, " In all obsenraoccs connected with the prqrcrii
we shall not be able to find ttro sections of the church agreeing with each other."
For the West. Innocentius Epist. ad Decentium. Dirersa in diversis locis celebrari Tidcotur,
" Divers rights iq»pear to be performed In divers places."
For the South. Augustin. Lib. De Baptism, contra Donat. [lib. vi. cap. xxr.]
' Ut diversi et schisroatici iUi ordinea, quibus Hibemia pene tota delusa est, ubi que estbolieo,
et Romano cedant officio, " That those conflicting and schismatical modes of service, with whick
almost all Ireland is deluded, may everywhere give place to the catholic and Roman manner of
officiating.'* Usher, fbid.
• Da MJaa. p. I4S. / p. U5.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LTTUROIES. 807
Yet how superstitious soever thej were, in using their canon as a
charm, so as a word, a syllable might not be changed ; more liber^
was lefl and used, as to the words in the distribution of the eucharist ;
even afler Charles the Great had suffered himself to be abused, as the
pope*s executioner, in forcing some uniformity according to the Romish
orders, on some of his subjects.
Agobardus, archbishop of Lyons (famous, as for his oppontion to
images, so for his endeavours to reform the corrupt service of those
times) could not well like that common Roman form, The body of our
Lord Jesus Christ, &c. since he was only for Scripture expressions in
the public offices ; Cum prcBter Scripturas admittere in sacria officUs nihil
veUet, Whether he was wisely or piously disliked for this, they who
have a due reverence for the Scripture, are more fit to be judges, than
either Baronius, or his epitomator/ who says, ch mmiam mam Bcnqmlann
totem kaud quamputavit conaecuiua ghriam^^ " On account of his extreme
scrupulosity, he gained but little repute."
The words, which Adrian the Second used in giving the communion
to Lotharius, were far from any prescribed form. Post miuarum solm-
nia, acmctam ei communionem porrigenSj in iUum hac verba aliocutua eaU^
Si innoxium te recognoacia a prohUnto et interdicto tibi a Nicolao aduUerU
acelere; et hoc fixa mente atatutum Juibea, ut nunquam didma vitca turn
Wcddradce peUicia tucB dudum a te repudiata miacearia nefario concubitu;
fiducialiter accede, et aacramentum aahUia catemcB Hbi ad remiaaianem pec-
catorum per futurum percipe : ain autem tua conacientia te accuaatj tequ§
lethali vulnere aaziciatum proclamat, out iterum redire mente diapoma m
mcechice volutabrumj nequaquam attmere prceaumaa, ne forte ad judicium et
condemnationem tUn adveniat, quod fideUbua ad remedium prcaparamt
Divina providentiOy* " After the solemnisation of the sacred services, as
he handed him the holy communion, he addressed him in these words,
' If thou art conscious of being innocent of the crime of adultery ^bid-
den and interdicted by Nicolaus, and hast resolved with stedfast purpose
never all the days of thy life to have sinful intercourse with Waldrada,
thy concubine, now at length divorced from thee, draw near in fidth,
and take for the future the sacrament of thy eternal salvation for the
remission of sins. But if thy conscience accuses thee, and proclaims
thee to be wounded with a mortal wound, or if thou art minded in thine
heart to return to the mire of thy adultery, by no means presume to
take it, lest that which Divine providence has prepared for the fidthful
as a cure, become to thee judgment and damnation.' "
The words, with which the same Adrian delivered the sacrament to
• epitomlstr. * Spond. ad an. Ml. d. S. • Spond. ad an. 8S8. a. 4.
' In Refin et Almon, Ub. ▼. eap. xzL
^08 A DISCOLBSE CONCERNING UTUEQIES.
tbd rert of rhe Frencb, are neither tbe same with these now deacnbed^
nor with those in the uussal (the words in that administratiou being but
the tak" of these) aod the form changed too (as well ae tliti matter) being
expressed bjpotheticaUy. Si domirto et t^i tuo Lothario in (jhj€ct& ailui-
Wii crimimfavorem nanprmstitiiti^ tieque conjsenstim iribui^i^ ei Waidrada
cUiisve <ih ha/o »uU apostolica €J:^communicalis 7ion cormnunu^asti ; cOTpia
et tmkguis Domini r*<wfn Jesu Chriiti prosit iibi in vitam mterruEm^^ ** If
thou hast given no favour^ and hast yielded no consent to Lothaiios
thy lord and king in the cnrii<> of rti^iilt+rv hM f-o his charge , and hast
not oommunieated with Waldrada, or others who have been excom-
municated by this apostolic see, may the body and blood of our Lord
Jesus Christ bene 6 1 thee imto life eternal."
Locig afler this, Leuthericus, archbishop of Sienna, in the delivery
of the sacrament, used these words ; Accipe, si cUgnus es, "^ Beceire it,
if thou art worthy J' Robert king of France checked him for it, not
because thereby he transgressed any established order ; but becauM
the king, (not well enough acquainted with the apostle's discourse,
1 Cor. xi.) supposed there were none worthy to receiye ; Cum tamm iU
nuUua qui habeatur cUgnuSy '^ Since there is no one who can be deemed
worthy ;** whereas Leuthericus' mode of distribution implied, [that] none
that were not worthy should receive. As for Spondteus* inference, that
this bishop was no Mend to transubstantiation, because he delivered
not the eucharist in the words of the missal, Corpus Domini Jesu Christi
sit tibi solus animoe et corporis^ " May the body of our Lord Jesus Christ
be to thee salvation of soul and body," upon a supposition, it seems, that
the monster they are in love with, is thereby countenanced ; whether
it is just or no, I leave those to consider, whom it concerns.^
To add no more, surely the words wherewith Gregory the Seventh
took the sacrament himself, and would have delivered it to the emperor,
cannot be found in any mass-book. They are thus represented by Spon-
d»us^ out of Lambertus, Cumque sacratissimam eucharistiam sumptuna
mcmu earn teneret, vocato rege ac universa adstantium multitudiney conU-
statum esse, earn se sumere in judicium criminum, quce schismatici adversus
ipsum promulgassent; ut si innocens esset, absolveretur ab omni suspicione,
si vera reus, subsitanea periret morte, '^ When about to take the sacred
eucharist, as he held it in his hand, he called the king and the whole
multitude of by-standers to witness, that he took it as an ordeal in
reference to the charges which the schismatics had propagated to his
prejudice; so that if he were innocent, he might be freed from all sus-
picion ; but if guilty, might suddenly die,"
Or those of Paschal Second, who, cum in ceUbraJtione misses traderei
• oounterptrt. • Id. Ibid. « Spond. ad an. 1004. n. U. ' Ad an. 1077. n. iL
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 309
Henrico imperatori V. corpus et sanguinem Domini nostri Jesu Chriati:
Domine imperator, inquit, hoc corpus Domini natum tx Maria virgine^
passwn in cruce pro nobis, sicut sancta et apostolica tradit eccUsia, damns
tihi; in confirmationem pacisy inter me et te, idgue factum an. 1111, idibus
Aprilis, teste Sigeberto,** " When in the celebration of the mass he
handed to the emperor Henry V. the body and blood of our Lord Jesus
Christ, he said, My lord the emperor, we give thee this body of our
Lord which was bom of the virgin Mary, and suffered for us on the
cross, as the holy and apostolic church teaches, in confirmation of the
peace between thee and me, made this 13th day of April, in the
year 1111, as witness Sigebert."
For baptism there is not any the least reason to imagine they were
more confined to set forms, in administering it, than the eucharist.
And therefore, where there is so little need to endeavour for a copious
proof, we may be briefer.
The liberty the ancients took, to use several forms in baptism, with
great variety, to the invariable use of which, those that are for freedom
in praying, are willingly confined ; signifies [that] they used as much
liberty in those prayers.
I can find no more uniformity, in their celebrating this sacrament,
than the other. But enough may be easily found, to show, that they
were not, they would not be, tied up to words and syllables. Even where
varying forms might seem dangerous, they used variety of words, and
thought an agreement in sense sufficient. And this is observable, as to
the terms wherein Christ delivered the form of baptizing. Matt, zxviii.
where surely, if anywhere, they would have been patient of confinement
to all punctilios. This was accounted a form prescribed by Divine
authority, " Leu: namque tingendi imposita est, et forma prcescripta est.
Ite, docete nationes, tingentes eas in nomen Patris, et Filii^ et Spiritus
JSancti, " The law of baptism is laid down, and the form is prescribed,
< Go teach the nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father,
and the Son, and the Holy Ghost,* " says Tertullian.* It was not thought
that any had so much authority to prescribe, as Christ ; nor that any
prescriptions were so punctually to be observed. And yet, even in this,
they made account, [that] some liberty was left, and might be used ; and
used it was accordingly, as is manifest in their practice.
The first word," baptizing,*' some used in the first person, ego baptiso
te, " I baptize thee ;" some in the second person, ^wnGBr^ik*^ " be thou
baptized ;" some in the third person, fimrriCtTM 6 dtiva, " this person, or
this servant of Christ is baptized."*^ Also they thought it as fit, to use
in the Latin churches, tingoj (a native of the Latins) as baptizo, (an
• Cent. xii. mp. ▼!. p. 880. * Dt B«f(tiaB. «pb zUL « TId. TbMd. LmI. Cp. 187.]
810 A DI8C0UB8B GOMCBBNXNO LnuaOIEB.
adopted word.) QoCy^^naxk^^ItiBerffat^tdoceUi
m nomine PatH$^ &c,^ '*Go therefore and teach all natuniay boqptiEiqg tbem
(tingentes) in the name of the Father,** &c Tet sometimes [he uses]
hapUzo.^ So Tertulliany^ in the place fi>reqaoted,< Namssime mgmdamtt
ttf tmgerent in Patrem, &e. ''Lastly he commanded that they should
baptize (tinfferent) into the Father,** &c. 80 Jerome and Aqgnstiii/
render the words of Christ by UnffentsB.' So they nae mergo^ or
mergitOy for hapHzo, Thus Jerome,* Velut m lavaero^ ter caput mer-
gitartj ^^e,g. the trine immersion in baptism;** which the Greeb
express by r^ d^ rpU fianrridetFBai r6w MptmawJ And Tertollian,*
dehine ter msi^tamur, " hence we are immersed thrice," t^ fwy aurh
6 Up&px^t fUmriCfif '' the priest baptizes him thrice.** They did not
think, it seems, that Christ himself (whaterer others take upon them)
would tie them so precisely to his own words, but that they mi^t have
leave to change them for others, which changed not the sense.
The like liberty was taken, in changing the next phrase, cir 2n^
'' into the name,** into iw 6p6fum>f, '^ in the name,*^ as it is in Jiutiii
Martyr."
It. iii. Ub. It. * Epift. iU. lib. IL • Epist. ad Jabidaii. p. W.
* £t poit restinectlonem spondens, miMarum le dtodpulis promtBsionan Patris, et noTiiciint
mandant, ut tingexent in Patrem, et Filium, et Spixitun Sanctum, non in unmn. Mam nee mbmI*
•ed ter, ad singula nomina in pexvonas singulas tingimur, '' He pledged himaelf, after his resume-
tion, to send on bis disciples the promise of the Father, and lastly commanded them to baptise (at
tingerent) into the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Not into one. Neither once only.
But thrice are we baptised (tingimur) into the separate Persons on the mention of each sepstst*
name." Tertull. adv. Pxax. cap. xxvi.
Neque quicquam refert inter eos, quos Johaimes in Jordane, et Petrus in Tiberi tinzit, *'N«r
is there any difference whom John baptised (tinxit) in the Jordan, and Peter in the Tiber." D*
Baptia. cap. [iv.] et cx^. six. Diem baptismi solenniorem pascha pnestat, cum et paado Domijii, is
quo tingimur, adimpleta est.
* De Bapt cap. xiii. and Ad Praxeum, ci^. xxvi.
/ In hoc ergo fonte, antequam tos toto corpore tinguerimus, interrogarimus, credis in Deum, ftc.
" Hence before we baptised (tingerimus) you in your whole body, in this font, we aslied, Beliereit
thou in Qodr August. Hom. [iii.] De Myst. Baptism, ad Neophyt. in Vicec. p. 608. t Ytm.
' Multa, qusB per traditionem, in ecdesiisobservantur, autoritatem sibi scriptse legisusurpsTnari,
▼elut, in lavacro ter mergitare, " Many practices which are observed in the church by tisdida
have obtained the authority of a written command, «. g. the trine immersion of baptism." Hieroajn*
adv. Luciferian. [Ed. Paris. 1706, tom. iv. coL 291.]
* Basil, de Spirit. Sancto, cap. xxvii.
* Dehine ter mergitamur, amplius aliquid retpondentes, quam Dominus in evangeUo dctenni-
navit, "Hence we are immersed thrice, making somewhat more lengthened responses tbsa tto
Lord has prescribed in the Gospel." Tertull. De Cor. Mil. exp. ilL
Mysterium Trinltatis in sacramento bi^tismatis demonstratur, dum tertia vice retus homo mef(i-
tur, " The mystery of the Trinity is set forth in the sacrament of baptism, seeing the old nan if
plunged thrice." August. De Temp. Senn. cci. [Ed. Antw. Serm. xl. Append.] Quando in Hlatsd
lavacro tertio Christianl merguntui, " Christians are immersed in the laver of salvation thrice."
Hom. [xc] De Temp. [Ed. Antw. Serm. xxlv. Append.] Mira Dei pietasl peccator mergitur undii.
" Marvellous compassion of God I A sinner is washed in the waves." Paulin. Epigr. xii. *d
Severum.
As great a change, as if any amongst us now, administering baptism, instead of I baptise tbeef
should say, I dip, or, I wash thee, in the name, Iec.
' Tpia fiawricfutra fiiat /iiv^iar, " Three inunerslons ibr one initlatira.'' Can. Apoat. 1.
Diooys. Xeclsa. HIar. [eap. U. p. 78, D.] in Vosa. « Apol. U. p. 159, 160^
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 311
And the Latins, for in Jiomen, "into the name," (as it is in Tertullian")
use in nomine, ** in the name," as in Cyprian, supra ; a difference which
some coimt more than syllabical. Yet Tertullian varies more, when
he leaves it (the name) quite out ; which he does more than once :
Novissiine inandcmit, ut tingerent in Patreniy FiUum, et Spiritum Sanctum,^
^ Lastly, he commanded them to baptize into the Father, the Son, and
the Holy Ghost." Ite ad docendaa et tmgendas nationes in Patrem^ Filiwn^
et Spimtum Sanctum f "Go teach and baptize the nations into the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost." They thought it no variation
of the rule, where the sense and design of it was observed, to change
something of the expression.** And would they presiune to exact a
more punctual conformity to rules of their ovm making, than what they
thought Christ required to his ? Or would they pay more to any
human constitution, than they made account was due to the Divine ?
Their practice obliged them to leave others as much, or more liberty
than here they took ; and neither to fetter others, nor be fettered by
them, with words and syllables, when the great Lawgiver had lefl them
so free.
But proceed we to what may seem yet more considerable. Some
thought themselves not ol)liged to baptize expressly in the name of the
sacred Trinity, fi^ iroitla-OoA r^y rpiados eiriKKrja-iv, so as to name every
Person as they are mentioned. Matt, xxviii. 19, but in the name of
Christ, or of the Lord Jesus, or of the Lord.
And this, supposed to be the practice of the best times, hath great
advocates ; Basil^ defends it thus, ^ yiip rov Xptarov irpoajiyopia^ roO
navTos tarip SpoXoyia, " the naming of Christ is an acknowledgment of
the whole Trinity :" ^rjkol yap t6v tc xp^a-atrra Gc6v, Kat t6v xp^a-$€VTa 'Yiir
Koi TO XP^^V^ '■^ Up€Vfui/ " For it equally sets forth God who ^anoints,
and the Son who is anointed, and also the unction, which is the Spirit,"
which are almost the words of Irenaius before him,^ In Christienim nomine
suhauditur, qui unxit, et ipse qui unctus est, et ipsa unctio in qua unctus est
Et unxit quidem Pater, unctus est vero FiliuSj in Spiritu qui est unctio j
<< For in the name of Christ is understood, he that anoints, and he that is
anointed, and the unction with which he is anointed. And the Father
indeed anoints, but the Son was anointed, with the Spirit, who is the
unction."
Add to these, Theophylact, who affirms, Thv fiajrriCofJLtvov th to Svofia
*lfjo-ov XpioTovj th Tpidda ^cmrl^tirOtu, ovk arrofitpiCofitvov rov Harpos, Ka\
Tov *Ytov, Koi Tov ayiov Hvtvparos.,^ " That he who is baptized into the
• De Baptit. cap. xiii. * Adv. Pnzeam,cap. xxvl. <* De Prvacrlp. cap. Till.
•' Vicec. de Bapt. p. 395. Zulngl. de Bapt. torn. ii. p. 201. PIseat. in Blatt. xxTiii.
' Lib. de Spiritu Bancto, [cap. xii.] / p. 257. r Adr. Hsrea. lib. iii. cap. xx. p. t09.
* In Act. iL
X
312 A DISCOURSB CONCEBNINO LTTUBGIES.
name of Jesus Christ, is baptized into the Trizdty; the Father,
and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, being not parted.** To the same
purpose Ambrose also following Basil in the defence of it, says, Qui umm
dixity Trinitatem siffnavit. Si Christum dkas^ et Deum Pairem^ d quo
unctua est Filius, et ipawn^ qui unctus est, FUhtm, et Spiritum, quo unctm
est, designastif si tamen id etiam cords camprthmdaBf &c. "He who
names one Person indicates the Trinity. If thou namest Christ, thoa
hast named Grod the Father, by whom the Son is anointed, and the
Son himself, who is anointed, and the Spirit, with which he is anointed,
provided thou includest these mentally." If the Person was named
so as the rest were understood, they thought the prescribed form
sufficiently observed, though it was not verbatim repeated, but liberty
taken, to change either the words, or their order. So these exceUent
persons judged, in reference to the form of baptizing, which our great
Lord delivered to us. And can we think they would take upon than
to prescribe more imperiously, or would more punctually observe it,
if others had imposed a form, especially in prayers, where varying is
more tolerable, and the prescribers of no authority, in comparison of
him who authorised the form before us ?
Some used this variation in Cyprian*s time, Quofnodo ergo quiiicm
dicunt — modo in nomine Jesu Christi, ubicunque et qvomodocunque gentiha
baptizatum remissioneni peccatorum consequi j}0S8e,^ "According to which
some say that a heathen, by whomsoever or howsoever he l^ baptized,
provided it be in the name of Christ, may obtain remission of sins/*
He allows it not indeed, but it seems some of those that were not of
his opinion, for rebaptizing of the baptized by heretics, differed from
him in this. A little before also he says,*' Nan est autem quod cdiqnk *
ad circumueniendam Ohistianam veritatem Christi nomen oppotiat, ut
dicat, in nomine Jesu Christiy ubicunque et quomodocvnque baptizatiy
gradam baptismi sunt consecuti, &c. " It is not as one who to corrupt
Christian truth puts forward the name of Christ, repi-esents the matter
when he says, Those who in any place wliatsoever, or by whomsoever,
are baptized in the name of Jesus Christ, obtain the grace of baptism.**
Others, though they expressed the three Persons in administering
baptism, yet did they not tie themselves precisely herein to the words'
of Christ, but enlarged upon them, adding something tliereto, as the
• De Spiritu Sanct. lib. i. cap. Hi. * Ep. Ixxiii. ad Jubaianuni, page 223. <- pa^rc 224.
' Fortaase Stephanus Koroa episcopiu, " Perhaps Stephanas bishop of Rome."
' Those that will have the three Persons to have been always named, deny not, but that their names
were used with some Tariation; vid. Vicec. de Baptis. Rit.lib. iv. cap. v. Non negaverim tamen
probabile videri, Christi, aut Jesu, aut Jesu Christi, nomen aliquandiu oppositum fuisM, addito
item Domini nostrl sed non omisso Patris et Spiritus Sancti nomine, hac forma. Ego te baptizo in
nomine Patris, et Filil ejus Jesu Christi Domini nostri, et Spiritus Sancti, " I would not deny
however that the name of Christ, or Jesus, or Jesus Christ, in some cases was used with tbe
addition also of the words, our Lord, but not to the omission of the names of the Father, and of
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 318
former detracted. This is evident in Justin Martyr, who tlnis repre-
sents the words they used in baptizing," 'Ett* 6v6jjmtos tov ILarpos rSav oK<ov
Ka\ btaTTiWov 660V, Koi tov (rayrrjpos rjfiStv *lrj(rov Xpiarov, Koi IlvfVfxaTOS aylov
TO €v T^ vSoTi t6t€ \ovTp6v iroiovirrai, " In tlie name of the Father of
all things, and of our Lord Grod, and of our S;iviour Jesus Christ, and
of the Holy Spirit, this washing \vitli water is performed ;" and after-
wards, with some variety in the latter clauses, thus,* Kai eV 6v6fiaTos
dc ^Irjo-ov Xpiarov, tov oravpoiBtirros, erri Uovriov Uikdrov, koi iir 6v6fxaT09
TlvtvfiaTOs ayiovj u bia rav 7rpo<f>riT£}V 7rpo€Krjpv(€, koi Kara tov ^lijaovv mivTa^
6 (f><iiTi(6fKvos Xovrroi, "And in the name of Jesus Christ, who was
crucified by Pontius Palate, and in the name of the Holy Ghost, who
by the prophets foretold all things concerning Jesus, he that is to be
illuminated is baptized." In which words are contained the regalafidei^^
" the sum of the confession of faith,'' as he expressed it. And it' they
used the words of that ride in baptizing, they tied not themselves to
one form of words in that administration. For a confession of faith,
in a common unvariable form, they had not in that age, nor long aft<.'r.
AU the uniformity to be found herein, is a harmony in sense,*' while
there is in words a great diversity. The variety of expressions, used
by the ancients (Justin Martyr, Irenajus, Clemens, Tertullian, Novatiau,
the Holy Ghost, afler this manner, I baptize tliee in the name of the Father, and of his Sou Jcius
Christ our Lord, and of the Holy Ghost."
Cyprian, though for the other, rejects not this, expounding Act. ii. Jesu Christi mentioneni facit
Petrus, non qua«i Pater omitterctur, sed ut Palri quoquc Filius adjungcretur, &c. " Peter makes
mention of Jesus Christ, not that the Father was omitted, but that tlic Sou also might he seen to be
joined with the Father." Ki>ist. ad Jubaian.
« Ai)0l. ii. p. 159. [Ed. Pari:). 1636, p. !>4, A.] « page 160.
' 'i\ TOV Kavwva T^t ii\.r\Otia^ iiKXivh iv iavrif KuT^xwv o¥ dick tov fiafrTiafAtirov etXrt^, *' He who
retains witliin himself, and without swerving, the rule of truth, which he received by means of his
baptism." Iren. lib. i. cap. i. p. 34. So Basil, Auriiv di tttv 6fio\o^iav Ttit viVrcMr, vtirTci'tiv ccc
llarepu Kui 'Yuv Koi u7iovIIver>/iia. M iroicav fpapifidrttv ix'^t^^' <* M^ 7<'(> ^* Trtr tov fiafrrianarot
watfudootw, *' Out of what writings do we receive the very confession of faith ; namely, that we
believe in the Father, and in the Son, and in the Holy Ghost ? For If we derive it from the tradition
concerning baptism," &c. De Spiritu Sanct. cap. xxvii. p. 274. Facillua inveniuntur heeretlci,
qui omnino non baptizent, quam qui symboli verbis non baptizent, " Heretics who do not baptize
at all may be more readily met with, than heretics who do not in baptism use the words of a
creed." August, contr. Don. lib. vi. cap. xxv.
"Exwf t6 KC^ciXoiov rn^ irt'tfTCWt iv tw fianricfAartf Kai ruiv Tptclw afiaiv o^pa'iiot, " Having a
summary of the fUth in b^tism, and in the three holy seals." Athanas. contr. Sabell. Orat. torn. i.
p. 513. [Ed. Colon. 1686, p. 658, B.]
^ Cur enim veteres, non appellatione profi»Bionis varlare potuerint, quando professionls et
regular ipsius sententiis, earumque nrdine et verbis, tantopere discreparent ? " Why could not the
ancionts, seeing they so widely differed as to the articles of the creed itself, and of the rule of faith
and their order, and the words in which they were expressed, vary as to calling it the creed?" Voss.
De. iii. Symb. diss. i. sec. xx. p. 17.
Horum locorum collatio docere nos potest, cum veteres regulam fldei aut baptism I immutabilem
dicunt, non ad certam et receptam ublque verborum fbnnulam coi respicere, sed ad vim aique
sententiam interrogationum, "A compariaon of these pauages may teach us that when the ancients
called the rule of Caith and of baptism immutable, they do not refer to a fixed and universally
received form of words, but to tho ftnve and meaafng of the Intorrogntorin." Gxot In Matt, xxviil.
19. QuiB ipsa Cypriani verba ostanden mihl TUntur, qnnMiim life icgulam fldei, ipsiiu state,
nondum adstiietam fliiase UUe TeiWs, qnibiia peelaa Hilpta tevmitiir; earn tamen eandcm ftiisse
regul* sententiam, mlnline A d wMf a n i lwii, "Tkammy woidi ct Gyprin seem to me to show
X 2
314 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITUROIES.
&c,, which jou may see in Grotius on Matt xzviii. 19,) in giving an
account of its several articles, makes this manifest, [that] they were not so
strict and severe in anything, as in the rule of faith. In other matters
though ecclesiastical, they allowed more variableness and greater
latitude. Hoc lege fidei manente^ ccBtera jam diadplmoB et canvenatiatiis
admittunt novitatem correctionisy "Provided that the rule of faith be
unchanged, other matters both of discipline and life admit of reforma-
tion,'' says Tertullian ;' and yet in this, they were satisfied with such
an uniformity as consisted only in sense, not in words. To one form of
words in this nicest point, and where wary'mg was most hazardous,
they neither limited others,^ nor would be confined by others, no nor
by themselves. We have seen this before in Justin Martyr. Tertullian
(and Irenseus, with others in Grotius) is also a very pregnant instance
of it.^ He gives several accounts of the rule of faith, which neither
that the creed, or rule of fkith, wm n(^ m yet, in hU time, tied down to those words in which we
afterwards find it written. At the same time it is not to be doubted that the sense of the rule wu
the same." Id. ibid.
In Tertullian, lib. De Prseacrlpt. cap. xiii. contra Praz. cap. U. et lib. De Veland. Virg. cap. i.
Vide two diftrent fbrms in Irenco, lib. iii. cap. iv. page 172, and lib. i. cap. ii. pp. 34, S3, edit
Gallnsq. ■ De Virgin. Veland.
* And when the creeds had more stated finms, in the fourth century, in the same country the
creeds of seTeral cities were not uniform, r.^. in Italy, that of Rome much differed from that at
Aquileia, vide Rufin. and Voss. de Symb. page 29, kc. And that of Ravenna trtnn. both. Ush. de
Symb. page 7. Petr. Chrysol. Senn. Ivii. &c. De Maximo Taurinensi.
* The creed {regula fidei, 0^0X0710 iriVrewr) was at first no more than the words wherewith
baptism was to be delivered, Matt, xxviii. 19. Parker, De Descens. Voss. DeSymb. p. S3. It was
enlarged by degrees, and till it grew too large, probably was used in the delivery of baptism, as we
have it in Justin Martyr, no other than a commentary, instead of the text ; afterward the use of
it was, to bo rehearsed by the competfutes, "candidates for baptism," before they were baptixrd,
and so but once, or twice, or in some places thrice a year.
[It was] not put into set form till the fourth age, or near it : and those fbrms varied in several
places in the same country, vid. supra.
It had no place in the church service, till near the sixth age ; for as the Lord's prayer was ased
no where but in the eucharistical oflBce, while the orders for the catechumens were observed; «o the
creed was not used but in baptism, or in order to it, till late.
The first who brought it into the church service, was (not as Vossius says, Timotheus. but)
Petrus Gnapheus. a person stigmatized for more heinous crimes than one : part or his character see
in Evagr. lib. iii. cap. xvii. He, amongst other Innovations, introduced this, iIct^^ ^n^ri ti>»
Kvatpia ktrtvoritrai r6 uv<rT^piov iv rrj i«rir4p</L ytpecBat, " It is SOid that Peter Gnapheus flrst
thought of celebrating the mysteries in the evening,** and which was more, xoi kv raari «-if nfct ro
vvfifioXov \¥j€c0at, " and of the repetition of the creed in each time of prayer." Theod. Lert.
Collect, lib. ii. p. 189. This was about the latter end of the fifth age at Antioch, obiit an. 4s6.
Afterwards Timotheus, a flagitious person and a heretic, vid. Spend, an. 511. n. iii. brought it
Into the same use at Constantinople, being made bishop there by Anastatlus, according to Boronios,
51 1 till 517. Tijv wiVtcwc ci'-fifioXov Ka$' ^Kaarnv avva^tv \ift<r0ai waptextvatrev, iiridia^tXp iW*<»
MoKfidovtov, wr uiTuv fii} Aexof^^*"*^ "to o-i'/x/SuXov, airuf tov troiT Xc^o/xcfov vp^rrpov l*riaV9
vafKHTKCvrt rov Bci'ov wd0ow, r& Kaip& rfiv jtvon^t'ttv inro rov kwnntSnoy narnxh^^^^i " Hecauvd
the creed to be said at every assembly on account of the accusation of Macedonius that he did not
hold the fkith, whereas previously it was said only once a year, and that at the sacred preparation
for the Divine passion, at the time the bishops are engaged in catechising." Theod. Lect. Colled
lib. il. p. 188.
The western churches had it from the east (this [was] not the first time the church borrowed of
heretics, e.g., the unguent from the Valcntinians, Iren. lib. [iii.] cap. [ii.] stated fiasts (himthe
Montanlsts) lUud symbolum, quod nos ad imitationem Grecorum intra missas adsumimus, " That
Oreed which in imitation of the Greeks we have received into the church services." Walaft d
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 815
agree with what is given by others, in mode of expression, neither with
one anotlier ; there being no coincidence in any one phrase observable
through the whole." And is it probable that diey who left themselves
and others so much liberty about formulas of creeds, would deprive
others of it, or be bereaved of it themselves, in forms of prayer, (in
baptism, or elsewhere) where there is much more reason for more
liberty ? How incredible is it, that their prayers were limited to a set
of words, when the regula fidei, which more required it, had no such
confinement I Surely if they had judged any such limits requisite in any
thing of this nature, they would have given them to that rule of faith.
No prayers, supplications, lauds, litanies, &c. could, in their judgment,
require such strict, and precise, and unalterable bounds, as that which
they counted and styled iinmohilem et irreformabilem, " immoveable and
not admitting of amendment."
The apostles* creed may be objected, but is sufficiently removed by
the premises. Those who can believe what pleaseth them, may receive
the story of Ruffinus concerning it ; but his faithfulness and credit is
not so much with others, as to advance it above a fable. And it seems
incredible, that there should be a form among Christians, of the apos-
tles' composing, and yet the ancients, for above three hundred years,
take no notice of it, yea take the boldness to vary from it ; and, which
is more, to prefer those of their own conception before it, on the
solemnest occasions.
Or, if there were such a form of the apostles', and the ancients would not
confine themselves to it, as it is apparent they did not ; much less would
they be confined to forms of prayer, composed by ordinary persons.
In the Constitutions ascribed to the apostles, Uie creed to be used in
Strabo De Reb. Eccles. can. xxii. Pint it wai used in Spain, Cone. Toled. iii. can. il. an. 589, P«r
omncs eccletiaa Hiapaniae et Galliciae, lecundum formam orientalium ecdesiarum, concllii
ConsUntinopolitani symbolum fidei recitetur, " Throughout all the churches of Spain and Galida
the creed of the Constantinopolitan council Is recited according to the manner of the eastern
churches."
In France and Germany not untU long after, Walafir. Strab. De Reb. Eccles. cap. xxii. Sed apud
Gallos et Germanoe, post dejectionem Fslicis hsretici sub gloriosisslmo Carolo, Francorum rege,
idem symbolum latiua et crebrlus in missarum ooppit oflBciia iterari, " But among the Gauls and Ger-
mans after the discomfiture of the heretic Felix, in the time of the most illustrious Charles, king of
the Franks, the same creed began to be repeated in the church services over a greater extent of
country, and with more frequency." And the Constantinopolitan creed rather than the Nicene, for
a very weighty reason, (quod aptius videretur modulis musicis, " because it was more easily set
to music,") of which Baronius seems ashamed. Ad an. 809. n. iii. Felix condemned, an. 794.
BaroniuB.
It was not used at Rome till an. 1014, when Bemo Augiensis (lib. De Misa.) relates, [that] he
being at Rome, Cum Romani presbyteri ab eo interrogarentur, Cur poet eyangellum (ut in aliis
ecclcsiisflebat) symbolum non canerent? " When the Roman presbyters were asked by him. Where-
fore they did not (as was done in other churchea) chant the creed after the reading of the Gospel f '*
they gave him a reason, such a one as it is ; and adds, Imperatorem (Henric. I.) Benedicto
Papa persuasisse ut ad publican mliaam aymbolum decantarent, "The Emperor (Henry I.)
prevailed on Pope Benedict to order tli* fihaaHng of tht ci«ed during public senrioa.** In Spond.
ad an. 1014, n. Ul. « De Virg . Veland.
316 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LTTUBOIES.
baptism, is exceeding different from that called the apostles*, not only in
words, phrases, order, but in the omission of divers articles, and the
adtlition of others."
Moreover, Basil ^ tells us, [that] the confession of faith is conformable
to the delivery of baptism, and the doxology conformable to the con-
fession of faith ; that they are all three much alike. That they bap-
tized as they had received, and believed accordingly as they baptized,
and gave glory just as they believed ; that there was a necessary and
inviolable coherence betwixt these, and that an innovation in any of
these, would destroy the whole, ^ iv tovtois KaumrofiUij rov vturr^
^orri KoraXva-is. But he does not think the change of phrase and words
therein is such an innovation, if it remain tlie same in sense, ravr^p vp^
didvoiav, for he himself used tlie doxology very variously, and would not
be bound up to one form, in the expressing of but four or five words.
And by what liberty he took in this, he shows what might be taken in
the rest. Two days befoi-e the writing of this book, in prayer with the
people, €ifjL(f}oT€p<ii>s bo^Xoyiavj " he used the doxology two ways" (both
differing from that which is usual) as he tells us,^ Tf Ge^ koX JJarpi ww
fJk€v fiera tov 'Yiov avv t^ Ilycv/iari ayc^, vvv di dia rov 'Yiov (v ayita nycvfum,
" Glory to God and the Father, (adding) sometimes, with the Son, toge-
ther with the Holy Ghost ; sometimes, by the Son, in the Holy Ghost ;"
but this is but a taste of his variety. Ho that will observe how it is
used in this book, and in the end of his homilies, may find it diversified
near forty several ways, and rim almost into so many changes, as so
few words are capable of. One may think they are put to hard shifts
for proof of the prescribed forms in question, who are glad to make the
ancient use of the doxology one of their arguments. We see it would
not serve their tiuni, if it could be proved, that they were as much
limited to forms of j)rayer in baptism, as they thought themselves con-
fined to the words of Christ, m delivering the form of baptizing. Those
that thought a ravr^v npos didvoiav, " a conformity in sense" suflicient, where
Christ gives the direction, might with much reason judge this enough,
or too much, when men only prescribe ; and in cases too, where a
greater latitude is safer. Their practice, in the severals** premised, show,
• Vid. lib. vil. cap. xlU.
* 'llv ^awTifofiet^ii, o'vTtt KU4 irio'TCi'Civ o^«i'XoirTer, ofioia* T<f fiawritrnari rijv OfioXo^iav Karatf
Ot'^icOa, <7V7X*'pn<r<<TW<rai' iifiiv ^K ritr aurnc unoXovBta^, ifioiav Tf} iriartt, rijv dofav uwo^iiowai — iT-»
Y.-Cfi ii/iuv diiaerniTiaaat,-, fiij fiairTi(^tiv tSit vnptXti/Joficv' nM*? irtcrrei'Civ wr i^aKritrOn^t* , if fi»} dofci*
(c(v u>\ wdriarfi-KafJitt-' ^iiKvi'Tca fup riv ti Mf ovK ^vafKuia Kat ap^nKTOf n irpof aXXrjXti TOi'Twr uco-
XovOia. o*K ovx't ii i'v rotnott Kiuiojunia, k.t.X. "Sincc we ought 80 to believe as we are baptised.
We lay down ;i cunfcssion of Taith ciirrespcndcnt to baptism. Lot them allow ur to ofler the dox-
olopr>- ill curreitpuiulunce nith ttie faith, by roafton uf the same iiiReitarahle connexion. Let them
teach ua not to ba[>ti2c as we arc taught, or not to btlieve as we are baptized, or not to olfer the
doxology as we have believed. For let any one show, that there is not a necessary and unbroken
connexion of these things one with another." De Spir. Sanct cap. xxvii. p. 274. [Ed. Par. 1723.
torn. iiL p. 57.1 *" cap. i. 'particulars.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 817
[that] they knew no such prescriptions, nor would have honoured them
with any more observance, or so much.
To proceed, there was a mode of renunciation generally used in bap-
tism, aud a general agreement to use the same in sense ; and yet, as to
words and syllables, a strange variety ; when as* here, if anywhere, a
commou rule enjoining uniformity in words might have been expected,
and in such a case, if in any, would have been observed. I have taken
notice of more than twenty ** variations of this so short a sentence ; and
• whereas.
* GriKenes, Quid denunciaverit dUbolo, non te usarum pompU cjiu, et Toluptatlbui paritorum,
" Why has he renounced the devil, the use of hit pomps, and obedience to his pleasuiea V* In Ep.
ad Rom. Universis aliis diis et dominis, " In fine all other gods and lords together.* Homil. Till,
in £xod.
Coni$taiitiu8, (de se,) Renuncians Satanae pompis et operfbus ejus et unirersis idoUs mana flMtif,
credere me in Deum professus sum, '* Renouncing Satan, his pomps and works, and all idols mads
with hands, I profess that I believe in God." In Edict, ad Syhrest.
Cyril. Hierosolym. Catech. i. MyHtag. pp. 228, 229. [Ed. Oxon. 1703, p. 279.] 'AX\* i^At &«ov<tv
rera/ie'irn t^ Xti^^ wr irf>or iruf>6vra elirciv, 'AiroTciffO'o^at vo\ Zarav^, %ai mOuak raXt 9p70if aov,— icoi
wciari Tj; trofiwfj avrov, — Kat wdtr^ tjj XuTpei'f aov, " As soon as thou hearest, thou ait to sajr with
outbtrctched hand as to one present, I renounce thee, Satan, and all thy works, and all his pomp,
and all his service."
Ephrem. Syrus. lib. De Poenit. cap. t. Abrenuncto tibl Satan, et cunctis operibua tuis, " I
renounce thee, Satan, and all thy works."
Basil. De Spir. Sane. cap. xxvii. [Ed. Par. 1722, torn. iiip. 55, B.] says there was no prescrlptioii
for it. 'A\\(t 6i: liaa irepi to ^irritrna uKordtrtreaBai rtf ZuTavyt to* fOK iiffiXotv a^ov, in woiat
IffTt 7/>a^nr, " Out of what writing is derived tlie renunciation of Satan and his angels at baptism f*
Nu writiugM mentioned the use of any words whatsoever, any prayer at all OD those occasions,
none enjoined any set form of prayer: but any words were so Car tmm being enjoined, that there
were none so much as set down or mentioned in any writing.
C>Til. Alexandrin. lib. vii. contra Julian. Ibi deposuertmos tenebras a mente nostra, et dsemo-
niorum turbis valedixerimus, omnemque ipsorum pompam, et cultum prudentissime respuerimos,
coiilitcraur fidem in Patrcm, " There we dispel the darkness from our minds, and bid fkrewell to
the crowds of evil spirits, and most wisely renounce their pomp and worship : we proflest ftith in
the Father." &c.
Salvian. Massiliens. De Gub. Dei, lib. vi. p. 198. Abrenundo, inquls, diabolo, pompis, specta-
culis et operibus ejus, " I renounce, sayest thou, the devil, his pomps, his shows, and his wofks."
Quae est enim in baptismo aalutari Christianorum prima confessio, nisi ut renundare se diabolo, ac
pompis ejus, atque ispectaculis. et operibus, protestentur f "For what is the first oonftwion of
Christians in their quickening baptism, but a public testimony that they renounoe the devH, and
his pomp, and his shows, and his works?" p. 197.
Dionysius Areop. Eccles. Hierarch. [Ed. Lutet. 1015, cap. iL p. 77, D.] *E^^w9nora« ftiva^r^
rpU diantXeverat rtf Zurav^ Kui mpooiti ra rnx Lttora'tn^ 6fio\o^ncat' Kok rpit avr^ iLVorajiiv
fxupTv/>opevor, " He is bid to use sufflatlons against Satan thrice, and withal to avow his
renunciation ; and three times to testify against him his renunciation."
Clemens Constit. lib. vii. cap. xli. ' XwatftWirtt ovv 6 fiawTiC6fAtvot iv Ty &wordcotcBaC <k«ro-
r(i<r<ru/ia( rtf Zaravif Kai tok ffyfotv ainov, Kat ratv wofivalv atrrov, Kot ToTr Karptituv a^tnif Kat
TOit uYY^Xoic avTovf Kai raiv iiftvpiceeiv avTov, " Then Ict the person to be b^»tiaed say publicly in
his renunciation. I renounce Satan, and his works, and his pomps, and his service, and his angels,
and his inventions."
Justinian. De Episcop. Audicnt. [Cod. lib. i. tit. iv. cap. xxxiv. seet. L] 'Or sat tom Aprt ti9o»ti4vo€t,
Kai TMf irpixrKvviTTMv u(iM/u^voir /xvffTtipt«v avroi KpoKnp^rroveiw avorArrtvBat Tff rov ArrUMifi^vov
6aifLovo^ Xarpciy Kai »d«rj; trofiw^, " Like to those newly faiitiated, and Judged wovthy of the ador-
able mysteries, they proclaim that they renounce the worship and all the poops of their ad^tCMiy
the devil."
Tertullian, De Coron. MUit. cap. ilL Bed et aliqnanto prhu In eceleda rab aatMlli nami, om-
testamur nos renundare diabolo, et pompv, et angeUs «lns, *' A llttltirlilie Iwlbnv* tatlOfy IbIIm
church, under the hand of the bishop, that we renctmee the devfl, and UtpflBfl* aid Ml Hftlk'*
OpUtus Mnevit. contr. Parmenianum, lib. ▼. p. 09. [Ed. IMi. l$n, fi IMb] OMl^ Mi
peccatores (ut vultis) interrogemus alteram geotHem, as wnn— M dIAdih ft iHM Bn^' ftk
818 A DISCOUBSE CONCERNING LTTURGIES.
find no two of the many ancients who used it, to represent the usage of
it to us, agreeing therein as to words and syllables ; nor yet have 1 met
with two instances, where the dififercnce is not more than syllabicai : it
may be others may meet with more ; yet if more than two, amongst
so many intending to express the same thing, had used exactly the
et dicat, Renuncio et credo, " On the other hand, we, who aa ye wOl hare It are offendera, interro-
gate another who is a heathen, whether he renounces the devfl, and believes in Ood, &c. and be
says, I do renounce and believe."
C>'prian, Epist. v. lib. L Seculo renunclavimua cum baptiiati sumus, " We renounced the worU
when we were baptiied.'' Stare illic potuit Dei servus, et loqui, et renunciare Christo, qui Jam
dlabolo renunciaret et seculo, " Could the servant of God stand up there and renounce Chriift, vbo
has already renounced the devfl and the world r" Senm. De Laps. p. 151. Ci;^u8 (mundi) pompii
et delidis Jam tunc rcnunciavimus, cum meliori transgressu ad Dominum venimus, " We rvnounoed
the pomps and delights of the world by a happier change when we came to Christ.'* De Habit
Virgin, p. 107. Se camis concupiscentlis et vitiis renunciasse profitetur, " She professes that sbe
has renounced the lusts and vices of the flesh." Id. ibid.
Augustin, Do Symbol, ad Catcchum. lib. iii. cap. L Qulsquls huic sdificio conjungi desiderat,
renundet diabolo, pompis, et angelis ejus, " Let whoever desires to form a part of this building,
renounce the devil, and his pomps, and his angels." Emissa enim certissima cautione, qua tqs
abrenuntiare omnibus pompis diaboli, et omnibus operibus ejus, et omni fomicationi diabolirc
spoHpondistis, " That carefulness being laid aside, wherewith ye pledged yoxirsclves to renounce
all the pomps of the devil, and all his works, and every kind of diabolical fornication." HomQ. UL
Ad Neoph>tos. Pro ipsb enim respondent, quod abrenuntient diabolo, pompis, et operibus ejus,
et ideo pactum, quod eum Christo in baptismi sacramento, conscribunt, custodire contendant. nee
unquam aliquid de diaboli pompis, vol mundi istius luxuriosi* oblectationibus concupiscant, ** Let
them answer for themselves, that they renounce the devil, and his pomps, and his works, and lo
let them strive to keep that covenant with Christ, which they write in the sacrament of baptism,
and let them never lust after any of the pomps of the devil, or the luxurious delight* of his
world." Senn. De Temp, [cxvl.]
Ambrose, Hcxaem. lib. i. cap. iv. Diccns, Abrenuncio tibi, diabole, et angelis tuis, et operibus
tuis, et imperiis tuw, •* Saying, I renounce thee, Satan, and thy angels, and thy works, and thy
dominion." Quando te interrogavit sacerdos ; Abrenuncias diabolo, et operibus suis .' quid rc»i)on-
di'«ti t Abrenuncio. Abrenuncias seculo et voluptatibus ejiis i quid respondisti ! Abrenunrio.
" When the priest asks thee. Dost thou renounce the devil, and hi» works? what dost thou reply f
I renounce them. Dofit thou renounce the world, and its temptations ? what dost thou reply ; I
renounce them." De Sacrament, lib. i. cap. ii. Kepete quid interrogatus sis. rccognosce, quid
reKponderis. Renunriasti diabolo et operibus ejus, mundo et luxurla; ejus, " Remember it hat
thou wert asked, what thou repliedst; thou hast renounced the devil and his works, the iiorld
and its delighu." Lib. de lis qui Myster. Initiant. cap. ii.
ChrysoHtom, Homil. xxi. Ad Pop. Antioch. p. 609. edit. Savil. ^KKOTdcaofiai cot, Zarava. %di
rp ironwti trov, Kui rti Xarpcif cov, " I renounce thee, Satan, and thy pomp, and thy ser^'ire."
*\irordc<roij,ai out, Zarava, Kai rri wofAwti a-ov, Kai rij Xur^titf. (tov, Kai toic aTji-Xoiv <rov, " I renounce
thee, Satan, and thy pomp, and thy service, and thy angels." In Coloss. Horn. v. p. 122.
M«T« rov Zarava Kai rftv uyyiXMv aifTov, Kai raintj {nofinfi) Tore awfTtiiTTtaife, *' Together with
Satan and his angels, ye renounced this his pomp also." In' Job. Horn. i. p. 558.
Hieronym. in Matth. v. tom. vi. p. 6. [Kd. Paris. 1706, torn. iv. cul. 17.] Quidam cc<octius
dissenmt in baptisraate singulus pactum inire cum diabolo ct dicere, Renuncio tibi. Diabole, et
pompffi tusp et vitiis tuis, et mundo tuo, qui in maligno positus est, " Some give a more fnrred
explanation, that in baptism individuals enter into an agreement with Satan, and say, I renounce
thee, Satan, and thy pomp, and thy vices, and thy world, which liethin wickedness." Conft's*u» e*
bonam confessioncm in baptismo, renunciando seculo et pompis ejus. "Thou confessed»t a srnnl
confession in baptism by renouncing the world and its pomps." In I Tim. vi. tom. viii. p. iTW.
Secundo post baptinmuin gradu, inisti pactum cum adversario tuo. diccns ei, Renunriu tibi.
Diaboli", et seculo tuo, ct pom pa; tua*, et operibus (al. opibus) tuis, "In the second place dfit-r
baptism, thou cnteredst into agreemnil with thine enemy, say in}: to him, I renounce thi-v, S.itan,
and thy world, and thy pomp, and thy works." Epist. viii. Ad Demetriati. p. 63. [Fji. |7t»r,, torn.
iv col. 78!).] Abrenunciatiouem illani qua pracputiia dvnudamur, ante oculus collocfnius — sic
namque dicirous, abrenunciare n«» mundo et pompis ijus, "Let us place before our eyes ilji:
renunriation by which we became circuinclsed—for thus we speak, thiit we renounce the wurld and
its pomps." Epist. ad Theraslam. Do Vera Circumcia. tom. ix. (Ed. 1706. tom. v. col, 155.]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 319
same words, (and where other things besides a rule might have
rendered their expressions uniform) it would have been no proof
that the words had been prescribed ; it would rather be strange,
if in such circumstances, they should not casually fall into such an
agreement without the conduct of any prescription. But since they
are so far from observing the punctilios of a prescribed uniformity, and
vary herein so much, as " one may wonder how so few words could be
contrived into such variety >. it proves sufficiently, that they were not
under any orders, obliging them to use precisely the same words. ^
And thus we find not only those of the Greek and Latin churches
differing, or such as lived at a greater distance, and in the parts of the
empire remotest one from another, but those of the same country and
the same church, where, if an3rwhere, uniformity is to be looked for : we
may observe it in Tertullian, Cyprian, Optatus, and Augustin.
Nor do several persons only differ herein amongst themselves, but we
may see in divers instances, one and the same person express this usage
variously ; when as,* he that is not circumscribed by others, nor will be
imposed on by the imperious, is constant to himself, many times, and
varies not ^ the use of as many, or more words, than this form con-
sisted of; and so it is represented by Cyprian, Chrysostom, Jerome,
Augustin, Ambrose, Origen.
Now, if in so short a sentence as this, and that universally used in
some terms or other, with a general harmony as to the sense, and
wherein also there is nothing of prayer, and so none of that reason
which there is for freedom in praying, they were not limited, nor did
tie themselves to a set of words : who can believe they were, or would
have suffered themselves to be, confined to an unvariable form of words,
in praying at baptism ?
And that there were none limited to any forms of prayer, is made
evident, more directly by that of Basil,*^ where, mentioning the several
prayers used in baptizing, he declares there were none of them to be
found in writing, EvXoyovfitv di r6 vdcjp rov fiaTrria-fuiTos koX t6 fkcuov ttjs
Xpia-faSf koI npocrtri avT6v t6v /3a9m(dfi€i/ov, an6 iroltov iyypdtfxov ; Ovk ano rrjt
aiamci>fx€VTis, Koi /zuoTiic^f 7rapad6a-€a>s •,** " We bless the water in baptism,
and the oil used in unction, and the party also baptized ; but out of
what writings? Is it not out of the silent and secret tradition?**
They had no prayers for these sevcrals,* in or before his times, written ;
none foimd, none set down in WTiting ; and how there could be pre-
scribed forms of prayer, and yet no prayers in writing, is not intel-
ligible. There were no writings enjoining tliem that prayers should
be used for these purposes ; much less, therefore, what prayers should
be made use oi', or in what form of words. For where the exist-
ence of a thing is not supposed, there is no giving roles for the mode
" that. * whertM. ' Lib. De Spir. Sane. cap. xztU. ^ p. tfh • MlAi
320 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES.
of it, amongst those who are regulated by reason. They had then no
rules nor prescriptions in Scripture, or councils, or fathers, or any
church liturgies, for the use of such praj^rs (much less for the words of
them:) cnr^ n-oiW ryypdffitav reaches all. There was nothing for them in
his time, but (ritowafUvri mai ftvarucff irtipa^ocnsj " silent and secret tradition,^
in opposition to {eyypdffxHs) ^* what is written ;** * which is utterly exclnsiTO
of, and inconsistent with any such rules or prescriptions, and so quite
clears the church for all such prescribed forms in baptism, in all ages
till that day. And clear of them it was long after.
For the impostor,^ who forged those Constitutions, under the name of
Clemens, many hundred years afler the apostles, and one age at least
after Basil, though he set down prayers for the baptismal office, yet he
ties none to those forms (no not when he pretends they were of the
apostles* composing) nor to any other ; but leaves all at liberty to pray
as they saw good, only he would have them pray to the same efiect.
He requires not, that they should use those prayers (of his) but such
prayers with a Touamj tU, "his words are,**^ '£^ y^ /li) th c jccurror rovmr
* Daobtu modit did poue observatlonein aliquara eue tcriptam : id enim srriptum cam ab
aliquo vel scripta lege fuiue pnetcriptum (qui proprius cat ct asitatius honim verborum »«»»)
Tel tanturo in scripto libro commeinoratatn. " An observance may be called a written one, Id two
way* ; for that may be »idd to be written when a thing i» prescribed by some penon. or bj- •
written law, (which is the more proper and frequent use of these iwords) or when it is only kpoktn
of in a written book." Dall. De Pseudep. p. 334. He takes Baxil in the former >en«e, ibid.
Objection. But by writings Bai^il may understand the Seripturen only. Answer. Hi» woni»
plainly deny it of all writings, and not of the Scripture only, ^ide Dall. p. 334. He allege* many
exprensionn of Basil in the same place, concluding, £x quibus vel csecus videt, qua i»ta accepts
erant, traditionem, BaHilium non quibusdam. sed quibusTis ; non canonici^, 8ed omnibus omiiiiH)
libris opponere, " From these expressions even a blind person may fee in ^hat sense those vordi
were taken, viz., that Basil opposes tradition not to certain books, but to any bo<iks whatever; not
to the canonical books, but to all books of every kind." Ibid.
Objection. Cook (p. 123.) and others deny the latter part of this book to lie Basil's. AKSVtr-
The generality of ))rntestant writers do not question it, e. g. Chamier, Casaubon. Dalleus.
Mr. Cook thinks it was writ by one living after Meletlus, who survived Basil, and so after
Basil's time. The later he lived, the less ancient will prescribed forms appear to be by his tesD-
mony, which in this cannot be suspected ; for who will think him so impudent [as] to affjm
what every one knew to be false ?
* Bishop Usher inclines to think, the interpolations of the six ancient epistles ascribed to Ipis-
tius, with the six latter, and also Clemens' Constitutions, did, ex eadem oflicina prodire. " issue fmm
the same workshop," and yet the former were not extant before the sixth age ; and therefore tbe
Constitutions are no elder. Dallacus, De Supposit. Igii. lib. ii. cap. U. p. 237. Vid. pp. 232, 2U-
•Lib. viL cap. xlv. After the prayers in baptism, in reference to the oil and water, and chrism.
cap. xliii. xliv. xlv. lib. vii. having said, cap. xliii. 'K-grncaXcIriK oi'ra>, "He makes inrocati<«
after this manner," he adds, cap. xlv. Tarra Kui xti tui-toiv ixnoKov^^t Xt-t^rw, haec atque »K»
his consentanea dicat, "Let him say these tilings, and other things of like import," «ut la^tik
elf tKacTov rovTtsv, iniK\ri<rit yivriyai toiui'ti), Scc. " for if hc does not adhere to every ^^ ^
these expressions, let the invocation be of some such kind."
For the catechumens, KXfH>fTMv dt aifr&v t«c KcftaXac, tvXoftirtd avrovt A xtifiOTo^r^ilt <*♦'
cKoirur «v\ofia¥ roiafde, " Whilst bending down their heads, let the appointed bi.thop blcM theo
with some such benediction as this," some such, hujusmodibenedictioue, lib. viii. cap. xvl med.
For the penitents, "Wvivx^^Via oli^ 6 i^iriaKoiro\ nudA*^, " Let tlic bishop offer prayer over thco
In some such terms as these," in some such manner, in Iiunc modura, c.np. viii, fin. In th'
blessing of water and oil, Xcf^ru Ai oi-Twc, " Let him sptak after this manner," cap. x\ix. liK »^
»«P« tirxaiftariat ovtw \v70vTcr, "speaking Concerning the eucharist after this manner," lib. vii.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 821
diriickrjais ytvrjrai irapa rov evatfiovf Up4ta^ roiavrri rW, cty vdup il6vov Kara-
Paiv€i 6 fia7m(6fuvoSi a>r ^lovbaioi' Kal mroTiBerm fiovoy rbv puirov rov (Tt^fiar
Tosj ov Tov pvnou TTjs ^xv^i " For if some such prayer be not made by
the godly minister at each of these, he that is to be baptized, goes into
the water only as the Jews, and parts with only the impurity of the
body, not the impurity of the soul."
By which we may discern, what was the freedom, as to prayer at
baptism (and consequently elsewhere) in those times when he writ
(probably about the latter end of the fifth, or the beginning of the sixth
age,) when forms through necessity were growing more common.
Prayers to the same eifect would then serve the turn, as they now serve
the reformed churches. He that apjpeared to the world about that time,
in the vizard of apostolical authority," would not by virtue thereof pre-
sume to tie any, in administering baptism, strictly to one form, any one
form of words ; no, not to those words which he would have them believe
were formed by the apostles themselves. The apostles as he per-
sonates them, gave liberty to waive their own supposed forms, and think
it well enough, il* prayers to the same purpose be used instead
thereof In all probability, if this actor had laid his scene in places and
times where more restraint had been tolerable, lie would have repre-
sented it otherwise.
But there needs no other evidence, for this liberty in baptismal prayers,
to any who are willing to see, than that in Augustin,* whore he examines
the allegations of the several bishops in the council under C3rprian, to
Sodatus of Tuburbis, who pleads thus for the rebaptizing of those bap-
tized by heretics ; in quantum aqua, sacerd^tis prece, in eccUsia sanctifi-
cata, abluit dtlicta, in tantum, hwretico sermone, velut cancei'e infecta, cumulat
peccata : " as the water, by the prayer of the priest in the church, is
sanctified to the washing away of sin ; so by an heretical prayer, as by
a cancer, it is infected, to the increasing of sin."
Augustin answers. Si non sanctificatur aqua, cum aliqua erroris verba
cap. xxtL pro primltiit collatif, ovrwr e^xapi^cr, " he oflto thankftglvingi after this manner,"
lib. viii. cap. xxxix. Pro raortuis tvxaptatrirti Xiymv Tomde, "let him oflbr thankigiTlngt,
speaking after this manner," lib. viii. cap. xli. Poet sumptionem eucharistifle, mctu iv rifv /*ct^
\fi^i¥ ovrtat tuxaptarfivare, "After the reception of the eucliariat, Rive thanka after this manner.**
lib. vii. cap. xxvii. Utpi 6i rod fivpou ovrmv evxapf<rr^<raT«, " As for the oil, give thanks after thia
manner." lib. vii. cap. xxviiL Pro eucharistia quidem in hunc moduni, lib. vU. cap. xxvi.
And by these instances, when he calls for prayer or praise, with \e7^Tw, " Let him uif" or
•iirdTw, "Let him speak," or kw€vxfc0t$ Xv^ttv, "Let him offer prayer," or the like; we have
warrant to understand roiade, *' in some auch way," or ourw, ** after thia manner," or ra tovtok
iucoXovda, " In terma of like import with these,** and that such liberty is allowed.
• Lib. Till. cap. xr. Where be preramea to aay, Tavra ««p« rnv tittontirit XoTpciav ita-ravvofitSa
jt/^etc ot awS^roXot Ifitp rott hwiwuAwott, aai vmt wptefivripott, mi toii ^mc^vmr, " These thtnga
eonceming the myitietl worahlp wa tlit apeiflM avdaln itar ym the biahopa, and the preabyters,
and. the deaeona." * Da Bapt eontra Donat. Ub. Ti. cap. jxr.
322 A DISCOnRSE CONCERNING LTTURGIES.
per imperitiam prerator effnndit, mulH non solum malt, sed eticem honi/ratres
in ecclesia non sanctificcmt a^piam, " If the water be not sanctified when
he that prays, through unskilfubiess, utters some erroneous words ; then,
not only many evil, but good brethren in the church do not sanctify the
water." Mnltonim enirn preces emendantur quoHdiej si docUoribus fiariid
recitatce, et multa in iis reperiuntur contra cathoUcam fidan, '^ For the
prayers of many are daily amended, if they be recited to the more
learned, and many things are found in them contrary to the catholic
faith ;" (they were vitioscB preces, et in quibus aliquid perversvm, as he
speaks ailerwards.) Now such prayers cannot be supposed to have been
any conunon forms, commanded, or used, much less prescribed by the
church. The course taken to redress this, was not a total prohibition
of the prayers they had chosen ; nor the tying of such ministers to the
use of any common form ; no nor the commending of any such to their
use: but (what divers synods (of which [I have spoken] before) had
decreed) the prayers, which such indiscreet persons made choice of, being
recited to the more learned, were by them amended, and the errors being
leil out, they are lefl to use them still, (for the amending of them cannot
be otherwise interpreted, than in order to future use :) and this course
as it is inconsistent with the imposition of any set forms, so it argues
forcibly, [that] the churches then had not in the administration of bap-
tism, so much as anycommou form in free use ; othenvise, instead ofdailj
trouble to others and themselves, about correcting their very faulty
prayers ; why arc not persons so intolerably indiscreet (who could not
discern when a prayer was heretical) so much as advised to make use of
the common form ? And finally, under what restraint can any fancy
the more discreet and learned to have been in baptizing, when the
weakest and most impnulent had so much liberty therein ? Nothing
needs be more manifest, than that neither the prudent nor indiscreet
w^ere then confined to prescribed forms in the ministration of l^aptism.
And thus we have made it sufiiciently evident, that in the ancient
church, the order for administering the sacraments (the prayers espe-
cially used in their consecration) were not prescribed ; nor the adminis-
trators thereof under such restraint, as later and worse times thought fit
for them. I might endeavour to give the like satisfaction concerning
other parts of worship, which were administered by prayers: and
might do it now with more ease than this already done. But it is
not needful, since those who show the greatest passion for the forms in
question, aflirm, that in the sacraments they were and are most neces-
sary, and were first there usctl ; and so must acknowledge, that when
they were not in use there, they were nowhere used, nor anpvhere
counted needful : and besides, this discourse grows long, (and so may
be tedious) beyond what 1 expected or designed. I will therefore only
add some few testimonies, which give evidence against such fonns m
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 323
general, and will reach the particulars, as therein involved ; easing
myself and others thereby of a tedious and superfluous labour.
Begin we with Justin Martyr, one of the first writers lefl us of
unquestioned credit, after the apostles' times : who hath these words,*
"AB^ol /t€v ovv A>f ovK tafiivj t6v hfifnovpybv roOdc tov ncarrhs atfidfifvoif dpfydtrj
aifiaTtav Kal (nrovdcav kol OvfitofAaravj at cMdxOrffi€v \cyovr€fy X<$y^ ^Xl^ '^^
€vxapi(rrias €<f} oU 7rpo<rff>(p6fu$a naa-iv oaij bvvofiis alvovvT€£' " We are
not atheists, since we worship the Maker of all things, affirming, as
we are taught, that he hath no need of blood, drink-offerings, or incense;
in all our oblations, with prayer and thanksgiving, according to our
ability praising him." In his time, they pniyed and gave thanks accord-
ing to their ability. Now certainly, the abilities of the pastors, at least
of those times, reached further without stretching, than the reading or
reciting of some prayers, composed for them by others. They were
persons ordinarily of greatest abilities amongst the Christians. When
ordinary Christians were superior to the pastors of ailer times/ they
wanted not the knowledge of Divine things, nor the sense of their spiritual
condition, or their people's, nor a faculty to express tolerably what they
knew and felt. They were not besotted by intemperance, nor had lost
tlie use of their faculties for want of exercise, nor were their gifts shriv-
elled up by a curse, because they did not employ them : they had ability
to frame their own prayers, as well as to make their own sermons ; and
if they confined themselves to prayers made by others, they did not give
thanks and pray, as the holy martyr says they did, oaij ^vyafus, " according
to their ability," or as they were able. The phrase hath been sufficiently
vindicated before ; but because it here occurs again, let this be added
for further satisfaction. It is said, that it denotes not the exercise of
abilities for prayer, but earnestness in praying, neither less nor more :
but this is only said, without any proof, without any instance where it
is so taken, either in Justin Martyr, or any other. The best way to
discern the import of it, will be to observe, how this and other [phrases]
of the same signification arc used commonly in this or other authors.
Now five himdred instances might be produced, wherein this expression,
and others of the same import, do clearly denote the exercise of
abilities for the work, to which they are applied. I will but give a
taste hereof in a like case, preaching or writing, pastoral works, as
prayer is. Justin Martyr says, they did*^ exhort the brethren, oatj
dvvafiisy and tells Trypho he would make a collection of all the
places of Scripture which concerned the millennium,^ w dvvofus fiov,
• Apo]. it p. 139. [Ed. Colon, p. 60, C] * ChiyiMt. in Eph. Horn. tI. pp. 7M, 793.
' "oan dvva/Air irporpct^dAtcvM 6fiav, &c. '* ExhoTtliiff jon mecordim^ to <Mr MkUUgJ* ApoL tt.
p. 157.
^ T&¥ fff€vntiivt»v ifiiv X6^tt¥ aw^vrmv, At HvafUf fMv rtfrrafw «MfVi|Mi| " I vfl^ MMnlfay
. to my abilitg, make a collation of all the deelantkiis whioli hsf* bMB ■■!• li «.* Itliln^ mm
Tryphon. p. 88. edit. Rob. Stepb. Lutet. an. IMl. [UL Ootaa. MM,*. Mi^ &]
324 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITCniOIES.
Origen says, the ChristianB instructed * many ivrf ^wofuff and what
Celsus alleged he would examine mn-A dvyofoy. So in* Eusebius, when
he tells lis, the bishops made panegyrical orations «; iK&irr^ ^f^M'^
dvpofuas.^ Likewise in Basil, when he speaks of praising Gordins itarii
dvmfjMf, forgetting his own' weakness, and says, he will explain' the
words of the apostle a»r bvwarhp, and that the impiety (he is mentioning)
was elsewhere refiited xarck dvva/uy, and that he had preached the day
before koB' oa-ov ^v dvpar6p. Also in Chrysostom/ when he says it was
necessary he should Kara dwofut^j *^ discourse of prayer ;" and frequentlji^
elsewhere.
• OStm O90V &XnMk <r4fiovrn, nai woWoin l^n ivvafiit watitvavre^t " Worshiping God thu
In truth, and instructing many accwding to our ahititf.'* Contra Cels. lib. viiL p. iS8. ^fM waXm
Kari iiwatitvt ai^h*' Htrdvmfitv ovrmt ixow^av. Id. ibid. p. S95. Vid. pp. 409, 410, 41], edlL
Cantabr. an. 1658.
• 'EkiVci M Kai X(>7oi«r avax rSmv wop^rrMv hpxwrmt iraviryvptcovc, itt iKavrif waf>nv Utantrnt,
0«i<S{mv Tryir vav^vpiv, " Every one of the bishops present, made a panegyrical oration, ms eaek om
had mbmi9 to inspire the assembly.** Hist. b*b. [x.] eap. iiL Tid. Vit. Const, lib. !▼. cap. xxix. infti.
• Constantine exhorted his subjects "Ovn wip* av h iwafitt, *'to lead a pious Ul^" wpoiTp€n
Tc So-ii ir»p av h ivva/xtv row iuvefih fitraduinttv fiiovt '* He exhorted them to the mtwtod ef Mr
abilUp to lead a pious life.** De Vit. Const, lib. It. cap. xxix.
' *Eic\a$Ofiivow T»if U4r0cv<tar, 6€vpo dif Kai aJrroi rp Kara ivpafuv ^ttvp otav rivt 2»0(K rfi* to»
iv6pot ipftiv wtfuftop.fi{iirwtitv, " Forgetting our weakness, come, we ourseWes with such nttenaet
as wt can command^ will buu around such a flower of manly deeds as falls to the bt of sny."
HomQ. in Qord. p. S04. edit. Basil, an. 1551.
'*ac hwarov fiiKpiv vvrepov aitrrn<r6/*e0a, " We will expound as ve are able a little (arthfroo,*
Horn, de Eucharist, p. 142. 'AXXmc tc tai iv uXXo<r Kara dvvatitv l^* imS»v rtit uffc/Setar bteXe^x'^*^^
" This impiety being refuted according to our ability in another place and in other terms." Lib. De
Spir. Sancto, cap. xvii. p. 264. We preached natji^ boov nv bwarov, " to the extent of our stHlitf."
Hcxaem. Horn, ill initio.
f*Ava'][KjLiovAi T^ KUTfi Auva^iiv \i^elv irc^M tov wpn-ffiarot, "It is necessary to speik of thf
matter according to our ability," Tom. vi. Horn. iL de Drat. [p. 758.] edit. SatH. et in Philip. IIoo.
vl. [p. 37.] [Horn, iv.] in 2 Tim. p. 346. et Tom. i. in Gen. Horn. xvii. initio, fin. Hom. xxv. p. X^-
Hom. xxxli. p. 254. Hom. Iviii p. 452. Hom. lix. p. 459. cic bvvafuw hftertoav, Hom. xxxviii p. 306.
r Add that in Cyprian, Propter hoc etiam libellum hunc debono patientise quantum valuit^ostit
mediocritas, permittcntc et inspirante Domino, conscripsimus, " On this account we have vrittea,
as our slender abilities stood us in stead, this little book concerning the advantages of patience, ij
the Lord's permission and Divine assistance." Epist. ad Jubaian. and often. Pro nostra mediorri-
tate, "according to our slender abilities."
Augustin, De quibus in aliis opusculis, quantum Domino adjuvante potuimus, satis nos dii-
seruisse .meminimus, " Whereof we remember to have spoken sufficiently in other work«, •*
with the Lord's help, we were able," De Peccat. Orig. lib. ii. cap. xxxiv. £t hoc pro viribni afO>
" And this, according to my powers, I do," Contra Cresc. lib. i. cap. ix. Si autcm ministri sdsint,
pro viribus, quas eis Dominus subministrat, omnibus subvenitur; alii baptizantur, alii rcconeili-
antur, nulli Domlnici corporis communione fraudantur, omnes consolantur, sditicantur. exhor-
tantur, ut Deum rogcnt qui potens est omnia quse timentur avertere, Arc, " But if rainiften vx
at hand all are succoured according to the abilities which the Lord affords them ; some are baptized,
others are received back into fellowship, none are deftauded of the communion of the Lord's body,
all are comforted, edified, exhorted to beg God to ward off* threatened caUunities." Eplst. elixx-
Honorato, p. 928. edit. Lugduni, an. 1561. [Ed. Antw. Ep. 228.] Retract, lib. ii. cap. i. In s«cando
libro traetantur csetern qusestiones, et pro nostra quantulacunque facultate solvuntur, p. 5S.
Athanasius, about to give an account of man's degeneracy, nfir 6i Kai ravra woul tvXo^o* lara
bvvamw anndvat, " But how he does so, it is but reasonable, according to our ability, to show." Coa^
Onules. p. 3.
And reciting too some passages of Scripture, i^tiXo^m olv ifitTv Kara r6 ivvarop t^> itraiu»
airr&¥ l(rrrh«^aa(fai, De Natura Human. Suscept. tom. i. p. 465. init.
Maximus in Athanas. tom. ii. says he had confuted heretics, IvvTOftm- Kara iivantp Lruivont^'
" in few words, according to his abUity," p. 255.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 325
It is evideat, that in these passages, the phrases signify [that] they
used I heir own abilities, judgment, invention, expressions ; in preaching,
expounding, disputing, &c. And it woidd not be imagined, but that
they denote the same when applied to prayer, in Justin Martyr and
others, had not custom settled another mode of praying than was used
in those times, when abilities to pray were counted a qualification as
requisite for a pastor, as ability to preach ; and more thought necessary
to accomplish a minister for public prayer (so great a part of his work)
than a child is capable of.
AVlio ever imagined, that by writing ootj bvvafusy or pro viribus, they
meant no more than the transcribing another man^s discourse ; or by
expounding or preaching Kara dui/o/uv, &c. no more was to be understood
than their reading or reciting another man's sermon, &c. with what
earnestness soever? This would be no better, than to oiFer plain
violence to their words, and unpardonable injury to the authors. And
why it is not as intolerable, when tliey speak of praying ootj bvptifuf, to
say they meant no more than their reading or rehearsing another man's
prayers with all earnestness ; let those who are not otto npoKrpltttit
Kartxpfxtvoi^ " possessed by prejudice," judge.
Nay, it cannot be denied, but these phrases do sometimes denote,
when appUcd to prayer or thanksgiving, the exercise of personal
abilities for prayer ; as when Chrysostom tells us" that Noah gave
thanks 7^1/ Karh bvvaynv fvxapiariav noirfa-dfuvosy " according to his
ability,'' (sure it was in no form composed for him by anotlier) and
then exhorts to imitate him ; and in the application shows how,
viz., by taking account every day and hour, not only of mercies
common to others, but particular and personal ; yea and those which
we observe not, xmip &v ayvovvrti €V€pytTovfi€$a, " for the benefits we
receive ignorantly," (all this could not be done in a stated form) saying,
Kai xm€p Tovrav tvxap^frrovfuvf '* even for these we give thanks :" he
adds, God made us rational, bia yap toOto Xoycicol, therefore he gave us
faculties, souls and tongues, dta tovto yap xal V^x^v fjpuf cWVyrvo-r Kal
yXaxra-as (x^pia-aroj that we might be sensible of his favours, and icarii
dvi^afiiu €vxapiiTTiay dva<f>(p<op«v,*' "oiFer thanksgiving according to our
ability,'' And in the next homily, (Hom. xxvii.) We should endeavour
rrjv Kara ^vvapiv fvxapKTTiav dva<f>tpf iVy " to oflfer thanksgiving according to
our ability,'' having always his benefits in our minds (tva vni* rrfs pvnMf
arvva>$ovfjL€voi, " that our memory may be helpful to us therein") though
they be more than we can recount, roa-avrai r6 frkrjBot, &c. For who
can (ri yap &v rU XoycVcuro,) reckon up those which we have, those
• In Oen. Horn. xxvi. [p. 202.] • p. SOt. • p. iM-
826 A DI8COUB8E GONOEBMHIO UTCIfMIBS.
which are promised, and nl koB kKAar^^ fy'^P^ yun^tm, *^ thoee ivfaidi
we meet with e^erj day " (so everj day tliere is new matter of thanks-
giving;) thai enumerating abnnduioe of partioalarB,* and adding still
o£ff hjf *itfrc hwnfBtbuiup i^apiBiuiur&ah '^thej csn never be nnmbered;"
wAt y^ Mpmrbni yk&rra ^w^vmu; *'how oan any tongue of man
express them?** vmrav iMpMr^mp hwoum ^tnpfiauniwnf, ** they transcend
all human apprehension;'* yet will have ns notwithstanding, remember,
conceiye, reckon them np, and express them as we are able, and would
have ns employ mind, memory, tongue, all ftculties, therein, as much
as we can : for he adds again after all, we must rifr «ir& dvw^ur r^
r^urifow tttxapwriam irotijaiic, ^make such thanksgivings as are aocording
to the abilities of him who offisrs them.** And jtar& dwofup (which I
proved before to be the same with ^ bwofut!) signifies that which is
inconsistent with any confo^ment to a set form, by ourselves or others.
Basil also, giving directions how to pray,* premises, that there sie
two sorts or parts of prayer, thanksgiving or praise of God with self-
abasement, and petition ; tiien he adviseth to begin with the fonner,
and therein to make choice of Scripture expression {aw^ nuf ayim
ypoKfi&p f KXf7«S/Affyo9, which it seems was BasiVs formulary ;) after he has
given something by way of example, he adds, Stop dc io(okoyfitni£ ar6 rir
ypafp&p &f ^vpatrtuy ''when thou hast praised him (with expressions
selected) out of the Scriptures, as thou art able** (or according to thy
ability, the same phrase with otnf dvyofur, and Kara ^vvofuv,) then begin
with self-abasement ; in which, after thou hast been large (onv («»
airortbnft \6yov Taw€tifo<l}piHrvvfi£,^ "when thou hast extended to some
length thy profession of self-abasement,**) then proceed to petition.
There he would have him beware of praying for the severals' be
mentions, but [counsels him] to seek that which is prescribed or enjoined;
not in any liturgy (for if there had been such, these directions had been
needless, and if they should and might use no other, ridiculous, yet some
men*s fancies are so strong, as to stretch these even to private devotions;)
but in the Scripture, and the words of Christ {seek first the kingckm of
Gfodj &c.) aXX* atrci KoBiiv wpoa-frdx^ffs fijv /3a<riXciay t»v ovpopw i»6m9$
" but ask, as thou art commanded, for the kingdom of God only,"' and
will have him careftil in any wise, that his whole mind be' intent upon
God, and him alone and no where else (Skop r6p povp rerofUpw txovra vpof
• p. 204, SOS. * AMet cap. L p. 554. « p. 555. ' paiticulan.
* Ut coUectis et congregstfs Intn se wniltmB, oret Deum, non eragetur mente. et cogftatkmfliat
erolet, utiptli Del eontpectflmi, atque ineflkbQi ilH himlDi ae intelligat asaiatcntem, ibique onti-
onea, et obaecrationeat poatnlationeaque, et gratianun acUonea auaa proftindat, nulUus extrinseeni
pbantaaiaB soUcitatua imagine, '* With collected and concentrated focultiea let him beaeech Goi
let him not wander In mind and fly off in hia thoughts ; that he may keep in mind that be ii
atanding in the Tery aight of Ood, and in the IneAble light, and there let him poor forth bf*
prmyera, hia deprecatlona, hia Interceasiona, and hia thanksgivinga, dlatorbed by the image of to
Cincy tnsm without." Origen. vid. Dall. De ObtJecto Cult. p. 396.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. *M7
avTov fiuuovy Koi dWaxov fifj^afiov) which will be very hard for him, who,
praying ia public or private, hath bis book to mind.
By this we may also judge, what it is to pray oaij dvra/xip, "according
to ability," or which is all one, a>r Bvvaraiy " as one is able." And to
add no more, it. cannot be supposed, that there was any prescribed
form of prayer, for the case which Augustin mentions, viz.," a house
possessed by the devil ; for the relief of which, he t^lls us, one of the
presbyters of Hippo prayed quantum potuitj " as he was able," a phrase
equivalent to otny dvvafiisy and therefore it may be presumed, he prayed
there according to his ability. And why Sotj dwa/xcp, in Justin Martyr,
should not signify the same, as in these forementioned instances, and
be rendered " according to their abilities," so as their prayers should
be understood to be the product of them ; I can discern no reason at
all, but because they who deny it, are loth it should be so.
T^et us proceed ; That of Tertullian,* sine monitorey quia de pectore
oramuff, '* we pray without a prompter, as praying out of oui* own
breast," hath been pleaded by others, and not without reason. Bishop
Hall in answering it, when he was concerntid to be most reserved and
cautious, so as to yield nothing but what the words would extort, grants
the mode of praying was not then under any superior injunction, and
so not prescribed. Bishop Bilson concluded from this passage (before
it came into debate by the differing parties) that extemporary praying
was used in Tertullian s time, rendering it " without any prompter,"*^ as
coming from the free motion of our own hearts, and ascribing it to the
extraordinary gift of prayer then continued ; (how reasonably may be
considered elsewhere ;) and this shows, it is not for want of evidence in
the expression, that this sense of it is since rejected by his followers, but
from something else. I doubt not, but if it would have been serviceable
another way, there would be no (question but this was Septimius's^
meaning, [that] the Christians did pray without any such prompter as
thtj heathen, because their hearts were their prompters : or, as Bishop
Bilson, beciiuse they pray as their hearts move them. Prayers sug-
gested to the heathen by their monitors, were suggested to the Christians
by their own hearts ; they had not their petitions out of a writing, but
out of their own breasts.
The Gentiles' monitor, as Rigaltius on the place observes, did pranre
* "A man of trihunitia] difpilty, Hesperius by name, who dwells amontfit lu, has a fiurm called
Zabedi, in the territory of Fusaala, whither, on finding that his house suffered much from the malig-
nant power of evil spirits, to the damage of his cattle and slaves, he in my absence requested of our
presb}ters, that one of them, at whose prayers they might be banished, should go," fte. August.
De Civit. Del, lib. xxii. cap. viii. p. USA, edit. LugdunL
* Apol. cap. XXX. Cliristian Subjjeet. part Iv. p. [41I.J
' Sine monitore, '* not being urged by any superior i^JUBeUoD."
* i.e. Tertullian's : his full name, u prafixed to th* XM. of bit wortSt btiiff QoiBtns ItpClmliu
Tertullianus Florens. See Bishop Kaye's Tertullian, p. 5.~£d.
Y
•S28 A DISCOURSE CONCtKNINO LrTURGIEB.
prec€8 de icrq^to, '* dictate the prajen out of a book." AmongBt the
Greeks, their prayers were read out of a book, as appears bj Apulenis,
describing a great solemnity amongst them, where their monitor, whom
they called yrammatM,* from a high pulpit, cb &ro ybicsfti noia prmfatiti,
" prayed out of a book."
Amongst the Persians, Pausanias, representing the rites of their P^ie-
theia, as they were used in Hierocsesarea and Hyp»pe, brings in tbe
dvfjp ftayoff^ " a man who was a mage,** (who was a priest, a sacred person
amongst them,) thus praying f He coming into a place in the temple,
and haying laid wood on the altar, first puts on his sacred habit, and then
prays to some god ; and this prayer he says ^k /Sc^Xicw, '* out of a book."
For the Romans, Liyy tells us, Nunm gave them in writing all that
belonged to their worship ; eigue (viz. to Marcus the chief priest) omma
sacra extcnpta exngnataque attnbuit^ Upon special occasions, the
Decemviri transcribed their prayers out of the Sibyls* books, (their
extraordinary ritual)* Pacem dearum peti preoatianUmSf qua edUa es
fataUbus libria esaent, " they sought to make peace with the gods, with
prayers taken out of the Sybilline books.** When they were distressed
by Hannibal, sending Fabius Pictor/ to Delphi, Apollo Pythiiu pre-
scribed them a liturgy in writing ; which he returning, recited out of
that vnriting ; in which was contained, what gods they should suppli-
cate, and in what mode : and the senate enjoined an accurate obserraDce
of it.^ When Scipio ^milianus was censor,* the scribe (their prompter)
• Tanc ex his unui, quem cuncti graminatea dkebant, pro forlbus Msigtens. ccpta Putnpbornn
(quod sacrof&ncti colle^i notnen est) velut in concionem vocato, indidem de sublimi suggestu, de
libro, fhUBU vota, pnefatus, "Then one of them whom they all called the scribe, stood befive
the doors in the assembly of tbe Pastophori* (which is the name of the sacred college) whoiffR
summoned as it were to a conclaTe» and there, flrom a high pulpit, prayed oat of a book."
Apuleius Metamorph. lib. xi. p. 204.
* e«oX^ot, "atbeologist,''in Hesychius. Mdfov r6* 9to9tph Kat 9to\6^ov Kal UpiaXiiWh
*' They call a derotee, and a theologist, and a priest, a Mage." Pharorlnus.
' *Effi\0tiv 6i kt r6 olnnfia Afjip fictjot, Kai (v\a iwt^p{)vaK ava Iwi riv jCiM/iov, itiAra ii(f
wapav tir^CTO ^« rn KC^OiXSi' dcvT^pa i' iwUXftaiv orov ii $€&* kvadti {iapfiapa, cat oMo/ifir
vwvtra iWnciV kwd6ti H kwt\ty6ti€vot U flifiXiou. Pausan. lib. L Eliacor. [Prior, cap. xxrfL]
Ammianus Marcellinns, Hist lib. zxiU. cap. viii.
rf Liv. Dec. i. Ub. i. p. 1«. • Liv. Dec. ▼. lib. i. p. 15.
/ The rvader will Ibrm some idea of the state in which this treatise of Mr. Clarkson's (and a simflir
remark will apply to the others) first saw the light, when he is informed, that in the original editiofl
we find instead of " Fabius Pictor," the words, " Fabius's picture.**— Ed.
r Q. Fabius Pictor, legatus a Delphis Romam rediit, responsumqae ex scripto recitaTit; dM
quoquein eo erant, qulbus, quoque modo supplicaretur, " Quintus Fabius Pictor, the smbauador.
returned from Delphi to Rome, and communicated the response out of a book. In this book tbe
gods were mentioned whom they should supplicate, and the manner in which they were to pnj"
Liv. Dec. ili. Ub. iii. p. 64.
* Qui censor, cum lustrum audiret, inque solito fieri saerifido, scriba ex poblicis tabulis fokase
ei precationis carmen prseiret, quo dii immortales, ut populi Romani res meliores amplioR^*
• These were an order of priests whoite ofllce it was to raise the richly embroidered »bs^
{waarot) which concealed the statues of the idols, with the performance of an appropriate diss^
so as to discover the god standing in the adgtum, and generally to show the temple with its steM
utensils ; of which, like modem sacristans, they had the custody. See Dr. Smith's Diet. Gk.aa^
Rom. Ant. sub voc.— Ed.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 829
at a lustration, reads the usual prayer, ex piiblicia taJbvlis; Scipio, mis-
liking an expression therein, alters it, and orders the alteration to be
made in the public writing, out of which it was to be read ; and so
reforms their common prayer-book.
Thus were the devotions of the heathen r^^ulated; but the Christians,
says Tcrtullian, (describing them in opposition to the Grentiles) had no
such monitor, did need no such prompter ; their prayers are not de
scripto, but de pectore. In answer to this, thus much is granted, that
the Christians in those times prayed without book ; and so it is acknow-
ledged, that those who read their public prayers out of a book, are
therein nothing like the ancient Christians, but more resemble the
pagans in that mode of praying, for which Tertullian here derides them.
This cannot be denied, it seems ; yet, which is the only shift left them,
de pectore, they will have to be no more than saying their prayers by
heart.
But this is not to pray de pectore^ but de memoriae not as their heart
moves and prompts them, but as their memory serves them.
And this supposes, that in those times they had written liturgies,
and were wont to get their prayers by heart ; for which they should
produce some expression, or intimation, or show of proof, from some
credible author of that age, before they take it for granted. I have yet
seen no proof of it, and I am confident never shall.
Certainly it was a hard task (and required so good a memory, as all
cannot be supposed to have had, who were employed therein) to get
all the prayers they then used by heart ; since the Christians then
continued, and principally in prayer, sometimes nine hours (and this
twice every week) in their stations ;* sometimes twelve hours, as at
Ikcercnt, rogabantur : Satis Inquit bonae ac magnae lunt ; itaque precor ut eaa perpetao incolumea
aervent. Ac protinus in publlcia tabull«, ad liunc mod urn carmen emendarl Justit, "Who when
he was censor, as he gave audience at the lustrum, and the scribe during the cuatomary sacrifice
dictated to him out of the public books, the solemn supplicatory chant, in which the immortal
gods are besought to increase and prosper the interests of the Roman people, said, ' They are pros-
perous and extensiye enough ; therefore I pray that they may ever be uife,' and immediately
ordered the chant to be corrected in the public books accordingly.** Valer. Max. lib. iv. cap. 1.
p. 191.
• Jamhorum conventuum proprius ac pneeipuus flnia erat oratio, atque deprecatio, unde fisctum,
ut stationes dicerentur, quod VmrcO statio llebrsis sit oratio, " The proper and chief end of
these assemblies was prayer and deprecation, whence it came to pass that they were called ttaiUnu,
because the word VTmcS, which means in Hebrew statiou, Is used for prajfer." Dall. De Jejunila,
lib. iv. cap. V. ex J. Capell.
They began at sun-rising, Statim ab exortu solis, " immediately after sunrise." Rigalt. Obs. ad
TertuU. De Drat. p. 43.
Their stations were continued till three in the afternoon, Terpd^t nal Iv wpoca/S/iAnf Swr wpav
ivvttTnv, "On Wednesday and Friday till the ninth hour, (3 p.m.)" Epiph. Expos. Fid. p. 110.
Others [i. e. the Montanista] longer, Arguunt nos, quod statlones plerumque in vefpeiam pro-
ducamus, " They censure us because we prolong our stations for the moat part tlU towards even-
ing." Tertull. De Jejun. cap. [1.]
Their fasu till six in the afternoon, Tifv ivwfpav ^^a/ii^vciv cir /utrdXn^tv, "Thoa. waltcft for
evening to break thy fast.** Basil. De Jcjun. Hom. i. p. 133.
r 9
330 A DISCOURSE CONCB&NINO LITUIUIIES.
their fitfts, besides what were usual at their yigils, festivals, and LoidV
daj assemblies, at their baptizings, ordinatioiis, reconciling pemteots,
and other occasions ; all requiring variety of prayers.
And who can believe their pastors were then limited to written fonns
in praying, when the ordinary sort of Christians were not tied to any
forms at all in singing ? There seems more reason for a restraint in
hymns, than in supplications ; and those who are earnest for liberty in
the latter, are well enough content to be confined to Scripture forms
in the former. It is evident by Tertullian, that in his time, Christians
had the liberty in their church assemblies, to choose either such hymns
as they collected out of the Scripture, or such as were of their own
conception.* So he teUs us, describing their love-feaats ; at which we
are told, the eucharist was celebrated. Post aquoem mamtalem^ et hmm^
ut qmsque de Scripturia sacris vel cU proprio ingenio potest, provocatv
in medium Deo caawrtf ''After washing hands and the introduction of
lights, encouragement is given to every one to sing publicly to God as
he is able, either out of the Scriptures, or from his own mind."^ And
these, if we believe Grotius, [yrere] extemporary^ hymns, and such
[were] used by others, both before and after those times.
It is excepted, that Tertullian, in the place we have insisted on,
speaks of private devotions : but if they will have it of private only.
any that considers the words, will see it evidently mistaken. lUucsui-
picientes Chris tianiy manihus eapansis, quia innocuis; capite nudoj quia non
eruhescimitSy " The Christians thitherward liil up their hands, because
their hands are innocent, and pray with the head bare, because we do
not blush.'* He shows Christians were unlike the pagans, in their mode
of praying, for such reasons, as would not admit them to be alike any-
where, either in private or public ; since they thought themselves con-
cerned to signify, they were more innocent, and less conscious of what
was shameful, than the heathen, as well in public as in private.
This manner of praying was continued in the follo^ang age, as is
evident in Origen, who declares it both of the Greek and Latin churches,
which divided betwixt them the whole Christian world.^ They prajed
Dlebui atque noctibut Jugiter et IntUnter oramut, propltiantes Deiun, *< Days and nighti n
pray continaotisly and tuecetrirely that we may propitiate God." Cypr. Insistamo* per totan
diem pxecibut, et oremiu, " Let us continue in prayers throughont tlie whole day, and makf
supplication.** Idem.
• Tbomd. Serv. p.29S. * Apol. cap. xxxix.
' Non solehant pro re nata extempore hymnoa quos rfTTDl vocant. eflundere Hebrci f " Were
not the Hebrews wont to pour forth hymns made extempore for the occasion, which they ciiOei
nVTOt f*' Nee dubito quin et hoc canendi genus vel pra^cipue commendat Paulus, Eph. v I'-
CoL iii. 10. Mansit diu is moe in ccclesia vetere, Tertullianus roeminit, et Plinius, Ac., " Nor ^
I doubt that Paul commends this species of singing in Eph. v. 19. and Col. iii. 16. This ruftom
continued for a long period in the ancient church. Tertullian mentions it. and Pliny."
' Cont. Gels. lib. TiU. p. 402.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. Ji8 I
in Ills time, not only in their own language, but also according to
their ability, Oi /xcv "EXXi/vcf 'EXXi;i/(ieo(r xp^*^°h °^ ^* *P<»ftatot 'PiafiaiKois,
Koi ovT(os tKaoTos Kara Trjv €avTOv diaXficrov tvxfrai tw Ot^, Kal vfivfl avT6v
i>f Hvvarai, *' The Grecians in Greek, the Romans in Latin ; and so
every one in liis own dialect, prays to God, and praises him as he is
able." Precantur Deum, et celebrant pro vinbus/' " They pray to God,
and Avorship according to their ability." The most learned and judicious
that have appeared in this question for prescribed liturgies, do yield,
that if oarj bvvayiit in Justin Martyr, were duly rendered " according to
his ability," and be of the same import witli Kara bvvaynv^ then the
prayers there mentioned were such as we say, viz., the issue of the
administrator s abilities, not formed for him, nor imposed on him by
others. Now in bvvaraiy in Origen, is exactly correspondent to, and of
the very same signification with Kara ^vva^iiv : nor can it be better
rendered than by " according to his ability," or, which is all one, " as
he is able ;" and therefore, that those prayers mentioned in Origen
were such, may be taken for granted ; and those also which we find in
the same book,* where the expression is of the same sense, but comes
nearer to the form and sound of the other, which they yield is for us,
Top (va Qtbv, Ka\ t6v tva 'Yi^v avrov Kat XAyov Kal €lK6ya, rait koto. t6 dvyarov
TJfiiv LK€(riai£ Koi d^iuxTfO'i ai^ofuv irpotrayoin^s r» Gc^ rwv oXa)v rhs «vx&£
dta Tov fiovoytvovf avrovj " That one God, and his only Son both in word
and image, we worship with prayers, according to our ability, and
honours ; offering prayers unto the God of the imiverse, by his only
begotten." It is acknowledged, by the most zealous friends of these
liturgies, that in the apostolical times, tliere was a dvyofusj x^P^^f^
€vxrjs, " an ability or gift of prayer,'' enabling those who had it, to
conceive their prayers themselves ; and the exercise of this gif^ or
ability, in the New Testament, is, 7rpoa-tvx(o-$ai iv Uvtviueri ayty, "to
pray in the Holy Ghost," Jude ver. 20, and cV IIy«5/iar*, " in the Spirit,"
Eph. vi. 18.*^ But this, so expressed, they will have to have been an
extraordinary and miraculous gift, as those of healing, prophesying,
tongues, &c. Now the former (that there was a gift of prayer) we
acknowledge with them ; but the latter (that it was extraordinary and
miraculous) should not be granted without proof, being also incon-
sistent with other principles equally acknowledged, and with those
Scriptures too now alleged. Not to take notice, that the gift of prayer
is not reckoned amongst those that were miraculous, where we have a
particular account of diem, Murk ult. 1 CJor. xii. 8, 9, 10, 1 Cor. xiv.,^
it is granted by them, that, as all eztraordinaiy gifts were not conferred
R[i»hop] H[al].] H[erben] Tlhorndike.] 'p-IM.
I);r.] HLammond] in Jud« SO. ' D[r.] H[Mll IJfblii>
332 A DI8C0UR8B CONCERNING LITURGIS8.
upon any one person, except the apostlea ; 00 no obe gift was confened
iqKMtiall; this is plain in the apostle, 1 Gor.xiL8,9, 10,11; partieiilaily
this gift of prayer is asserted to have been bestowed upon some one d
the multitude, ffpxfro x^purfia tt/x^f ctt hn np& nfip r&rtf ^ The gift of
prayer entered into some one among the mea of that age.** 80 Ghiysos-
tom* [testifies] (whom alone, amongst the ancients, they have to allege
for it, as an extraordinary grace :) But all the believing Hebrews (all
that are sanctified, to whom Jude writ, ver. 1,) are required to exerdse
this gift : {wpotnvxtvBat iw Uptvftan ayify ^ to pray in the Holy Ghost,"")
and all the converted Gentiles at Ephesus to whom Paul writ, are
exhorted by him, to exercise it, £ph. vi. 18, (and all other Christiaiis
in them, if those epistles be of general concernment.) Now it conld
not be their duty to exercise it, if they had it not ; and if they all had
it, it was an ordinary gift, and continued to the church in all ages.
And so Origen, in reference to this gift or ability, might weU say, every
one prayed ^^ dvMtnu, and «ir^ r^ hvwar^, ^' according to his ability."
However, he that was able to conceive a prayer himself, yet made use
of prayers formed by others, did not pray as he was able.
Proceed we to the times following.* Basil in the beginning of hu
tract, De Spiritu Sancto, teUs Amphilochius, that he lately praying with
the people, and concluding his prayers with a doxology,^ used variety of
expressions therein ; (sometimes to the Father with the Son, together
with the Holy Ghost ; sometimes bif the Son, m the Holy Ghost) and
« [Horn, xiv.] In Rom. Till.
* Athanaaius was exercised with more conflicts than others : Theodoret calls him elegaotty,
'o wivra^Xov rhv AXnS^iat &'ftt¥ic-rnt, ** The fiTe-cTowned* champion for the truth.*' After many
before, he meets with a new encounter in Julian's time ; of which that historian gives thb
account, O^k ^7K6i^er 7ap oi iaifxovtv rnr *A$avavlov 7\«rrTttf- tnai wpovtvxm rov iffx^'*, lib. ffi.
atp. Tiii. " The devils wvre not able to endure the power of Athanasius's preaching and praying ,-"
so that they could less bear his prayer and preaching, than that of others; and therefore they rstaed
him more troubles than others met with.
Now, if his preaching had been but the reading of the same homilies which othen read, wbo
could give a reason, from thence, why Satan should not endure it in him, as well as in othen?
So, if his praying had but been the reading of the same prayers that others did read, no account
can be given why the devils should be more troubled at his praying, than of the rest. The
ordinary deacons or readers at Alexandria, and elsewhere, covJd read a prayer as well ss he.
Certidnly his power in preaching was something else than his reading another man's sernuns:
and was his power in praying no more than hts reading another man's prayers 1 One would think
it could denote no less than that he had a more powerful (way or) jbcul^ in preaching sid
praying.
And if it be said that this lay only in his more derout or earnest reading, &e. I answer—If the
disinterested can be satisfied that his powerful faculty in preaching, was but his fervenry ia
reading other men's sermons, I shall not contend, but that his powerfiil faculty in preying, might
be no more than his derout reading of other men's prayers.
Athanaaius himself shows us that prayers were not then had from prayer-boohs and presciibeii
forms, when he tells us. Mens oratlonis fons est, " the mind is the fountain of prayer."
* Hook. Eccles. Pol. lib. v. f 4S.
* The epithet alludes to the five different exercises in the Grecian games ; viz., leaping, tbnnriof
the discus or quoit, racing, wrestling, and boxing.— Ed.
A DISCOURSE CONCBRNINO UTUROIES. 383
that ofTence was taken at one mode of his expressing it, UpoawxofMtf^
§wl npoirjv cn-l rov \aov ical dfjufwnpmt r^y Ho^oKayUuf ta^airhipoihrrt rf Gcf
Kol narpi vvv fi€v /act^ tov 'Yun/y aihf rf npfVfiari ^i^$ pvp dc liih rov *YtoVf
€¥ ay 19 nvcvfuirc, iTrta-iafifHnf riptg rw mpdtrrMf (tviCo^atuf ifnas ^ttwoiff
tt€xpri(r0ai Xcyoio-cr ,^ " Lately in my prayers with the people I concluded
with the doxology to God and the Father in two ways, saying, at one
time. With the Son, together with the Holy Ghost ; and at another, By
the Son, in the Holy Ghost; upon which some of those present said, that
we used unusual expressions.*' Hence it appears, Basil was not, would
not be, limited to the same words, in any the least part of public prayers;
not in one clause, so short a clause ; not in the conclusion of a prayer,
where those who vary in other parts, many times agree ; not in a dox-
ology, where those that are for more liberty elsewhere, can be content
with less. He varies in this once and again, in several prayers, and
none of his variations fall in with the usual mode, (to the Father, and
the Son, 092^ the Holy Ghost;) nor did the fear of offence restrain him
from using this liberty.
Now, if in such circumstances he would not be confined, in the part
of a prayer, to the invariable use of so short a clause, as the half of the
doxology now used ; would he be confined^ himself, or confine others to
the invariable use of whole prayers ? No, it is hereby evident, [thatj
his times knew no such bonds ; he used such expressions, as to his
auditory seemed strange and unusual, which the words of a common-
prayer book could not have been.
Augustin, giving directions how the catechumens are to be instructed,
adviseth the cateohists (Deo gratiaa [being] particularly [mentioned,]) to
accommodate themselves to their several capacities ; and when th^ are
to deal with those of some learning and eloquence,' to let them under-
stand, that God minds not so much the expressions, as the inward affec-
tion ; ita enim nan irridebunt, si aliquoa antisHtea et mmistraa ecclesuB forte
ctnimadverterint, vel cum barbariamia et aoladsmia Dernn moocaref '' so
■ ci^p. i. p. 248.
* BisQ, in praying publicly, lued (cmCo^oiv ^mutr, "stnuge or uniirajd ezpraMtona," which
eould not be tho words of • oomnum-pmyer book, of ordinary, though ftoe use, much leas of ona
prescribed and enjoined to be eonstaotly and uuTarlably used. If there had been any sueh, yon
will not think, but Basil would hare baan eonflnod to them; but he is flu firom it, he would not ba
limited to the same words.
• Qui loquendi arte esBteris hominlbus exoellere ridentur, ** Who are thought to surpass other
men in the art of speaking," but not to be reckoned inter illos doetlsslnios, quorum mens m«yna-
rum rerum est ezerdtata quaestionlbus, "amongst those who are truly teamed, whose mind b
occupied with questions relating to weighty matters.** [Id. Ibid. p. 8S9.]
Dlscant non contemnere, quos oognoverint morum Titla, quam Terborum, ampUus davitan,
** Let them learn not to dMpise those whom they And aToldiog defects of morals mora ft<»^ft thosa
of speech." Id. ibid. p. SS9. His enim maxima utite est noase, ita esse prvponendaa vuitlB aso-
tentias, ut pneponltnr aalmns corpori, " For h b aspaolally oseAU to these to know thrt fhoqghts an
tobeprefierredto words.inlikamaaiiaraathasoaltothabody.'* Id. p. 8J0.
' De Cataeh Is. Rndib. cq). is. p. SM. t«B. tv.
^
384 A DlSCOUItSE GCiNC£A.\lNO LITURGIKS.
they will not jeer, if perhaps they take notice, that some bishops and
ministers of the church, do iuvocAte God with barliarisros and solecbtns,'*
Prayerst whemn there were barbjuieme and edeciemSf none will imagine
to have been prieacribed by the church ; jet €ncb were the pmyei^ both
of biahopa and minigtere, in Anstjn'fi tame.
Socratea, who lived in the middle of the fifth century,* imd whoee
histor)' rijftcbes anoo 43t>. ?ives us an account tjf the varioty then used
in prayers, altogether inconsistent with any common prescribed litoigy,^
tppthf aXk^Xois a^f^^&il^lftrav dwo cirl to avrdy ** GrencTally, in any place
whatsoever, and amongst all (the sorts of) worshippers, there cannot
two be fotmd agreeing to use the same prayers.** Now where there was
diversity of prayers i?very where, how could there be the use of one
common liturgy ? Where there was no trv/i^i^ no agreement or cod*
currence, in using the eame prayers in any place ; how could there be
one prescribed model ? When tfiere could not be found two, anywhere,
iicin^T tis,* ^r^m-^ prayers, where were they to be found, that used the
same service-book ?
For the west, we may understand by Innocent's epistle to Decentius,
formerly alleged, how far they were in the same age, from being con-
fined to one form of church-service ; when he tells us, every one cele-
brated, as pleased him.
And long after this, something of the ancient liberty is discernible, in
the several cotmtries, which was retained in some of them, even after
the imposing spirit was roused and active. And by the remaining rains,
we may guess what it was, when it stood entire. At the time when the
fourth council of Toledo was held, anno 633, the Spanish churches were
not subject (though forwarder for such subjection than others) to
imposed orders, for one form of worship ; no not in the sacraments.
Even these in the said churches, were celebrated in various modes, and
in some of them unduly ;*^ as is expressed in the preface to that synod,
In sacrameniis divinis, qucs diverso atque illicito modo in Hispcmiarm
» AntoniuA of Valentia, a Dominican, (in the council of Trent,) said that it wai plain, bjraU
history, that anciently every church had her particular ritual of the mass, brought in by use, sad
upon occasion, rather than by deliberation and decree ; and that the small church did foUov tiit
metropolitan, and the greater, which were near. The Roman rite hath been, to gratify the pope,
received in many provinces, though the rites of many churches are still most different fhnn it, ^
And that of Rome also hath had great alterations, and the true Roman rite, not that which is do*
observed by the priests in that city, &c. Hist, of the Counc. of Trent, lib. vi. pp. 548, 549.
Prayers in the end of ancient councils [were] not premeditated, but as the Spirit dii
excite some bishops.
In Trent, not giving way to the extemporary spirit of any, they repeated it out of a pqiff-
Ibid. p. 813.
Vid. Augustinl Retractat. lib. il. c^. xx. of varieties in sacraments, Nee tamen commenMoaH
omnia potucrunt, ** nor is it possible to mention them alL**
* Lib. V. cap. [xxii.] p. 698. ' Crab. tom. iL p. 196. [Biniua, torn. U. par. 0. p.S49.]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 335
ecclesiis celebrantur^ " In the divine sacraments which are administered
in various and improper modes in the churches of Spain."
In France" they had books for public service, in the eighth centiu-y ;
yet were th(iy used at the discretion of those that officiated, who added
or left out, what they thought fit ; till Charlemagne, in the beginning
of the ninth age, would have them reformed after tlie Roman
guise.*
And in Germany, long after Boniface had been stickling to reduce it
to the Roman uniformity, the wliole country was so far from submitting
to any one prescribed order of service, that in one*' diocese there were
various modes of administering, particularly in that of Cologne. And
Bruno,'' bishop there in the middle of the t^nth age, was endeavouring to
reform this, as church-matters, in those days, were wont to be reformed ;
DiversUatem saeva pcrwjendi in ma provincia corrigens, ac ut eadem uhique
esset ratio amstituens, " He reformed the divei'sity in the administration
of the sacred rites, and decreed that the method of procedure should be
everywhere one and the same."
And in Ireland, (with which the Britons and Scotfl sjTiibolised) we
showed before, out of the great Usher, that till the twelfth century, no
one general form of service was retained ; but divers rites and manners
of celebration were observed, till the Roman use was brought in, by the
popes' legates.
So that all along it is manifest, [that] the imiformity aimed at, in the
common prescribed liturgies, was only the issue and darling of late dark
and degenerate times ; an innovation upon the church's usages, in better
times, and an invading of her ancient liberty ; for which the bishops of
Rome were the greatest zealots, designing therein the subjection of all
other churches to that of Rome ; and gaining thereby, both an acknow-
ledgment of the papal authority, from those who submitted to this yoke,
• Pereipieiis de omnibun rivitatibui Francis magiitroK ichola, antiphonarioi eii ad corrigendum
tradere. et ab lb discere cantare : correcti sunt ergo antiphonarii Franconim, quoi unusquisque
pro arbitrio 8uo vitiaverat, vel addens vel minuens, et omnes Francis cantores didicerunt formam
Koinanani, " Perceiving that the profesiors of all the cities of France gave to them the senrlce-
bookH to correct, and learnt the art of chanting from them ; the service-books of the Franks, which
i>vcr>' one had corrupted at his pleasure, either by additions or omissions, were accordingly cor-
rected, and all the &inging-men of Prance learnt the Roman fashion." Chron. Engollsmense in
Mnrn. De Miss. lib. i. cap. viii. p. 22 h * fashion.
* Quoniam in plerisque partibus intra eandem civitatem atque diopcesim, permlxti sunt populi
diversarum lingiiarum, habcntcs sub una fide varios ritus et mores : districtc praecipimus, ut pon-
tilices hujusmodi civitatum sive dicrccsiupi provideant viros idoneoa, qui secundum diversitatem
rituuin et linguarum, divina illis ollicia celebrent, et ecclealastica saeramenta mlnistrent, ** Seeing
that in most regions within the same city and diocese peofde of dhren tongues are mingled toge-
ther, possessing in subordination to the one (kith Tarioua ritca and raatoma, wt rtrictiy chMgo the
bishops of cities or dioceses of this sort to provide proper mca who abaU fleldato te tfaom Moavd-
ing to thin diversity of rites and tongues the dlviiio oOcct, and •hdl Hmtnlrtlf tfct limmwti of
the rhurch." Decret. Greg. (3. q.) tit. xzzi. De OiBo. Jud. Old. flip. sir.
^ Kotgcr. Vit. Brunonis, apud Surium. obiit Uk. M5, Oct. 11.
3M A DTSCOUSSE CONCBRNmO UT0BO1ES.
and iiQ advantage of diffusiog the poisou of her superetitions, tlirougU
the body of tiie western empire, where uniformity in liturgy and ritujal&,
became a chief part of the unifonn apostasy of the latter tunes.
Tbi;s we have gone through the disadvantages of proving a negative :f
let U8 now see, how they acquit themselves, upon whom the proof lies ;
a&jming, that the liturgies they contend for, have been ever, from the
beginning. And here, if anywhere ^ it wonl-l ho ht^ *'ft^j inntt'eT, to give
the world abundant gattsfaction, that what they assert is true, if indeed
it were so ; he that takes notice, what clear and full evidence may be
easily had^ from the writers of some one country, in a part of the last
age, for prescribed liturgies ; or what oonvincing and unanswerable
proof muy t>e brought for themj from the few writers, which were in
part of the eighth or ninth centuries, when they had got place in
the world ; may justly expect, that, from that multitode of writings,
in those many ages, which tliia question concerns, such ample and
evident testimony for imposed forms, would be found by ihoae who
have laboured for it, as would leave no place for the least doubt but
there were such in use all along^if they had been really, as is pretended,
the usage of the churches, from the apostles* times^ And if no such
thing be produced, by those whose interest led them to ransack all
antiquity for it ; even this, if there were no more, will be a oonvincing
argument, that the ancient church had no such custom. Let us then
view, what the learned advocates for these liturgies have collected out
of the ancients, and published for the satisfaction of the world, in this
point ; and impartially examine, whether it amount to such proof, as
may be reasonably looked for in those circumstances, or whether it oome
not short of any just and competent proof at alL
Clemens Alexandrinus is one of the ancientest authors produced for
this purpose ; and he in these words.^ T^ HBpourfia rwi^ or rai^ tvxais ^
K€ifi€vo>v fuav &<nr€p txpv (f>»vfiv lifv Koufqp Koi fucuf yvoifirfp, thus rendered,
'' The congregation addicted to their prayers, having as it were one
mind, and one voice common to all." Now (says my author) a congre-
gation cannot have one voice in their prayers, without a set form for
them to join in. But this is very strange and mysterious. I Had
thought, as others do, that the congregation had one voice, in respect of
the minister speaking in their stead, one for all, and therefore accounted
the Kou^ KfxMffi, *' the conunon mouth," the mouth of the people in prayingt
• Parker of Cr. Ub. ii. p. 125.
Cum per rerum naturun factum negantii probado nulla sit, ** Since in the nature of thingt
there is no proof of a negative fact." Decret. p. 2. Caws, vi Quest, v. cap. ii.
Doth your discretion serve you to put us to prove the negative? you cannot prove they hsd, ^
that is cause sufficient for ua to arouch they had not Bils. Apol. cap. iv. p. 35 1.
• Strom. Ub. vii. [cap. vi. p. 8^8. Ed. Oxon.]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 337
as when he preaches in the name of Christ, he is x«*^4 ^ov Xpumvy
" the lips of Christ," in Clemens' style," or m^fia rov Xpurrov, " the mouth
of Christ," as Basil calls Nazianzen.^ Now who can imagine, whj he
should not be their mouth, in uttering a conceived prayer, as well as in
reading a prayer out of a book ?^ He had told us immediately before
(and it is generally, by those of his persuasion acknowledged) that while
the gift of prayer lasted, viz., in the apostolical age, there was no form
settled ; and therefore, if the people cannot have one voice in their
prayers, without a set form ; an apostle, or other primitive minister,
praying with a congregation (since he used no set form) was not their
mouth ; nor did any church pray with one voice, all that age.
As insufficient for this purpose, is that of Tertullian.** Oramua pro rni-
peratoribm, pro imnistria eorum ac potestatibus, pro statu secuU, pro rerum
quietCf pro mora finis y " We pray for the emperors, for their servants, for
their governments, for the condition of the world, for peace, for a post-
ponement of the end." And that of Cjrprian,' Pro arcendis hosttbuSy
et imbribus impetrandis, et vel auferendis vd temperandis adversis, rogamus
semper et preces furuUmus : et pro pace ac salute vestra, &c. " For the
expulsion of foes, for the obtaining of rain, for the removal or tempering
of calamities, we ever make request and pour forth prayers, as well as
for your peace and safety." And that of Basil,^ (which though in the
age following, we join with these, because of the same import.) A
friend of his, gone to travel, had written to him, that he would be mind-
ful of him in his prayers ; to whom his answer is this : cfrcXa^co^oi df aovf
&c. ^^ To forget thee in my prayers is impossible, for thou rememberest,
on Koi vnip t&p cV mrodrjfiiais adfX<^v dt6iuBay &C. that in the church we
make prayers for all our brethren that travel, for all that are enrolled
soldiers, for all that confess freely the Name, for all that bring forth
spiritual fruits."*^
Here is, in these severals,* some account for what, and for whom they
prayed ; but not a syllable to signify, that they did it in set or pre-
scribed forms. If those that pray without such forms, were to give an
account of the scope and import of their usual prayers, and to express
for what persons and things they ordinarily do pray ; they would do it
in such terms, as might be as just a ground for our author's inference,
as any alleged. Indeed, these allegations are so far from proving an
imposed liturgy, with set forms of prayer, that they do not prove so
much as a directory : for, in that which was composed for these nations,
we have more than the persons for whom, and the things for which we
• Strom.[ lib. vU.] « Ey. uU. • L'l^C. AIUmm. ti IMv. Off. cap. f. p. 19.
^ Apol. cap. xxxiz. • Splat, ad Dtaalff.
' Anonym. Uie of DftOy Pablle Fn^tn, Ifh 1^ lb
338 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LlTUEGlES.
should pray ; yet no mare is sp€!cifie<i m, or caa be coUecttid from any*
or all the places now mention^. I dare offer many mor€j of this
n&ttireT to any judicious eye, without fear that he wLU aee any such
thing therein, as the producer of these tliree would fain have seen, Ijet
him that is minded, look.*
The same author thinks he hath disoorered a dhtirch oommon prayer-
book in Origen ; but without any groond at all, save his desire to
discover one so ancient : his words are, " Origen, in his fourth book
against Celsus, quotes three or four several passages of Scripture, out of
their cv^al, or prayers ; by prayers meaning that which the Grecians
now call their eucholcgium, or prayer-book." But if he had consulted a
litUe more with Origen, he might have discerned, that by cvxa2 he means
the Psalter, or Psalms of David, and no other church-service book,
besides the Scripture. For, in that book against Celsus, quoting any
passage out of the Psalms, he says, so it is found €p c^xvi ^^ ^ ^e prayer.**
So lib. vi. p. 285, [edit. Cantabr. 1658,] where aUeging PsaJm cxxz.
1, 2, 3, he says, XcXcicnu *p c^xSy " ^^ ^ ^^ ^ ^^ prayer,** Kv/mc,
^K w^mBri ^ Kopbia fiov, &c, ''Lord, my heart is not lifted up,** <&c.
So alleg^ing Ps. 1. 10, Sih rovro Xrycrvu vir^ tvO iirumffM^ims €vxp§»€pov,
'* therefore it is said of him, praying understandingly,*' viz. the Psalmist,
Kophlav KoBapap Kriaov tv c/xoi, 6 Ocdf , '' create in me, O Grod, a dean
heart.'** So lib. iv. p. 178, oinv^i tp rai^ evxais €i}pofi€P dtip t\ Xeyciy
<t>popovpTas, " who find in the prayers what the prudent ought to say," m
Tov (\(ov£ Kvplov irkrjprjs ^ yrj, that " the earth is full of the mercy of the
Lord ;" which, being found in two Psalms, xxxiii. 5, and cxix. 64, may
be the reason he quotes it in the plural, cV rvxcur. And this may be the
place my author intends ; for he had not the confidence to transcribe it,
nor direct particularly to it ; having, it is like, no hopes that any,
whose fancy was not deeply tinctured with his conceits of such liturgies,
looking upon the place, would mistake the Psalms of David for a
Greek prayer-book.
Origen is again produced by him : who, says he, gives this descrip-
tion of true Christians, Ol dm tov *Irja'ov r6p €n\ rracri 6€pafr€vopT€s Sf^r,
Koi fitovpTes Korii r6 cvoyycXioy avrov, rtu^ irpoaraxl^^^O'tut tc tvxals avwfx^-
artpop Koi drdyrof, pvktos koi rnUpas ;(poficiHM,^ that is, as he renders it,
" They that serve the God of all, through Christ, and live according to
his gospel ; who also frequently and duly, both night and day, use
those prayers that are (prescribed, as he will have it, or, which is f^
the word imports) commanded.** There needs not many words, to
• Cyril. Catech. 5. [n. 3.] Tertull. Apol. cap. xxx. Chry«o«t. Horn, [ri.] in I Tim. p. 271. and in
a Cor. p. 557. and HUary, In Cant. iv. p. 414. Auctor Dc Vocat. Gent. lib. i, cap. xU. p.^^
C«elestin. Epiat. In Prosper, p. 8M, pro Prosper, et Hilarlo, cap. xl.
* Lib. vii. p. 854. • Lib. vi. against Cels. [p. 30J.]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 339
sliow the iiupertinency and unserviceableness of this passage, for the
purpose for which it is alleged. When it appears,* first, that those were
not private prayers, which were to be put up night and day, at any hour
of either ; secondly, that there are no prayers commanded, but in set
forms, or that, if it had been 7rpoaraxB€ia-ats ofiiXicusy any one would have
understood thereby, prescribed and set forms of sermons; and thirdly,
that there are no commands for frequent praying, but human inven-
tions or prescriptions : then this allegation may be thought pertinent,
and further considered. But the producer of it would not judge it
worthy so much, professing his distrust of its sufficiency to prove what
he desires ; " Yet, I profess," saith he, " I do not allege this passage, as
an infallible proof, because I know the word irpoaraxBfia-ms may be also
otherwise interpreted." If he had said, the word, when applied to
prayers, in Origen, or any near his time, could never be but otherwise
interpreted, he had spoken with more ingenuity,* and no less truth.
Another place in Origen is more commonly insisted on, viz. in
Ilomil. xi. upon Jeremy ; and for imposed forms, they argue from the
mode of an expression there, which, what it was in Origen, no man 'can
tell ; since in those Latin commentaries, we never have his words, and can
never know (as his translators have used him) when we have his sense,
or whether we read him or them.*' However, these are the words
alleged, Ubi frequenter in orcUione dicimus, Da OnmipotenSj da nobis par-
tem cum prophetis, da cum apoatolis Christi tui, tribue ut inveniamur ad
vestigia unigeniti lid ; " When we often say in prayer. Grant, Almighty,
grant us a lot with thy prophets, with the apostles of thy Christ, give
us that we may be found at the steps of thy only Son." Here it is pre-
sumed, that these are Origen*s words, and not his translators* ; and that
the form of his expression (on which alone the reasoning is grounded) is
exactly and faithfully transferred to us, by those who declare they used
no such exactness or faithfulness in reading him. It is presumed also,
that this was his meaning, that they frequently used, not only those
petitions, but those very words, which there is no need we should
grant : yet, if all these were yielded, no more can hence be concluded,
than what is common with those who pray extempore, viz., that they
oflen in prayer, preferred one or two petitions, in the same words. Or,
« The same Origen [says] in Gen. Horn. x. Sine intennissione orandom, apostolua pnecipit :
von qui ad orationes non convenitis, quoniodo inipletli sine Intermisslone, quod semper omhtitk ?
" ' Pray witliout ceding/ the aixwtle commands; how do ye who meet not at the prajers ftilfil
without ceasing tliat duty which ye always omit t"
* ingenuousness.
' Satis constat, Origenis, quae Latine tantum extant, a Ruffino et aliia interpretlbua ita ftiiiae
interpulata, ut ex iis vix possit certo intelligi, quid vere sit Orlgenlcum, '* It It dear enough that
the works of Origen, which are extant in Latin only, have been lo interpolatad by RuiBnua, and
otiier translators, that it is scarcely possible to gather from them what is truly Origen*!." Dall. De
lib. Suppnt. Dionyv.. Arc. lib. ii. cap. xxxiv. p. 440.
340 A DISCO UIISB CONCERNrNO LITt^RGTES,
if I ahotild grant, that this was a form of prayer, when there is nothing
to peraunde it, mare than that tlie apostles' was a set form,* {ov irmwi/iei
utSittott, ** I nerer cease," there beicg no Jess than frequenter hexe) yet
what shadow of a proof is there, that it was a prescribed form ?
Another very learned man thiaks tbe^e is sulBcient evidence for the
forms in question, from one or two words (Dominica solenniay " LoidV
day solemidtif's") in Tprtnllian,* Rttt what Tcrtiilliftr^ mean* ^^v those
solennioj *' solemnities," himself particularly declares in the same place ;
Jam vero prout JScripturtM kguniury aid psalmi QanimtUTj out petithnes
det^antttr^ mU alloc utionts pt^ofrruntur^ ita ind^ t)monibua mateHof stih
minislranturj ** Already whiJst tJie Scriptures are reading, or psalms
singing, or ped lions offering, or addresses delivering, materials are thus
Aarai^ied from tliesi; exercises for visions f' the reading of the Scrip-
tures, the singing of psalms, the prayers, and the sermons, are the
Dimdnica s&kunia mentioned. Now, if he who alleges this can per-
suade the world, that at every assembly the same chapters were still
read, the same psalms alwajrs sung, and the same sermims still preached ;
he may persuade us, that the same prayers in the same form and words,
were alwajrs made ; because forsooth, these (as the other, and no more,
no otherwise than the other) are aolenniaf in Tertullian's style. Yet, if
we were so credulous, as to be persuaded into such a paradox, his work
would not be done ; for prayers might be, (and are frequently) the
same, and yet not prescribed. In*^ Tertullian's time, neither the order
of reading, nor singing, nor preaching, was prescribed ; and yet they
were in his style and account, solennia ; and that prayers must be con-
cluded to have been in prescribed forms, merely because he reckons
them, as the other, inter Dominica solennia^ *' amongst the Lord's-dsy
solemnities," will seem wonderful to an ordinary reason.
By this we may judge, how reasonably the same word in Cyprian is
made use of, for the same purpose, Uhi vero sotennibua adimpletis dart
calicem diaconus prcBserUibus ccepit/ " When the things wont to be done,
before the distribution, being performed, the deacon began to give the
• Bph. L 16—18, &o. 2 Th«u. i. II, 12. * De Anima, cap. ix.
' Ut quiaque de Scripturla, vel de proprio ingenio potest, provocatur in medium Deo cancte,
** Appeal is made to every one as he is able either from the Scriptures or out of his own mind, to
sing publicly to God.** Tertull. [Apol. cap. xxxix.]
Now, as eonceraing the ancient and general course of God's praises, and reading the Scripture, it
appears by Justin Martyr, and Tertullian, that the order of reading the Scripture in the church
was arbitrary in their time, as aocommodated to the condition of the times and occasions of their
assemblies, by the guides of several churches. The one of them saith, that the Scriptures are lesd
fii-xptf hx<*p*h *' u long as is meet :" the other words are these, Apol. cap. xxxix. Coimns ad
literarum divinarum commemorationem, si quid prssentium temporum qualitas aut -pnemooat
eogit aut recognosoere ; " We assemble to repeat the Scriptures of God, wtiat the condition ot tbe
present times enforceth, either to forewarn or to recognise." The order, which is accommodsted
to the condition of the times, cannot be certain and appointed afbre. H. Thomd. Serv. as PnbL
Asaem. pp. 397. 898. ' Serm. De Lapais.
c
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. ^41
cup to those who were present." Prayers were some of those things
which were wont to be performed before, and so may be included in
solentiibua. But that aolenrda should here denote prescribed forms of
jHrayer, or such forms as were generally frequented, or indeed, any
forms whatsoever, there is not the least show of reason (which we
made evident by Cjrprian's master, even now.) Nor could it have fallen
into any imagination, but of one only frdly possessed with a conceit
that none but such forms were then in use. The learned person producing
those words, tells us a little before,' [that] the eucharist was celebrated
with solemn prayers, in the apostles' times ; and yet acknowledges,*
these were not set forms, but such as were suggested by the Spirit, and
made by virtue of the extraordinary gift ; which, with Chrysostom, he
calls x^picTfia fvxni : so that solemn prayers were not set fbrms then ;
and who can divine, why they must needs be so in Cyprian?
^ But in answer to these testimonies, this may suffice. I will add no
more, "iva fjJj vvroirXcoy r^ dpaxfUiM duutdwrmmg Koraim&fitw^ " Lest by
rending cobwebs we overdo the matter,'* to use Chrysostom's words.^
' Hitherto we meet with no evidence, for so much as any arbitrary forms
' of prayer, in the first and best ages of the church ; much less for pre-
* scribed forms. And yet this is the very best evidence that I can meet
F with (produced by any that have laboured in this argument) for the
' first three hundred years ; and indeed all, that hath any show of proof, if
' so be all that hath been examined, may seem to have so much. I should
show too much contempt of the reverend author's judgment, if I should
' offer with more words, to satisfy him, that the pretended Ignatius's
Ilia vpoa-tvxnf* '' one prayer," or Justin Martyr's kou^ c^/ '' common
prayer," or the ancient preface, or Tertullian*s mode of renunciation/
Sursum corda, '' Lift up your hearts," or the use of a doxology (of
these two last, see what is said before) have not so much as the &ce
of a proof for the liturgies in question. And I might be suspected
of some design to render their advocates contemptible, if I should
insinuate, that any of them rely upon that, in this cause, which yields
not the shadow of a support. I am much mistaken, if those that are
judicious and disinterested, can count anything proved hereby, more
than this, that those who make use of sudi allegations, are at a great
loss for want of proofs. But I must not overlook what I met vdth, when
• p. J40.
* I acknowledge, that under the spoetlet, the pnjen of the chtizch wece sot pneeilbed, hot
conceived, by those that were employed in that offlee. Thoiad. Right of Church, IS8.
He make* it an argument for prescribed forms, that deacons were emplofed; jet says, they wart
not in prayers at the eucharist, p. 329, but appropriates these to piesbytezs, SIS. And that whUi
deacons did in the other was vpo^^nrit, " Uddtog of prayer," no* paying, whleh Ckm. Cnnatit.
dUtingiiishes. VideL w^oc^wn^iu *' the deacon's part," kwUXn^tt, <* Cha Mshqp'k." Uh. YtfL
cap. X. xL xiL xia. xiT. xt. • 1b 1 Cat, XT. p. 114.
1 Epint. ad Magn. [sect. rlL] « ApoL tt. [p. 97. Ed. IMS.] / Dt i
342 A DI8C0URBE CONCKRNINa UT0ROIES.
I had thus far proceeded. I was not a Utde amazed, to aee tome Pro-
testants willing to allege that impudent forgery, called the litnigy of
St. James, as evidence for prescribed liturgies; a piece stufled widi
manj superstitions and noyelties,* such as were never dreamt of in the
apostles^ times, nor long after ; and not without some strictures of hhh
phemy and idolatry (offering incense to Crod, for remission of sins, and
invocating the Virgin Mary.) So that Bellarmine himself (though the
interest of a desperate cause, needing such supports, might have tempted
him (as well as others) to it ; many corruptions, which he is engaged to
defend, being therein countenanced) durst not say it was his, on whom
it is fathered. De Jacobi Uturgia mc sentio^ earn aut non esse ejuSj out
muUa it pasterioribus eidem adcUtOy " Concerning the liturgy of James, it
is my opinion, either that it is not his, or that many things have been
added by later hands than his.** He instances* in divers particulars,^ not
known in the first times, and then adds, Multa sunt aUOy qua redolent
novitatem, '' There are many other things therein, that savour of
novelty."
All that Baronius hath to' say for it, is, [that] some passages in the
• Ov6v "jfoip KaBapov rnc airoero\iK.rif op^o^o^iav ivovmCft r6v xapa*Ti^, " For it doet not piV
terre the pure character of apostolical orthodoxy." Euseb. Hist. lib. ilL cap. zxxiL The diatogoet
betwixt Peter and Apion were condemned aa counterfeit, upon this account. The fbllowing: are t
few instances from the Liturgy. nfxWdefou t6 Bv/xiaiia rovro cU Ue^iifv cuw^tac cai a^c<rir T«r
Anafyrimv htit»f' ^(a cot Mapia—" Receive this incense as a perfUme of a sweet savoiur for the
remission of sins. Glory to thee, Mary !** Myttfxtv*tHaix€* it<nroitfnt $€ot6kov, 8cc. ** Let us nuke
mention of the queen, the mother of God I " Postea, Maris et omnium sanctorum, ut precnrai rt
intercessionibus eorum misericordiam consequaraur, ut oblatio sit in requiem animarum, que
ante nos dormierunt. Afterwards, " (Let us make mention) of Mary and all the saints, thst bjr
their prayers and intercessions we may obtain mercy, and that the oblation may procure rrstftf
the souls which have fsllen asleep before us,"— /laKopi'air irvx^U uvavatiwv, "giving rest to tbe
souls of the blessed." * gives instances.
• Nam in ea jubet fieri mentionem apostolonun, martyrura, confessorura, et alibi meminit anacbo-
retarum, et Chrlstianorura damnatorum ad metalla ; cum tamen constat anachoretas coppisK i
Paulo primo eremita, et Christianos coepisse damnari ad metalla post tempora apostolorum. Ibidem
Jubet recltari, Gloria Patri et Filio, ftc. quern hymnum compositnm Aiisse in concilio Xicaeno, com-
munis opinio est. Jubet et dici, Sanctus Deus, Sanctus Fortis, Sanctus et Immortalis, Miserere
Nobis, qui diu post tempora sancti Jacobi inventus est. Multa sunt alia, quae redolent novitateffi.
*' Herein he orders that mention be made of the apostles, martyrs, and confessors ; and in anotbtf
place, of anchorets and Christians condemned to the mines : whereas it is clear, that the anchorets
took their rise fh>m Paul, the first hermit, and that the Christians were first condemned to the
mines subsequent to the times of the apostles. In the same book he orders that the Gloria Patri,
et Filio, ftc. be said, which hymn, it is the common opinion, was composed in the council of Kiee.
He also orders that the Sanctus Deus, Sancttis Fortis, Sanctus et Immortalis, Miserere Nobis, be
used, which was made long after the times of St. James. There are many other things in it whJdi
savour of a modem date." Vid. Rivet. Crit. Sacr. pp. 110, 271.
' The cardinal brings five instances : most he misrepresents ; none serve his turn.
1. Sursum corda, *'Lift up your hearts," so in C^l, ftm rav Kopdiac, " Lift up your hearts,"
but in the liturgy not so, but &vm <rxfi/Acv t6v voZv uai rat copdiav, " Let us lift up our mind and
our hearts," and the answer in Cyril is, Ix^Mcv ""p^r r6v Kifnov, '* We lift Ihcm up unto theLnd ;"
but in the liturgy quite otherwise, viz. &fiov mai itKcuovt " It is meet and right."
2. Grate pro vivis et defunctis, " Pray for the living and the dead," which words neither pr^
nor deacon useth, either in Cyril, or the liturgy.
3. Osculemini invicem in osculo sanctn, " Kbs one another with a holy kiss ;" in the litunry. ^.'•
^n<rt»tit¥ AKKiiXovf iv ^iX^/btari hyuf, '* Let US embrace one another with a holy kiss," hut in Cynl
i A DISCOURSE CONCEBNmG UTUBOIfiS. 848
catechisms called Cyrirs,' [are] agreeable to Bomewhat in the said misaal,
\ as he will have it; (Quam verk efus ease pUme cognoscet, qui earn conferat
J cum Us, quce CyriUus ejusdem ecdesice Hieroeolymohan epiecopua in euis my«-
r tagogicia orationibus habetj quce quidem ipse non aliunde quam ex Jacobi
. Uturgia cognoecitur accepieaef " How truly it is his, he who compares it
3 with those things which Cyril, bishop of the same church of Jemsalem,
2 has in his mystagogic orations, will plainly discern, which things Cyril
^ himself acknowledges he took from the liturgy of James,**) which is a vei}'
. serviceable argument, and may happily* prove as well, that Cyril waa
the author of the liturgy ascribed to James, or that James was the writer
of the catechisms attributed to Cyril. How it is known, that Cyril could
^ not have these passages anywhere else, but from James's liturgy, I
^ apprehend not ; we must take the cardinal's word, nor is it capable of
"] better proof : but, that those particulars might be transferred out of the
V catechisms into that litui-gy, we may well understand another way.
\ It was some disparagement to the church of Rome, not to have a
liturgy which might pretend to be apostolical, as well as the church of
Jerusalem and Alexandria. A missal is formed, wherein the prayer for
consecration, is verbatim the same ¥rith Uiat called '* The Canon of the
Koman Mass : '' this missal, for the reputation of that canon, must pass
: for St. Peter's. But Gregory, bishop of Kome, who six hundred years
- after Christ, knew no apostolical liturgies, and says, [that] in the apostles*
. times, there were no forms used in the eucharist, no not for consecra-
' tion, but only the' Lord's prayer, tells us also unhappily, that one
' Scholasticus made the canonical prayer used in the Roman church, for
' consecration of the eucharist ; so that, if we will believe Gregory, (who
. knew the original of the Roman litui*gies, as well as most parents know
their children') their St. Peter must be beholding, for the said prayer, to
\ Scholasticus (even as James was to a catechism for the forementioned
fio^ 6 diajcofor, uXX^\oirv uvoXct/ScTC, Koi uX\^Xowv tt4rva{M/if(^a, ** The deacon calls out, ReceiTQ
ye one another, and kt lu embrace one another."
4. Sancta Sanctis, ** Holy things for holy men." Resp. Unus est Spirltus, 8:c. The response Is,
«* There is one Spirit" So in the liturgy, but with the addition of <'iv d6(ov Ocov Uarpin ^ d6(q
«U a\&¥at ** To the glory of God the Father, to whom be glory for erer," which It not in Cyril.
5. Gustate et videte, quoniam suaris est Domlnus, " Taste and see that the Lord It good," is In
other liturgies (as some of the former are) and so may as well prove James to be the author of them,
as of this. • Ad an. 63, n. 17. * Ibid. ' haply.
•' Orationem autem Dominicam idcirco mox post precem didmus, quia mos apostolorum erat, ut
ad ipsam solummodo orationem, oblationis hostiam consccrarent. £t valde mihl incouTenlens
▼isum est, ut precem quam Scholasticus composuerat, super ohlatiunem diceremus ; et ipsam tra-
ditionem, quam Redemptor noster composuit, super ejus corpus et sanguinem non diceremus,
•' \Vu say the Lord's prayer directly after this prayer, because it was the custom of tiie ^rastles to
consecrate the sacrifice with that prayer only. And it appeared very unsuitable to me, to oflbr over
the oblation the prayer which Sch<^tictti had composed, and not to oflter the form which our
Redeemer composed, over his body and blood." Qweg. [Magn.] lib. vii. £p. IxiiL [p. SSO.]
• Omnis eoclesiastici olBcii institutio vetexis tait Gregoril, *' The whole otdcrinf of thaandtat
ecclesiastical service waa Gregory's work." Platina. Vit. Greg. •
S44 A DT3C0T?RSE COKCEENDCO LTTORGrES,
passages) unless we (i^n imngine^ tJutt Gregory ,* hy Scholaslicos, under-
stood fhe apostle Peter, But eveo tlii* eboultl not ^om strange j since
la fielliLnnine^ in his zeal for the canon of the mass, it is probable ; ^nd
yet* probable too, that Gregory, by BcholftstieiiH^ understood souk.* per-
son who lived in hia own time. How hard ia it ibr the greaitesl persons
to manage the defence of apoetoliciti litui^gies, wiihout rendering them-
s^ves ridiculoua I '
But the^e^ whom I de^l withp seem not to own this missal of Jamoi
directly^ speaking of it only as the opinion of some Greeks who tell of snch
a liturgy. What Greeks these are, I know not ; not finding any Greets
owning it, till seven hnndreii years after Christ : yea, the Greeks under
the patriarch of ConatantinopleT and those in the diocese of the orieai
also, did utterly disclaim that liturgy one thousand two hundred yean
after Christ, as* Balsamon, the patriarch of Antioch, declares.
Those that o^vn it, or others, aft apostolicaU or did so heretofore,
never did, never will, give any account thereof to the world, to dear
them from imposture.'
. To waive the arguments usually insisted on, (that we may not actum
agere, '' do what has been done,") these liturgies were not known (nor
used) before the seventh or eighth centiuy./ For if they had been
known in the forgoing ages,
■ Admittere potsumus totum canonem, exceptis verbis Domini, a Scholasdco compositum, quia
niminim et Sanctus Petrus, et cnteri sancti pontiflces Scholastici dici poMunt, ** We maj admit
that the whole canon, with the exception of the words of our Lord, was coinp<»ed by Scholasticus,
since St. Peter, and other holy bishops, may very well go by the name of Scholastics." Bellann. De
Miss. lib. ii. cap. xix. p. 819.
• Si Gregorius, per Scholasticum, intelligat certum aliquem hominem, qui state ipsius Tixerii,
at adversarii contendunt, utraque probabilis est, " If, however, as our opponents contend, Gregory
means by Scholasticus any particular person who lived in his own time, it is agreed to be a pro-
bable supposition." Id. ibid.
« Flagrans cupido nobilitatis avita cogit homines interdum delirarc, " A burning desire afttf
ancient nobility sometimes drives men mad.** Baronius.
^ Attamen 85 canon sanctorum et omni laude celebrium apostolomm, et 59 canon Laodletnc
synodi, enumerantes Veteris Testamenti et Novi, ipso«que apostolicos libros, qiii In usu nobis esse
debent, nuUun sacrificii S. Marci, vel S. Jaeobi mentionem faciunt, neque etiam catholica Sanctis-
simi et oecumenici throni Constantinopolis ecclesia, ullo roodo eas liturgias agnoscit, Pronunda-
mus igitur, non esse has recipiendas, " The 85th canon of the holy and famous apostles, and the
69th canon of the council of Laodicea, when enumerating the books of the Old and New Testamenti,
and the writings of the apostles, which we ought to use, make no mention of the missal of St Mart
or St. James ; nor does the catholic church of the most holy and oecumenical throne of Comtao-
tinople acknowledge in any manner those liturgies. We pronounce, therefore, that they are not
to be received." Balsam, in Respons. ad Qusst. Marci. Petr. Alex. writ[ten,] as Baronius obserres,
an. 1204.
' The last particular, of inronpivit ylfev6o\6f«tv, ** the hypocrisy of liars," I made to be counterfeit
writings, under the names of the first and best antiquity ; St. Peter's liturgy, the llturK7 "^
St. James, Matthew, Mark, &c. Through which we need not doubts but the doctrine of demoni
was promoted, when we sec some not ashamed still to maintain it, by those counterfeit authoritiM.
Mede, Apost. of I^t. Times, p. 139.
/ The dialogues betwixt Peter and Apion were rejected for less than this, Jv owd* oXwc m'I"" ^"
wapa Toic iraXaioIc, " Of which no mention is made by the ancients." Euaeb. Hist lib. ill ct^
xxjcviii. Yea, the epistle of James was in danger, not because it was never mentioned (it ^raaii
never have been received by any under such sflenoe) but because it was not so frequently men-
A DISCOURSE CONCERNINO LITURGIES. 345
1. Certainly there would have been some mention of them, by some
fathers, councils, or other writers ; by those surely, who give an account
of all apostolical writings, both questioned and unquestionable ; or those
who lived upon the place where these counterfeits, assuming those great
names, are said to have been entertained, particularly for that of James,
by Eusebius, Cyril, or Jerome, who resided in Palestine.
2. Undoubtedly they would have been generally admitted, as other
apostolical writings were. None would have seen reason to have com-
posed other liturgies, nor would any other have been preferred before
them.
3. Finally, none would have presumed, or would have been suffered
without control, to have enlarged, curtailed, inverted them, and made
all kind of alterations therein, as some have done,' so as they are quite
transformed from what they were once ; insomuch as their favourers
can show us no one part of them, which may with any assurance be
ascribed to the first authors, whoever they were. This is acknow-
ledged, and said to be done in several ages, by the guides of those
churches, where they had entertainment : who by thus using them,
evidently declared, cither that they did not believe them to be aposto-
lical, nor would have had them so accounted ; or else, that themselves
tioned, ov woWoi yovv, r&v wdXat ovrnt kfi¥nfiA¥twav, *' Not many of the udeiitB moatloii it."
although it was receiTed and approved, kv v\«<Vt(uc iiucXiKtaiv, " In moat churchea." Euaeb.
lib. ii. cap. xxii. Graec. K7'.
The second epistle of Clemens was not approTed aa genoine, o& fiiv M' 6ixoit$t rp wpor4p^ aaJ
rairrf|v fvatptfAov iviffrdfxeBa' 8ti fiif ii roiv ipxatiomt air^ ntxp'tt^*'*^ ta/Atv, ** We areawaie that
this is not in equal repute with the first, because the ancients, aa far aa we know, did not use it,"
Euseb. [lib. iii. cap. xxjnrilL]
So Augustin rejects the writings under tlie name of Andrew and John, becanae thej were not
admitted by the church. Contra Advers. Leg. lib. i. cap. Ixx. Contra Faiut. lib. xz. cap. Ixxix.
• Nam ut Latini ipsi et Oraeei pontillces, roulta deincepA in suis Hturgiis, quas Jam inde ab apoatoUa
acceperant, pro re nata, Tel immutarunt, rel addiderunt : ita etiam ab Alexandrlnls et JEgyptiia,
par est credere, pro temporum opportunitate fhctitatum, *' For as the Latin bishops themseWes, and
the Greek successively, either added or changed aa they had occasion many thinga in their Iltnrgiea
which they had received even from the apostles, and onwarda, so also it is reasonable to believe,
that the Mune was frequently done by the Alexandrian and Egyptian bishops, as the times served."
Victorius Scialach. Freflace to his version of Three Arabic Liturgies.
Illud accidit (quod etiam apud Latinoa factum esse constat) ut in saeratissfana miaaa (vis. JacoM)
allia superadditis precibus, allis autem breviori summa contractis, ritibusque nonnihil auctia aut
Imroutatis, vel tamen substantia Integra permanente paulo dlversior ab ilia pristina habeatur, *' It
happened (as is clear took phKe even amongst the Latins) that by the addition of some prayeiB, bj
the abridgment of others into a short compendium, by the amplification or change in some degree
of rites in this most sacred missal (viz. of James's,) whilst, however, the substance remained un-
impaired, it assumed a somewhat diilbrent shape from iu primitive one." Banmiua In Spond. ad
•n. 63, n. 5.
Extat etiam Hturgia eidem S. Jacobo attrtbuta, qun tamen i posterloribus ita locupletata est, ut
non sit facile dyudidum, quse pars ejus liturgise S. Jacobum habeat authorem, "There is also
ext.mt a liturgy ascribed to the same St. James ; which, however, haa been so Interpolated by later
hands, that it is not easy to decide what part of it has St. James for Its author." Bellarm. Di
Script. Eccles. p. S3.
And [Hlerbert T[homdike] compares the pretended primitive llturgiei to Thcaeiia's]iip,whkh
had been so changcd,as no man could tell what pvt of it remained. Serr. of Ch. at Bd|f. Aiaamb.
p. 250.
z2
wfeTX* impious wretcbc^^ i^ mddog so bold witL ihiit whteh Bliould hav€
bw?n |in:*senr*?<J mriolable as tbe Scripture ; and wretcLed impoetora too,
who would thrust tlieir own patches, and otliers no better than their own,
upon Climtians, under apostolical names : and so» fine of these ways, all
the cr*'dit is bst^ upjn which they are reeommended to the world aa
apostolical.
But, if they were not known (as is manifest by the premises they
were not) for so many ages ; then, neither were they extant, and so,
owe not their original to the apostles, or any near their times. For it
is impossible, that, if they had been extant, and composed by the apostles,
for the constant and daily use of the churches, they should not be known
to the generality of Christians, supposed to have so used them : or, if any
will say, [that] the churches used them not, he must condemn them as
highly impious, lining in wilful disobedience to the apostles* orders, and
open contempt of their authority, from generation to generation : and
further, if they were not known to be apostolical, before the seventh or
eighth ages, there is no way lefl to know it after. Innate arguments there
are none, in those pieces, to evidence it, but many which show the con-
trary ; no features or lineaments truly apostolical, but much of the scurf
and luxuriousness of corrupt and decrepit ages. So that there is nothing
but testimony to rely on, and he that will admit writings to be apostolical,
upon the testimony of times wherein delusion and degeneracy pre-
vailed, without the least attestation of the first churches, and so many
intermediate ages, is well disposed to be deluded, or delude others.
To conclude, if those" who allege them, did know any prayers, in
that [liturgy] of James, or the rest, which they really believed to be
apostolical, they would use those themselves, they would employ their
authority and interest to have them used by others ; they would not be so
arrogant, as to think their own models, or so weak, as to judge the fonns
of others better ; or so perverse, as to make choice of the worse ; they
would not show such contempt of the apostles, as to prefer others before
them ; or such disobedience, as never to observe what they prescribed.
All the writings of the apostles (they being universal officers di™ely
inspired) oblige all ; so that I see not what room there is for excuse,
unless they will say, that though the apostles composed these liturgies,
yet they did not enjoin the use of tliem, but left it arbitrary, imposing on
none. Yet even thus, though there be less disobedience, there is no less
contempt. For those that will have prayers of others' composing used,
when there is also choice of them ; do they not offer an affront to tbe
• Bilson, Apol. par. 4, p. 409. When the papist reasoneth after thi« manner, Sure[ly] the apoitlH
had aome precise form of service, though we know it not ; the reply to them is : Since you koo« ^
not, why make you it your anchor-hold, seeing what the apostles did observe, none would have
dared but have observed it, after their example f
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 347
apostles, with the aggravations forementioned, if they neglect theirs, and
use and impose those of others?
And if the apostles did not enjoin the use of their supposed liturgies,
nor would impose them on any, why are they not imitated herein?
Why, having less authority, (to say nothing of wisdom) do our liturgists
take more upon them, than the apostles would do, in imposing on those,
whom they thought best to leave free ; and imperiously prescribing
their own weak inventions, or others, weaker and worse than their own,
when the apostles, divinely inspired, did not so much as advise the use
of their supposed forms ?
But if they do not know, nor really believe, (as the premises per-
suade me they do not) that those forms and prayers, or any of them,
are the apostles* ; is it ingenuous to offer tliat for proof, which they do
not themselves believe ?
Let us then leave them to those who can believe them, which I shall
wonder if any can, but those who have a faith at command, (when it
will serve a turn) wide enough to swallow Jacobus de Voragine" without
mincing.
If I have stayed the longer here, they will, I hope, bear with me, who
tender the honour of the apostles, and of tlie Divine and infallible Spirit,
to whose inspirations we owe all their >vriting8 ; and would not have
them lie under the unsufferable reproach, of having such deformed brats
fathered on them ; which indeed were the issue of darkness and d^ene-
racy, and the ages wherein those prevailed ; but borrowed those great
and sacred names, to hide their shame, and gain them reputation, in a
world much under the power of delusion, where alone it was to be
hoped for.
Thus we have cleared the first three hundred years after Christ, from
all suspicion of worshipping God publicly, in the way under debate ;
having examined all that is alleged, either for prescribed or arbitrary
forms ; and finding nothing of weight therein, to sway a disinterested
person to believe there was any such thing, or to procure the assent
of any, but those who are disposed to yield it without proof. . And
since that is not found to have been the way of the three first ages of
Christianity, it is not very considerable,* nor scarce worth the inquiry,
in what times else this may be found, — a way of worshipping God in
public assemblies, for which there is nothing in the apostles' writings or
practice, or in tlie practice of the first churches, and those after them
ft>r three hundred years ; and so, neither rule, nor reason, nor example,
in the best and most imitable ages ; where also, their way of worship-
• Jn'ohuv de Voraffinc wns the author of the " I^egenda Aurea, or Golden Legend," a book ftill of
the most astounding narratives concerning the lainta. lie was the medlsBTal Alban Butler.— £o.
* wKfthy conRidrration.
348 A mSCOOKBB CONCERNINQ LITUBOIES.
pinff k dewrtedy who served God most regularly and acceptably. If H
find Bnjtliing to excuse it, it will have notliing to commi*od it to any,
unless we will admit those of eueh palates to be our tasters^ who like a
puddle better than either the Bpring or the streams while they run aoj-
^ing clear.
In the two next ages, M to x*^P^ ^ vftSifpara vpofjkBt^ ^^ things gieir
worse and worse/'* as he tells us, who resolutely set himself against the
stream of the'then prevaUing corruptions, but found it too violent for him,
and warned others by what befel him, that to strive against it, was the
way to be sunk. Those who have no great affection for these liturgies,
will not envy them the honour of having their rise in such d^eneracy,
as the best writers of those days saw so much cause to lament. The
chief, if not the only ornament of those times, were those great persons,
who had such reason to complain thereof. And many there were excel-
lently aooomplished, in the fourth age, and some till about the middle
of the fifth. It may seem something for the credit of these liturgies, if
i^ej can be found in the church, while there was anything of such
eminency in it ; let us therefore view what is produced, as a discovery
thereof.
The eighteenth canon of the council of Laodicea is alleged for
prescribed liturgies,^ Titpi rov rrjp avrrjv Xtirovpyiop T&p €vx^^ »rorroTf ital
fV rais €wdrm£ Koi iv rcHs ccnrepair 6(p€ik€tv y€V€<rOaty " That the same
ministration of prayers ought to be used both at the ninth hour and
at evening, viz. three in the afternoon."
Hence it is argued, the same prayers are to be used, both at nones
and vespers ; therefore forms of prayer are imposed. But this is a very
lame inference ; for, neither is the consequence good, neither is the ante-
cedent true.
The inconsequence is apparent, since the same prayers may be used
often, and yet the words thereof not be prescribed or imposed. We have
instances enough, to clear this, in our pulpits ; where many, before
their sermons, and after, use the same prayers morning and evening,
whereas none prescribe the words, or impose those forms on them, but
themselves. And so we might dismiss this canon, as making nothing
for prescribed forms. If tliis synod would have had the same prayers
used, yet here is not a syllable for prescribing the w^ords thereof, or
enjoining what forms should be used.
But, indeed, here is nothing to signify that it was the intent of
tlie synod, to have the same prayers used, at the times specified ; neither
the whole phrase, (rrjv ovr^v Xcirovpyiav tuv €\jxo^Pj " the same ministra-
- Chry*. In 1 Cor. Horn, [vl ] p. 277.
* Tltuliu in Crab. D« Orationibu* QuotidUnis.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 349
tion of prayers,") nor any word in it imports such a thing ; and they
make the iiitliers absurd, who fix such a sense on their decree. A«Toup-
yia will not serve the turn ; for it does not here (as in later times)
signify a bw^k or model of prescribed and stinted forms of prayer, and
otlier administrations. Indeed, as some papists, where they meet with
this word, conclude they have found their mass ; so others, when they
find it, may fancy they have discovered a service-book : but both
ridiculously, to those who understand the ancient use of the word.
For, no instance hath yet been produced, nor can be, whei*ein it is
used in this sense, by any of the ancients, before this council, or long
after : and therefore none will believe it is so taken here, but such
whose desire to have it so, will serve for reason enough to believe it.
But XfiTovfyyia/* according to the notation and ancient known use of
the word, denotes sometimes a public function or office, most commonly
the exercise and administration of it,* and then it is not the forms of
action, but tlie action itself, the public use, employment, exercise, or
ministration of that, to Avhich it is ai)plied, civil or religious. Applied
to worship, it is not the forms of worship, but the ministration of it ; so,
X€iTovpyia Ta>v v^i/wi/, in Theodoret, is not a model of prescribed hymns,
but the singing of hymns ; so \€iTovpyia reoi/ dvayiv<a(rKOfi€P<i>v ypa<f>S>Vy Ul
Justiriian,<^ is the holy exercise of reading the Scripture, not a rubric
prescribing what lessons should be read ; of which the ancient church
knew nothing : and, (which comprises all) he will have him capitally
punished, K€(f)d\iKS)s TifKoptlaBaiy whosoever ras Gfla^ Xtirovpyias rapd^oiy
" shall disturb the Divine ministrations;" the disturbance surely is of
• A<<Toi.^7ia KVfUtai »i dnfMocia virnptata, *' Xeirovp^ia properly signifies any public service."
Suidas Lex.
Km ou ^tt'^otfTtv It Tu? Koivort^uv rov (i'ltiv XctToi'jHyiav XpKrTiafoi ni roiavru n cpiiaratrrai'
uXA'i TDfor-kTev iavTOv\ (^ctortpy Kui uixi'jKuiOTtpy \€irov^l</. itCNXnciav Otov, ivi aMrripif av0f>m'
irwi, " Not iMicausc lluy shun the commoner oflices of life do the Christians decline the same, but
as reserving themselves for the more divine and necessary service of God's church. In order to
men's salvation." Origcn cont. Cels. lib. viii. p. 428.
Theoiioret, Hist. lib. ii. cap. xxiv.
• ■ Ex«a .«i» V auToifi Tfji/ ti/i»/i' Km Xtirovp-iiav, " That they sbould havc the honour and exercise
of their function." Epist. Synod. Nic. in Theodoret, lib. i. cap. ix. Vid. Cone. Antioch. [Can. iv.]
in Cotl. Can. xcvii.
' Kui i€fttt fifoie Xtirovf.-^ia, owoiav eiw6^uv ia^riv iv rutc u^iuTaruic iKKXrioiaii fUxaBat, r&v
Tt ociur iiva'jit'tteKQuivuv •ypa^f, " A holy service of reading the Divine Scriptures is held, such
a& is customary in the churches of God," Just. [Nov. 7.]
^tf\\c(»- Tfi re tvKTtpiva Kat r» vpffpiva icai ra ivirnptva, " To sing the noctumal and morning and
evening hymns," is in the Code, tuIv Xtirovpfiax fivecBaif " to engage in the exercises." Id. ibid.
[Lib. i. tit. iii. Lex. xlf. i 10. De Episc. et Cler.]
Trayers and liturgy are sometimes contradistinct, as when [It is said] Privatse domus tix&v
xnfxi , Bed non lcf>«v XcirovpYiur, " Private houses are for the purpose of prayers, but not for the
holy »rrriee (XciTovp^iuv.)" [Authent. Coll. v. tit. xiii.] Novel. 58. A^trovp^ia and Kotwttvia,
[arc] dUtinct, Cod. lib. i. tit. ilL De Eptse. et Cler. [Lex. zUv.] p. [19.] Vid. De Episcoporum
alea:orum aut spectatorum, fto. **Qfblsliopa who are gunblenor plaj-goen.** Tiiv Icpdr u^ofU-
(€a9ai XiiTovfiYiav, " that they be eKdwded ftom the ncnd wtoMrvMeii,'' (XciTovpriar.) [Lib. I.
tit. iv. Lex. xxxiU.]
^ Aiith. (on. iz. tit. vi. [Not. cnilL] cap. zuL [p. 174.]
3U A DISCOURSE CONCERNING L£TUB0I£S,
%«r9i^ui Tvv KfipvrrAyTQMv, *Hhe ministrntion of prea^bera;' in TheopliJ-
tacti wkI otliei*^,*' is preachiag; wlikb exercise will not be denied lo
the exercisee of Divine luinistriitions, not of anj wriWeu taodols. So
Imve Wn performed without any prescribed formsi far manj hundred
years.
So, applied to prayer, Xninai/^ta rmv tvx^»> here la not a model of pie-
scribed prayers t but the exercise of pniying ; and thereft>re, unl^s we
will prefer a sense of the word then utterly unknown to Christians,
bdbre the proper and* imual acceptation of it^ rq^ uvrrfv XMvnvpyiop riv
fw;£»p, k not th2 same prescribed forms of prayer, or the same of any
sort ; but the sflme exercise of prayersj when long, was better performed,
and siich may be without such forms.
If Upovpyiti had l>een put by the synod in tlie plaee of Xctrovpyui, (a
word apt to t>e misUkew, since it was applied to a later invention)
nothing would have been understood hereby, but a holy exercise, or as
it ia in Hesy chilis, tpyott Uparmhiff ** a sacred employment ;*^ and by the*
whole, no other than the same holy exercise of pi-ayer, instead of whit
is now made of it, the same prayers ; and yet these two words were of
the same import anciently. The apostle expresses his acting as a Xci-
Tovpyof, by UpovpytXv, Rom. xv. 16, and Chrysostom^ useth them as
synon3an8, and explains Xtirovpytiif by Upovpyu».
Again, for the phrase, let it be observed, that the expression is not
r^v XiiTovpyiav rtov aifvav €V)(SiVj '^ the ministration of the same prayers :"
this indeed might have signified the use of the same prayers. But r^
aMfv \€iTvvpyiav to>v evx«v, " the same ministration of prayers,^' is no
more here the praying of the same prayers, at three and six ailemoon,
than T^v avTTiv XfiTovpyiav rov KrjpvyfjMTosj " the same ministration of
preaching," would have been the preaching of the same sermon twice in
one afternoon. And as there might have been ff aMi XwirovpyUi w
vfjiv&Vf '^ the same exercise of singing" at nones and vespers, without
singing the same psalms at both hours ; and the same service or exer-
• Ti i:<rri ktirovp^ovvrttv; tout' itrrt KnpvTTovTtav, "What is the meaning of \c<TOvp7orTWv, (tt
they miniatered, Acts xUi. 2)1 It la ' as they preached.' " Theophylact. in Act. xiii. v. 2. So (Ecrt-
menius, ibid. So Cbryaoatom, in Act. Hom. xrvil. p. 766. Ac(Tovp70( evxatt li^a Kai 6iaX((teh
" Ministers (XciTovpYoi) in prayers and preaching." Euseb. Vit. Const, lib. iv. cap. xIt. Omc aw'Kit
Xarptiav \4yt»v, naBdirtp kv ^PX'7< u^^a XcfTOtf(>7iav Kai Itpovfrfiav' avrn ftkp ^oi itpoirinrii, r6
Knpvrretv KOI KarayyiWtiv, " Not saying simply Xarptiav, (worship,) as in the beginning, but
Keirovpfiavt (ministry and priesthood.) For this is my priesthood, to wit, preaching and proclama-
tion." Chrysost. In Rom. Hom. xxix. p. 221, ver. 16.
' So part of the presbyter's ministration, Xttrovpfia, Cone. Ancyr. is wpoci^ptiv and o^tXcir,
" to offer and preach," Can. f. And the deacon's employment, or Xtirovp-^iat is apro* ri vot^mo*
uvvxipipttv ri Kftpwrattv, "to bear the bread and the cup, or to preach," Can. ii. And there i»thff
XetTovpyia of the deaconess, Cone. Chalced. Can. xv. iefafi*vn re xc*po^c^*av» ««' xfiovat nw
wapafxfivaffa rr) XnTovp^i^ ** Receiving imposition of hands, atjd remaining a certain lime in her
ministration {Xetrovpyitf.Y'
» Hom. xxix. in Rom. p. 221, and Bal»ainun in Cone. Ancyr. (Can. i]
A DISCOUBSB CONCERNING LITURGIES. 351
cise of reading the Scripture, though the same chapters had not been
read, or any by the prescript of a rubric ; and the same rauiistry or
exercise of preaching, though the same sermons had not been preached
twice over within three hours, or without using any set forms of homi-
lies : as well might there be rfiv avrfiv X^irovpyiav r&v ^vx^Vj the same
exercise of praying at the third and sixth hours, without using the same
prayers, or any set forms at all.
Besides, no rational account can be given, why the same prayers might
be used at six, which were used at three [in the] afternoon. No decree,
parallel to this (if so taken) can be produced ; nor anything, in the
practice of the church, before or after, agreeable to it. Where can it
be showed, that the same prayers, without variation, were always used,
at several hours of the same day, the same invariably at the sixth hour,
as at the ninth, &c. ? Even after unalterable forms were introduced,
their several hoiu*s had their different offices; each of them, in the Latin
church, did statui temporis respondere, " correspond to the character of
the season," and were suited to the time for which they were appointed,
as' Durandus tells us : and in the Greek church, they did rik tloMra rf
Kaifxp \€iTovfr/€iv, as Leo [tells us], " accommodate the service to the
season
"6
Beda speaks of a hymn sung potius in vespertiniSy quam in aJm officiiSy
" rather at vespers than in any other office."*^ And Basil, long before
him mentions one, which he calls eiriXvxviatf ci&x<'P^<'^'<^» " the candle-light
thanksgiving," which was used at candle-light,' rod ^antpivov ifwrbs
^KivcWof.* And such a one we have set down, by the most learned of
primates,/ called vfiybs rov Xvxyncov, " the candle-light hymn ;" so proper
for the evening, as^ it could not be congruously used at any other hour
of the day. What reason is there to doubt, but their npofrtvxal Xvxyucaly
"candle-light prayers," as Epiphanius* calls them, or those cV reus Xvxw-
0tair iifxal, " prayers at candle-light," ' were also accommodated to the
• Sane oflicium sexUe statui temporis respondet, sicut et offlcia allarum horarum ; in prima nam-
que hora est iiiclioatio, in tertia perfectio, in sexU eonsummatlo. be. Quod indicant verba hymno>
rum, qu« in ipsis horls, et etiam in nona perroittuntur. " The office of tlie sixth hour» (i. «. noon,)
corresponds to the character of the season, as also the offices of the other hours. For in the first
hour, (;. c. six, a,m.,) we have beginning: in the third, {i.e, nine, a.m.,) maturity : in the sixth,
(i. e. noon,) the end. Which the words of the hymns that are gone through in these hours, and
also in the ninth hour (i. e. three, p.m.,) indicate." Durand. Rational, lib. y. cap. viL p. 160.
« (Vit. Chr>8. Int. Op. torn. viii. p. 288.]
« In "Durand. lib. v. cap. ix. p. 162.
^ in the Cathcmcrinon of Prudentius, containing hymns for all parts of the day, the fifth 0n
the editions of Aldus, and all others but those of Giselinus and Fabricius) is intituled Ad accensimiem
lucems, " At the lighting of the lamp," and was afterwards made use of as a church hymn,
dilferent, both from those four that go before it, (ad galli cantum, " at cock-crowhig,'' ad mata-
tinum, " at dawn," ante eibum, "before meat,** post cibmn, "after meat,*) and thON two that
follow it. Vid. Rivet. Grit. Saer. lib. iii. cap. xxvi. p. 331.
' De Spirit. Sanct cap. xxix. p. 176. / Usher, De Symb. p. 85. r that.
* [Bpiph. Exp. Fid. n. xsiH. torn. i. p. 1106.] ' In Socrat. Hist. lib. t. cap. sxli.
35^ A DrSCODflSE CONCEBNING LITURGIES.
time from whence they are dcnomifiated, and at whicli they were Uied,
ii& wt^ll as their liymus ? To conclude, there ia no need to make tii*2
canoii thus couibuud tlitt olEces, which wejt; always distinct* and with-
out all reason, to run cotmter to all the ChrisUmi world ; nor to force
a sense upon the phraae^ which it is imjjatient of ; nor to put acotistnic-
tion upon Xfimvpyta, whieh those times were utterly strangers to, TLe
design and luipnTt of it is hut this ; that tliose in that province, should
assemble for worship twice [in the] afternoon ; and as they had prayeis
at one of the hours, so should they have the same holy employment or
exercise at the other ; or as it is more briefly expressed in the Latin
editions of that coimcil, Quod semper suppUcationes orationum, et ad
horam nonamy et ad^ vesperam oporiet ceUbrariy^ *' That devotional suppli-
cations ought to be used at the ninth hour, (t.e. three p.m.) and at
vespers (t.«. six p.m.)" Quod id ipsum mimsterium orationumj et m
nonie et vesperis fieri debeatf " That the same ministration of prayers
ought to be used at nones and vespers.'* Quod id qfsum ojfidumpreaim
et nona et vespera semper debeat exhiberi,'^ *' That the same office of prayers
ought to be used at both nones and vespers.**
This canon of the Laodicean synod (which I have been the longer
in examining, because I see some apt to mistake it, who have not so
much bias as others to mislead them) is all considerable,^ that I find
alleged for prescribed liturgies/ in the fourth age. For 1 would not
disparage all, with the unadvisedness of those who produce the twenty-
third canon of the third Council of Carthage (and also the tw^elfth of
Milevis) to support that which we have seen they utterly overthrow.
Only I must not forget that some make an offer at the liturgies which
go under the names of Basil and Chrysostom ; as though these would
help their cause. But they do this but faintly, as knowing them to be
by Protestants, generally branded for coimterfeits ; and that for many
reasons, such as their opposites*^ coimt very cogent, in like case : such
being the order and matter of them, such rites there used, such persons
there mentioned, many words, many things, therein, that they cannot
but ridiculously be ascribed to those great persons, or to any, in or
near their times. Our English prelates formerly had no more favour
for them ; take a taste thereof in Bishop White's censiu^ of them :
" The liturgies," saith he, " fathered upon St. Basil and St. Chrysostom,
• In Cleni. Constit. lib. viiL JvixXtto-ir opBptvij, et fawtfHvij, et ^rtXiocvior, " the morning,
and evening, and candle-light invocations," are distinct and different. Cap. xxxv. xxxvi. xxxviJ.
xxxvl'ii.
» Caranz. * Cod. Justel. p. 73. * In Crab. torn. i. p. 377.
• deserving consideration.
/ Liturgry, in Martinius and others, [stands] I. for any public office of ministry, and especially of
distribution. 2. For the public service of God, in reading, teaching, praying. 3. For stated orden
and forms of that public service. Bellarmine adds a fourth [sense] , for the sacrificing offices imly.
r opponents. » opinion.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 353
have a known mother (to wit, the late Koman church ;) but there is
(besides iiiMiiy i)th(^r just exceptions) so great dissimilitude between the
supposed lathers and tlie children, that tliey rather argue the dishonest
dealings of their mother, than ser^^e as lawful witnesses of that which
the adversaiy intendeth to prove by them."" Indeed the Komanistfi
are the great sticklers for the legitimation of these missals, seeing them
full of those sores, which they count the beauty of their church. They
are made use of, to countenance the worship of images and altars, the
intercession and invocation of saints, the sacrifice of the mass, the real
presence, the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary, &c. And
yet none of them have the confidence to affirm, that as we have them
now, they were the issue of those on whom they are fathered. Only
some, very loth quite to lose the advantages they would make of them,
are willing to suppose that though they have suffered very gn^at
changes, by additions, interpolations, inversions, substractions, &c., yet
something may yet remain therein of Basil's and Chrysostom's. But
they give no reason why they suppose this, when it is necessary they
should do it in this case, if [in] any ; since there are the same grounds
for the entire rejection of these liturgies, which they count (and many
more than they count) sufKcient for the total rejecting of some others.
If such groundless surmises may be admitted, no brat, though evidently
spurious, but will prqcure a legitimation, in part at least, if any can
expect thereby to serve a tuni ; a way is hereby opened for an equal
defence of the most impudent and pernicious forgeries that the church
hath been pestered with. Some will be apt to sui)po8e the like of the
liturgies fathered upon Peter, James, Mark, and all the apostles, in
their pretended Constitutions. Something therein may be theirs, and
they may as reasonably suppose it ; for the Gospels which went under
the names of Peter,* James, Thaddeus, Thomas, Andrew, though they
■were changed and corrupted, yet what was found therein consentient** to
primitive and c«atholic doctrine, might be the apostles', and the substance
of them of their composing. It is true, those gospels were not rectdvtHi
by till' lirst clmrches, but that makes no difference : since neither were
those liturgies received by them, no nor known, or mentioned, as we
showed bt-fore, (and so not extant) till many hundred years after the
apo>t U-s' times ; and upon this account, their pretence to apostolicalness
is muvv. ridiculous than that of the other. And they who received
those spurious liturgies so late, might, upon the same terms, have
• Apalnst Fihher, p. 377.
» Thoiie mentioned in Synoptii Scit|iturae, In Athanas. toni.ii. p. 134. lUftiodoi ntfrpov, 'iMawow,
Of7i/ia, 'll«•.l77^^lo^ K.»Tri Otafxii, Aioux'y uiruffToXwv, KXnM*'»"tt, &c., •• The JouineyH of Peter, John,
1 lidTiinM, the Gokpel acrordiuR to Thoma/t. th; teaching of the apOhtle», of Clement," ftc. [In edit.
I'nn... \6:i, toni. li. p 15.] • agtt-eoble.
q
i
1
3S4
A DISCOFRSE CONCEBKtNO LtTnitCIES.
admitted tlie forfr^d goipeln, Tiz.^ changing &od patching tbetn, a« tliej
Uited. But ctjiiugb trf this Ijefore,
As for the Ikurgies beibre us ; those who will suppose something of
them to be BasiFj! or Chrysostom'Si do not, cannot show us what thit
is \ nor do lliey^ »cir can they, givt us any rule bj which we may know
it; and so it is not, it cimnot he known ^ that any prayer in them is
tbeira, to whom tho whoJe m intituled :" and therefore it ciinnot V
hereby proved that ever either of them composed any prayers, for the
public use of others ; much less that they prescribed any to be used,
in the same form and words. And so, if this shift were honest, and
saie, and reasonable ; yet is it wholly unserviceable for the proof of
prescribed litui^es. To be brief, it is manifest in the genuine writings
of both those fathers, that they judged it necessary to conceal and keep
secret the sacramental rites and prayers (which is all that is consider-
able^ in those liturgies) from all but the conununicants. Now they did
not take the course to conceal, but divulge them, if they writ and
published those liturgies, though but for the common use of the province
or diocese where each of them presided ^^ and therefore, since we can-
not conceive that they would run counter to their declared principles,
it cannot be believed that they were the authors and divulgers of thoee,
or any other such liturgies, or of any such prayers in them ; and con-
sequently it is injurious to them to father these missals (if they were
not otherwise so leprous, and every way unlike them) upon these
worthies.
And so I leave them, stuffed so full with the corruptions of later
times, that none but those who are fond of such corruptions, and would
fain have them, right or wrong, of ancient generous extract, can
believe them to be the issue of those fathers ; only let me interpose my
conjecture, how it came to pass that Basil, Chrysostom, and Ambrose
too, were accounted the authors of liturgies, though neither themselyes
nor any that lived with them, or near the time in which they flourished,
mention any such thing. It is recorded of each of these persons,
signally and peculiarly, that they introduced a new mode and order of
singing, into the respective churches, where they presided, never there
used before. BasiPs new psalmody, brought in by him to Csesarea,
" was made more remarkable, by the offence taken thereat by the clergy
of NeocsBsarea, as an innovation in the worship of (rod. He defends it,
and gives an account what it was,*^ t^ rr\v alrlav €p<arrj6iaat rou aKt\pU-
rov rovTOV Koi d<nr6vbov froXc/iov, yjrakfxovs X«yov<rt, Koi rporrov fUXmdias rrfS
nap* vpiv KtKparqxy'iai a^yT)S€ias napciXXctyptvovsy " If the cause be asked Ol
this implacable and perpetual quarrei, they say, It is the psalms, and
« Ascribed. * worthy consideration. * Epiit. Ixiii.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 355
the mode of singing, altering the custom which hath been retained
amongst us." And afterwards, aXX' ovk ^v ^oo-t raOra in\ rw fuydkov
rpajyopiov, " There was none of this (say they) in the time of Gregory
the Great." Now Basil denies not, but he had begun another way of
singing than they had been accustomed to ; but that it might appear
how little reason there was to quarrel with him for it, he declares
what it was, TcX^vraXov aycurraMnrfg rS>v vpoa-tvx^Vj fU njy ^tiXfu»dMiF
KoBiOTavTai, Koi vvv fi€V di;^a dia^fifiBtirrts ayrt^aXXovo-iV dXXijXoir, &C.
" Finally, rising from prayer, they betake themselves to singing, and
sometimes the company being distributed into two parts, they answer
one another in singing." The first who brought up this mode of singing^
was Flavianus and Diodorus, at Antioch, using it in their conyenticles,
when the Arians had possessed themselves of the public churches, as
Theodoret relates it. From thence it passed to other places, and was
first at Csesarea practised by Basil.
Ambrose, who borrowed many other things of Basil, liked his
psalmody so well, as^ he introduced it into the West, first using it in
bis church at Milan,^ and this when Augustin was there, who assures
us, from his own knowledge, that it was not long since the practice
there began ; Nimirnm annua erat, aut non mtdto ampliuSy cum Justina
Valentiniani regis pueri mater hominem tuum Ambrosium persequeretur
hoeresia auce causa, " It was but a year, or little more (before Austin was
leaving those parts) when Justina, the mother of the young emperor
Valentinian, persecuted the servant of God Ambrose, for her heresy's
sake," (she being an Arian.) Excuhabat pia plehs in ecclesia moriparata
cum epvfcopo auo ; tunc hymni et paalmij ut canerentur secundum morem
orientalium partium, ne populua masroris tcedio contabesceret, insiitutum
est, '^ The godly multitude did watch in the church, ready to die iirith
their bishop ; then, lest the people should languish through the tedious-
Dess of their grief, was the singing of psalms and hymns, after the
mode of the orient, instituted." And from Milan, where Ambrose'
• OuToi wp&roi itxp d«\6irr<r roiit r&v x^aXXovrwv xopovt, iK ^ladoxftf y^etv rifv Aawtdutif* kdi-
Sa^nv H€\mdiav' Kal rovro Iv 'Avrtoxeif Ttft&rov ap(afitvo¥, wArroTt d*t&f)afi9 ma* Kar^Xa/Sc Tiiff
otKovfxtt^ni TO rfpfiarot "They were the tint who divided the chcntues of the aingen Into two
bands, and tauKht them to sing the psalmody of Darid by course. And this custom, which flnt
began at Antioch, spread everytrhere and reached the ends of the world." Theodoret Hist. lib. IL
cap. xxiv. p. 78. And by this it appears that the account which Socrates gives of the original
hereof, (lib. vi. cap. vlii.) is a fable, and either not known, or not believed by Theodoret, who yet
was bent acquainted witli the customs of Antioch. . * that.
« Non longe ccepcrat Mediolanensia ecclekia geniu hoc consolationis et exhortatlonis celebrare,
xnagno studio fratrum concinentium vocibus et cordibus, " The church of Milan had not long com-
menced this mode of consolation and exhortation." £t ex illo in hodirrnum retentum, moltia jam
ac pene omnibus grcglbiu tuis. et per caetcra orbis Imitantlbiu, " And f^om that time it haa been
retained to the present day ; and many. ancUndeed well nigh all the flocki, eren thnm^MMt tht
other parts of the world, already Imitate it." Auguft Confess, lib. iz. eiqp. tU. p. SSI.
^ AntiphonsB hymni et vlgilic in ecdesia Mediolanansi oeltbrari primnm coBpcmnt, esjn* «d»-
britatis devotio, nsque ad hodiemum dltm, non Hlnni In eadem ec dc ri a, Tcmm per omnM pena
iJ56 A D!S€OUESE CONCEESIKG LiTUROfES.
bfigan It, did il passi into other churches of tlie west. PauHous testes
■a much in the hie of Ambrose*
And Chrysogloiu was the first that brought in this order of sm^ng
aiiiorigtst the orthodox, in tiio church at Constautinople, though the
Ariarts had a little the start of him in pr&ctifiing il in iLe streets ; for
these, HI the nights of tht^ wi^ekly festivals, as Socrates cails Saturdair
and tin* I^rd^s-day,* and fV rati: eVio^j^otr fopmic, *' on the princapsl
[annual] feasts,*' (which Sozomen adds) Korii t6v t&v d¥rwif>»p»v rp&irm
l^^tiXXov, " sung by course,*'* t^bas mrritlymvat,*^ " antiphonal hymns." Chry-
sostom, lest any of his flock should be hereby enticed from him, puts his
people upon singing in the same manner, M t6v hrow rp6wov rijt iffdKfim-
dlas r6p dvTov Xahw irporpcVri , and upon such an occasion the orthodox,
first taking up this mode of singing, continued it till now, says he ;
ol d^ atr6 rfjs KoBokuajs i^ alrlw rouiirfk t6v €vprffA€Voy rpinrov vfit^lp ap^aiumt^
Koi tla-€ri pvp ovrw du/ieivav.' Now as these three fathers were the first
introducers of that way of singing, in their several churches ; so it is
further observable that singing was anciently called Xccrov/iyuz, " a
liturgy." So Chrysostom himself calls singing of psalms, ovdc paBvpuovmt
ircJre irporfa-StuBa r^v icaX^v \€vravpyia»>i* " We sing the beautiful liturgy,
and never give way to sloth.** And Theodoret calls that very mode of
singing which they in their respective places first used, Xccrov/iycay, "a
liturgy.*' Leontius' desire that the Meletians would sing by course
in public, is thus expressed, 'Ei^ rai^ cKKXrjaiats ravrtjv yiv€tr6ai nap avriv
rfjv XiiTovpyiau rf^iovj " He desired that the same ministrcUion (XeiTovpyiav)
should be used in their churches."^
So in Justinian's Code, yfrcLXXdv rd rt wKxtpiva Koi ra opSpwa, " to sing
the nocturnal and morning hymns," is said to be npaypxi tov KkrjpiKov npos
rrfv XftTovpyiav, " the business of the clergy in reference to the liturgy."^
And thus ^oXXcIu is there rais Xftrovpyiais npoo'Kaprrfpfiv.^
Now they being found authors of that which is called liturgia, this
might seem a sufficient ground, to account them the formers of liturgies;
and Xeirovpyitt, in afler ages being used for a model of set forms of
prayer and other administrations, those that found them accounted the
authors of liturgies, might easily mistake them to be the authors of
such a thing as the word then signified.
Nor will this seem improbable, if it be observed, that a liturgy was
occldentis provincias manct, " Antiphonies flnt began to be used in the church of Mflan, whose
celebrated mode of devotion remains to this day, not only in that church, but throughout almoftal'
the provinces of the we«t." Paulin. Vit. Ambros.
Beside*, some hymns were composed by Ambrose; of which, there is ancient and suflScien
testimony, though none such for the prayers ascribed to hhn.
• Hb. vi. cap. viii. » Sox. [lib. viii, cap. viii.] • Soc. ibid.
* Soz. ibid. • Horn, in Pwlm. xli. / Theod. Hist. lib. ii. c^p. xxiv. p. 71.
r [Lib. I. tit. m,] Lex. [xli.] f x. De Episc. etClcr.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 367
actually fathered upon James (called d^(\<f)66(os, " the brother of Go<l,")
merely because Ilogcsippus in Eusebius styles him Xarovpyos, Unde
(says Cassancler) quidam jnitaiU opinionem natam^ quod Jacobus primus
missce ritum imtituerit^ quern Hcgesippus apud Eusthium primuin ah apostolis
constitutum fuisse episcopum, et liturgum dicit." " Hence, some think, came
the opinion that James was the first author of a missal ; Ilegesippus in
Eusebius affirming that he was by the apostles first made bishop and
liturgusJ" ^Vnd this might encourage those whose inclinations led them
to father their own conceptions upon great and eminent persons, to
compose such forms, ns are the contents of those liturgies, and expose*
them luider their names.
Add hereto, that amongst the Latins in those ages, w^hen the framing
and counterfeiting of liturgies was in fashion, almost every part of them
"went under the name of Cantus, " singing," not the prayers excepted.*^
So in the [thirteenth] canon of the fourth council of Toledo, all the
several offices and prayers by name, pass under the notion of singing.
The law of Charles the Great, imposing the Gregorian office upon the
churclies in his dominions, is in these terms, [/t secundum ordinem et
morem ecclesia: Romano! fiat cantatuSy^ " That the singing shall be afler
the order and custom of the Roman church." So when Durandus
would tell us what liturgies they had in the primitive church, all is com-
prised under Cantare : In primitiva tameyi ecclesia diversi diversa quisque
pro suo velle cantahant,^ " But in the primitive church different persons
sang, every one according to his own mind, different things.*' And
Belethus afler him. In primitiva ecclesia diversi diversa cantahant^ quisque
pro suo lihitu/
Now those who were the introducers of a particular way of singing
in their churches, might thus come to be accounted the authors of litur-
gies for them, when these were expressed and imderstood by cantus, and
cantare became equivalent with XtiTovpydv in it5 modem signification.
And it will be hard for them who ascribe a liturgy to Jerome, to give
• Cassandcr, Liturgic. cap. vL p. ]C. Hegesippus apud Eiuebium, de Jacobo inquit, eum ab
apostoIi.H primum conNtitutum fViisM; episcopuni et liturgum, i. e. sacrarum et divinarum renim
admin is tratorcm. Undo quidam pulant opinionem natam, quod Jacobut primus miuce ritum
institucrit, " Hcgeslppuii In Euaebius says of James that he waa made by the apostlet the first
bishop and liturguB, i.^. an administrator or Micred and divine things. Whence some think the
opinion took its rise that James was the first author of a missal." * circulate.
« So all the 6e\eral oflices and prayers by name. pa»s under the notion of singing. Componuntur
niiKsa?. Kivi> preces, vcl orationcs, sive commcndationcs.sivemanOs impositiones, ex quibus si nulla
decantt-ntur* in rccle»ia, vacant otTicia omnia tcclcsiaMica, " Uituals arc composed, i^hcther
prayrrs or .supplications, whether commendations or imposit ons of hands, whereof if none be sung
in the church, all ecclesiastical oflices are wanting." Cone. Tolet. iv. cap. xiii.
•^ Capit. lib. vi. cap. ccxxv. ' Rational, lib. v. cap. IL p. 139.
/ Lxpl. Diver. Offlc. cap. xix.
• OiMM8.niida«'d!Mm.">Ei».
DISCOUJIBE CONCEENIHO LITUftGIEB,
any better account to tbe world than thit, vrhj they do so. U was
believi^, that by his means, the Bame mode and order of singing waa firft
used at Rome ; that t}ie Allcluialii*' aHer the eaMstern mode, was b? hk
advice there sung ; and the doxol^jgy^ stmaidum mi^i AntiQchia^*
"aooording to the custom tjf the church of Antioch," where, st& 1
showed belorc, singing by courae was first invented ; and that pope
DaniusuB writ to him for his rlirection, how the Greciani' mode erf"
singing might be practised at Borne. Hence Durandus says, catitum
ordiruxvit, " he set in order the singing/* and [means] nothing else, but
an order for reading the Scriptore.^ So, upon these grounds, an ecdea-
Mticum oficiian, " church ritual,** is ascribed to him, and he is made the
author of a liturgy, made up in time of a lecdonary, an antiphonary, and
a sacramentary, as Pamelius represents it.
These forementioned were the most enunent persons, both in east
' and west, in those times, when the church flourished with persons of
greatest eminency, for learning and oratory. Now, when liturgies were
all in all, (the happiness of the ancient church, and the excellency of
its pastors in preaching and praying, being turned by the lamentable
degeneracy of the following ages, into' chanting and reading) it behoYed
those, who were zealous for their honour, they having no worUi of
their own,^ to borrow or steal some for them, from great names;
and to have them thought of noble descent, that the meanness of their
true and lawiul parents might not discredit them. In tliese circum-
stances, a smaller matter than I have insisted on, would serve to prove
their title and pretence to an extract so honourable. This might well
' Ut AlleluJah hie diceretur, dc Hierosolymoruin ecclesia, ex beati Hieronymi tnditione. tenixtfe
beats metnoris Damasi paps traditur. tractum, " That the Hallelujah is said here, in handed down
aa a cuatoro derived from the church of Jerusalem, in pursuance of the instructions of the blessed
Jerome, in the time of pope Damasus, of blessed memory." Gregor. M. lib. vii. Epist. Ixifa.
* Secundum Antiochis usum, in fine omnium psalmorum, Gloria Patri Romae cantare, eo
instante, ccepturo est ; et eo emendante Roma legendos canendosquc in ecclesia lxx interpretnm
psalmos suscepit, " At his instance they bej^au to sing at Rome the Gloria Patri at the end of the
whole of the psalms ; and Rome, receiving from him a corrected copy, instituted the reading snd
singing of the Septuagint pealms after that manner." Marian. Vita Hieronym.
Pati item charitatem tuam, ut, sicut ii creatore tuo Alexandro coepiscopo nostro didicisti in gre-
mio Grscorum psallere : ita ad nos tua fratcmitas dirigere delectetur. " I also ask your charity ta
grant, that aa thou hast studied psalmody In the bosom of the Greek church, so, brother, you wiD
be pleased to give directions to us." Epist. Danusi, in Operibus Hieronymi, torn. ix. p. 219.
« i.e. the Canonical Psalms.
^ Et postremo, omnes ordines, majores et minores, tandem transformati sunt in lectores et cao-
tatores: quid enim atiud quotidie agunt? " At length all the orders, superior and inferior, were
transformed into readers and singers. For what else is their daily duty ?" Cheninit. Exam, pars H
p. 415.
« Restincto inde valde studiorum omnium ac religionis apud eos ardore, in paucis ejusxnodi
preculis, eammque fere sola recitatione, nimis segniter, vulgo amant acquiesccre et immori.
" Hence enthusiasm for every kind of 8tudy and for religion being repressed among ihtm^ they
commonly love from their excessive slothfulness to take their ease, and to die with scarce an3rthiiiff
but the recitation cf a few short jirayers as their occupation " Uoomb. Sum. Controv. lib. xL
p. 886.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING UTURGIEB. 359
encourage some to entide* their liturgies to those worthies, and call them
their fathers, and might persuade others, who were willing enough to
have it so (for the credit of their churches that used them) to believe
it was so indeed. But this, as I said, is but my conjecture ; but
whether it were so or otherwise, let others judge, as they see reason.
It suffices me, that these liturgies are spurious, and sa generally
accounted, in a manner, by all but those who are engaged in a cause
that needs such a defence ; and to uphold their trade, must deal in &lse
wares, and so see cause to plead for them, against very much of that
reason, a little of which they themselyes count a sufficient evidence of
forgery, in cases where such an interest is not concerned.
The next authority I meet with, is the fifteenth canon of the Venetic
synod, in which six bishops, towards the conclusion of the fifth age,
made this decree. Rectum quoque dtunmuSy ut vel intra prcvindcan
nostrcan, sacrorum ordo et paallendi una ait consuetudOy '^ We have also
thought it right, that, as to the order of sacred administrations and sing-
ing, there be one custom throughout our province." What is intended
here by ordo sacrorum, may be best understood by the council of Agde,
being a synod of the same country, held not long after this of Vannes,
that in the beginning of the sixth age, an. 506, this in the latter end of
the fifth. There* Ordo eccUsicB ab omnibus cequaUter custodiendua, " The
order of the church to be observed equally by all," is the disposing of
the responsals, prayers, hymns, and psalms, each in the place thought
most fit (according to Augustin's definition of ordo, Eat parium diapari"
umque rerum, aua cuique loca tribuena, dispoaitiof ''It is an arrangement
of things like and unlike by assigning to each its proper place,") and so,
applied to sacred administrations, ordo, established by a synod, if it
reached all particulars, will amount to no more than a rubric or direct-
ory. One and the same order might be observed by all the churches in
a province, in all offices, yea, and in prayers too ;' though the same
* ascribe.
* Et quia eonTenit, ordinem eocletiie ab omnnrai aqualiter eustodiri, stttdendum est nt (tieat at
ubique fit) post antlphonaa, eollectioiiei, ab jeplaoopia Tel preabyterii, dicantur. Et hymnl matn-
tlni Tel veipertliii diebos omnttmi deeantentnr, et In conclmione matntlnaniiii rel TeflpertiDa*
rum luistaram, post hymnoa, aqpitola de paalmia dieantur, et pleba ooUacta onitione ad fa ap ti am
ab episoopo enm benedletkme dimittatnr, '* And aince it ia auitable tbat the order of the ehunh ba
observed equally by all, it is decreed (as is everywhere the practice) that after the antlphoalat
collects be said by the bishops or presby ter s, and let the morning or erenlng hymns be sung ereiy
day ; and at the conduaion of matins or vespers, after the hymns, let leaser seetioos from the psalma
be read ; and in the evening let the congregation be dismissed with prayer and benMUetion bj
the bishop.** Condi. Agath. Can. [xzx.]
« Civ. Dei, Ub. xiz. cap. xiii.
* August. Ep. ad Januar. cxviiL cap. vL Apostolus de hoe saeramento loquena, stattm auh-
texuit : CsBtera cum venero ordinabo ; undo intelligi datur (qniA multnm erat nt in epistola totom
Uliui agendi ordinem tnainuaret, quem univeraa per orbem aervat eecleaia)ab ipao ordinatmB eaaa^
quod nulla morum divertitate varlatur, '* The apoatla apeaking of this aaonraieiit^ lmmadittal|y
subjoins, The rest will I set in oider whm I corns; whanoe we an glriB to tindaritand (rfaea it
was too much to introduoe into the eplitlo the whola otder of pcvMednit whUi the ndfinal
8a
A DISCOtTESB CONCERNING LlTUfiOrES
axpresstons were cot usMj nor them that officiated, at all tied ap to
words aod sjUabies. For example ; if, in the commoii office (at wiiidi
all oiiglit be present) ih^y began with psalms, aad tLen read some pan
of tlie law, or prophets ^ aad next some part of an epistle^ or of the
gospels, and afterwards proceeded to the sermon ; the same order wai
observed^'' though the same pealms were not always sung^ nor the same
leasQo twice in a year, and the same sermon never twice preached. So for
the prayers, if aooording to the order specified,* first prayers were maiJe
for the catechumens , then for the penitent^ after that for the faithfiil
And, if in that office peculiar to the faiihiiil, the prayers be ordered, aa
Atigustin thought the apoetles^ method was,^ so as first prayer be made
for all aorta ; then the' elem^its be consecrated ; after that the people
drareh thioo^oat the worid olwerrw) that It ha* been ordained I17 himaeli; that It thimld U
varied hj no direnity of cfutoma." Vid. Three Podtiona about PnbUe Piaiyen.
• ThepteaaeordopBallendifiaiiaedbjtheaecondeoaneOof Toiixt,aiidmeiBa,]Mt,9fllpnhai,
but qmoi; requlxea not the same, bni ao many paahna to be used. Cone. Turon. iL Can. zix. ia
Crab. xir. In Cazanxa, [xtIII. in Hardouln.] Thla waa a council held hi the aame coantxy wflh the
temer, an. 570.
What the stated order of wonhlp waa, we have an account in CyrlL Catech. Mystag. ▼. p. tSf .
yidiatia diaoonum vi^a^^i diiovra r^ Icfwt Kal Toir CMcXovdri r^ 999tavnip«ov toS 0«av w p t wp *
r4poi9, *' Te have seen the deacon give water to the biahop, and to the presbyten endreliaf tht
altar of God.**
EiTo /9of diaoonua, *AXXi|Xom hwoXafitrtt Kot AXX^Xovr &««o{^^i«^ " Then the deaeon ealli
out, Reodre one anothw, and let ua embrace one another."
Pottea damat sacerdoe, 'Avm rat cop^tar, " Afterwards the bishop cries, Lift up your hearts."
p. 240.
Vos deinde respondetis, *Exom<v irp^t rov Rupiov, " Then ye answer, We lift them up unto the
Lord."
Dicit deinde sacerdos, Evxa^MrT^wficv r^ fHvpitf, '* Then the bishop says. Let us give thanks
unto the Lord."
Vos dicitis, "Afiow KOI iUatov, " Ye say, It is meet and right so to do."
Kara ravra iXkr\fiovevoiitv oipa¥OV Kal fnt K.at OaXdavrt^, qXiov kcu atXJpftft, &ffTfimv ko2 wacnt
Tr}v KTiVcMv XoytKW TC Kai &X67OV, ^poTfif TC Kot aopoTOv, &77^Xmv, iLpxaffiXm^t dwd^wv, npt^
rifrttVf &px0Vi k^ovtriHv, 0p6vMV, r&v xtfMtvfiifx t6¥ r6 irp6vt0voy KaXwr^vrMv, Xiyovrtt to roi&afiA
McY<iXi>vaTc r6v Kvptov avv knot' /ivn^ovcvo/icv vvv Kai r&v xepov/Si/i, qiise in Spiritu Sancto cane-
bat Esaias, circuniRtantia tbronum Dei— atque direntia, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus Dominui I>e«
Sabaoth— aic per cjusmodi hymnoanos ipsos sanctificantes, Deum benignissimum onunoa, t^ 0710^
Dvcv/Jia ^(aa-oe-rciXai iwi to irpoK<</ieva, iva iroiiiaprow fiiv aprov cAfia Xpta^roZ' rov d* o<i>o» aifia
Xpivrov, " After this we make mention of heaven and earth, and sea, and the sun, moon and stan,
and all the creation, rational and irrational, visible and invisible, angels, archangels, hosts sad
dominiona, prineipalitlea and powers, thrones and cherubim veiling their faces, saying wi&
David, ' Magnify the Lord with me.' We also make mention of the cherubim which Esaias saw
in the Spirit, standing around the throne of God,~and saying, Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of
Sabaoth ; — thus with hynms of this kind sanctifying ourselves, do we beseech God moat gnwiMis,
to aend hia Holy Spirit upon the elementa, that he may make the bread the body of Chiiat, and
the wine the blood of Christ."
* Cone. Laodic. Can. xviii. ' Epiat. liz.
^ Deinde, postquam confectum est illud spirituale sacrlflcium, et ille cultua incruentna super
Ipsa propitiationis hostia, irapanaXwixtv t^i^ Oc6v ifwip iiotvriv r&v kKuXnetmv cipqviiv, vwip rm t**
n6fffiov tvara$eiat, inrip ^aoiX^tiv, Inrip crparturStv Kai avfXfxaxmVf itwip t6v kv iivBtvtiatt, ^rtf
tAv carairovov^^Mv, Kai &ira(airXfir, uwip wiivrtv fionOtiat 6€onivmv, " Then after that spiritnsl
sacrifice ia finished, and that unbloody worship over the propitiatory host itself, we intrcat
God for the common peace of the church, for the well-being of the world, for kings, for
aoldiera, and alUes, for the sick, for the afflicted, in a word for all who need help." Then (bOowt
what RivetUSSays is interpolated, A«o/tie0a ^ov rarrer hti*^t nai roirrifv wpoa^pofitv voi r^fwmoy.
Xwa fivnfio»9At»fA0¥ Kai r6v wpoKtKoifxnM**^** primum patriarcharum, prophetarum, apostolonun,
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 861
blessed; and the elements being distributed, all be concluded -with
thanksgiving : the same order of prayer is observed, though the same
prayers be no more used, than the same psalms or lessons always, or
the same sermon more than once. And the same is to be understood
of Can. 27 Cone. Epaon. anno 517.
But, if I minded not the discovery of the truth, more than upholding
of my opinion, or disproving of yours, I would grant, that by ordo is
understood a liturgy ¥rith prescribed prayers ; and it would be a great
disadvantage to your cause, to grant it ; for here is a plain signification,
[that] they had no such liturgy before, and the original hereof from
six bishops, in one province of France, where [were] fifteen or seven-
teen, and this not till the latter end of the fifth age, when all [was]
<nt)6df)a KaK&£y '^ greatly amiss.'*
And this is all which I can find alleged in behalf of these liturgies
for five hundred years after Christ, that is considerable," unless the
hymns Benedicite and Te Deum may be counted worthy of considera-
tion : and so, perhaps, they may be accounted, if not otiierwise, yet in
respect of the persons that so make use of them.
But the inference is not good, from forms of hymns to forms of
prayer ; much less from arbitrary forms of hymns, to prescribed forms
of prayer, or liturgies. Hymns are more elaborate, require more art
and ornament than prayers : and therefore, those who are not for set
forms of prayer, if they admit hjrmns of human and ordinary composi-
tion, see reason to have them in forms, and not without premeditation.
And their opposites ^ will not deny them here [to be] more needftd.
Nor will the inference hold, from prescribed hynms to prescribed
liturgies, from a small part (for which there is a different reason) to the
whole ; e.g.,i£ Nicephorus* report were true,^ that Theodosius junioTi
with his sister Pulcheria, enjoined the rpur^ytoy, (a hynm of six or eight
words,) to be sung throughout the world (which yet he makes question-
mATtyrum ; <hrwr 6 0«6v cuxuiv avrfiv ko< wfi*cfitiat9 wptMrhiftirat qfUvv ripf Mittf-iv, dvlnde pro
defunctis, ice. "We all beseech thee, and oilier to thee this aaexlfice, that we maj be mlndftil alao
of those who haye fUlen asleep ; fint, of the patriarchs, prophets, apostles, and martyrs, that God
through their prayers and intercessions, may reeetTO our supplication; then fbr the dead," tte,
CyrU. Ibid. p. 141.
eZto Xiyofiw rifv «(x'fVi " Next we say the prayer," (the Lord's prayer,) which he expounds,
pp. 242, 243. Expleta oratione didt Itftipf. " The prsyer being finisheil, he says Amen."
Sacerdos postea dlcit, &yia if ion' tos respondetis, «i» afiot, tit ILiptot 'It|o-ovr X^rr^, deinde
audistis psallentem, ac ad eommunionem adhortantem, Tt6aac0€ ko2 Idsrc Sn xp^^^ot 6 K^o«*
accedens ad commcmionem, ostendit quomodo, ftc. ic^r*»v, icai rp&wt vpovsw^cMt luu cc/8dcfta-
rot Xiftt* iifAii¥, " The bishop afterwards says. Holy things for holy men. Te answer. There is
one Holy, one Lord Jesus Christ. Then ye hear him sing and exhort. Taste and see that the Lord
Is good. Advancing to give the communion ha shows, ice. bowisf and saying with a kind oTwor-
ship and reverence. Amen."
Fostremo exaltaU oratione cixap*«T^ '^ Osy^ fol tt taalia if i f Ml DMuhb r adi HdU ,
« Lastly, with upUfled volee, ha gtraa thnki ta GaS, who Mh iiMrtwd Am vwtt^ tf ttm
Divine mystarias." • wotfheooildHiaff. • apptHMii • lAb ill^ «ii tffflr
Sa8
A DISCOURSE CONCBENING LrFCBOlES.
nblef by adding gacb a legend of its miraculans original,) could it b^
infi^rred from thence, that they enjoined [upon] the whole world the
SHine liturgy? Beaidesj hymns there were proacril>ed and so tjaed^ (viz.
thf' psalms of David^ and others of Divine iaspiration) in the apostles*
times, when oU our llturgists in a niaoner acknowledge [that] theit
were no prescribed liturgies.
As for those two hymns alleged, there is no eridenoe that they were
imposed, or so much as used, in any time, which will serve to prove the
antiquity of those liturgies, which is pretended, or any which is for their
reputation. That which b<ig:ine with Te Deum, is found by the great
Usher,* in some ancient manuscripts ascribed to Nicetius, (who, if it be he
of Triers, lived not till after anno 565.) He concurs herein with Menar-
dus« that it is not mentioned ia any author ancienter than the rules
which Benet wHt for the monks of his order, which was about the
middle of the sixth age., as m^y be collected from Baronius ; and those
rules had their first public approbation, anno 595. How long after this,
that hymn came to be used in the church, and when it was thought fit
to be imposed, is not worth the inquiring.
The other, called the Song of the Three Children, I have nowhere
discovered, before the fourth council of Toledo. It is mentioned,* as
used before, but then first imposed, anno 633. Such like hymns were so
far from being generally prescribed in the former ages, that the use of
them is forbidden in public, by synods, both in the Greek and Latin
church. Thus the Council of Laodicea*' decrees, *Ot« ov del IduortKovs
ylrcikfiovs XiytaBcu iv tJ tmckfjai^, ovli€ aKovovitrra fiiffkia' akXa ftopa ri
KopoviKh TTJs Kaivrjs Kal Trakaias HiaOrfiajSj " that private (or uncanonical)
psalms ought not to be used in the church, neither books that are not
canonical, but only the canonical (books) of the Old and New Testa-
ment." Where IdnaTucoift seems by the clause following, to be opposed
to KavoviKovs, as writings IBias ctriXucrcor are, by the apostle,' opposed to
those of Divine inspiration. So that the fathers of Laodicea, as they
prohibit any books but those that were canonical, so do they forbid
any psalms or hymns, save such as were of Divine inspiration, to be
used in the churches ; and the canons of this synod were received by
the church, amongst her universal rules. Add hereto,* a canon of the
Council of Braga, Extra pscdmos Veteria Testamenti nihil poetice cm-
positum in ecclesia pscUkUur, " Besides the psalms of the Old Testament,
let no poetical composition be sung in the church.''
Thus I have given an account of the testimonies produced for the
antiquity of the liturgies in question, and of all that I have met with, after
• EpUt. ante Diatribam de Symbolo, p. 2. * Can. xiii.
' Cone. Laod. Con. ult. [In Uardouin, the iaat but one.] ^ 2 Peter i. 20, 21.
' Cone. Bracar. i. an. 565, [cap. xil.]
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 369
endeavours to meet with all, having waived none wherein there might
be conceived to be any strength, or wherein I could perceive any show
of it. What opinion others may have hereof, I "will not conjecture. For
my own part, after a careful observance" of whatever might seem to have
any force or evidence, for that purpose, I may profess, that (as this was
it, which first swayed my judgment to that part of Uie question wherein
it now rests ; so still) I am very well satisfied, even by these testimonies,
that there was no such thing, as that for which they are alleged. To
me there needs no more arguments, nor (if I much mistake not) will
more be very needful to any other, whose minds are not prepossessed
w^ith something too hard for their reason.* For if there had been such
liturgies used constantly in all churches through the world, for five
hundred or six hundred years next after Christ, it is not imaginable, but
[that] there would have been such remarkable traces, yea, such clear
evidence in some, yea, in many of the ancients (especially the writers
being so numerous, their writings left us so fiill and voluminous, and the
occasions of mentioning them so very frequent,) that thei'e might have
been had as full and clear proof thereof, and with as much ease, as of any
one thing, whose antiquity hath been questioned. Now, when many have
curiously searched antiquity for this, and being pricked on by opposi-
tion, have pursued the search with great industry, under a quick sense
too how much they are concerned herein, and being withal, persons of
as great ability for the discovery, as any we can expect will attempt it,
divers of them seeming as well acquainted with what is obvious in anti-
quity (which is all that is needful in this case) as with their own lodg-
ings, and some of them no strangers to her in her retirements and less
traced recesses ; after they have (as they tell us, and we might have
believed it, if they had not said so) made the fairest proof thereof they can,
yet produce nothing which any that are impartial can account, or which
I am apt to think they themselves can believe to be sufiicient proof, (if
their belief were beholding to nothing but their reason :) may it not be
hence reasonably concluded, that what, in these circumstances, is not
now discovered, was not then extant ? Such liturgies used everywhere,
for so many hundred years, are a matter of that nature, which would
have been obvious at a superficial view, and of easy proof to such as
have no intimate acquaintance with antiquity. If then, we can have no
intelligence thereof from those who may think themselves wronged, if
they be not counted her secretaries ; if no discovery thereof be made by
• cotifcideration.
* Oif ra npafiAara ciiri** wi^vKt ckow*T, aWo rifv iavroZ ftfrnfinv irarri v$i¥tt KvpStvat wpoof
pelTCM- o fiovXtTot rovro nai otcrai, KaiVoi w^^MnT*** »oXXditit uvrl^*t^onivttv^ ** He dOM OOt
regard the nature of the tact», but resolve* beforehand to conflim with all bia mifbt bla own
opinion : what he wishes to be, that he thinks to be, although ftoU often give an oppoaite Twdiot.**
IsidoT. lib. ▼. Ep. di. [B.]
864 A DISCOURSE CONCBBNXNe UTUBOIBS.
thai diligence which has ransacked All the oonien, penetrated the
inwards, and dived to the bottom of antiqoitj for it : what ground ia
there to expect any discoTery thereof hereafter? What reascm is theie
left us to believe any other[wise], but that such seaixdi hath been for a
thing that was not, and that the supposed litoigies of those ages had no
being, but in the imagination of later times ?
And now, I may from the premises conclude, that £at five hundred
years after Christ (if not more) the ordinary way of worshipping God
in public assemblies, was not by prescribed liturgies.
Instead of a more particular discovery of their introduction, this may
suffice, and is enough for my purpose, that they were not the common
usage, while the state of the church was anything tolerable, nor till it
was sunk deep into degeneracy, and was much worse than when Chry-
sostom complained 2^<$dpa KoxAt r^ rijf €KKK7i<rlas duucccrvc,* '' The church
is in an exceeding bad case,** and compares it to one laid out for
dead, 'Ootrrp o-A/ui vticpov rijs iKKkffoiag 6p& r6 «-X$(9off ipp^i^iivcv rmv &^.f
'' I see the church for the most part laid out like a dead body.** And
again to a house qiiite burnt down, having taken fire at the piUars,
which should have supported it f where he says, it was many a day
since the church through the world was overturned, and laid flat on
the ground, all being equally involved in evil, but those that were its
rulers more guilty than others ; IloXXac r^fupai €( aZ r^s oUovfitvrjs i
tK/cXria-ia KaretrTparrrai koI ctr €8a<f>o£ iccirac, iravr^v ((iarjs r^ Kaic^ jcarf;(0-
luvnov, fioKKov b€ Ta>v eV dpxols oirr»p rots avrols v7r€vBvyc»v,^ And else-
where [be] represents it to us, by a woman* robbed of her jewels and
treasure, having nothing left, but ^icae koi Kifiw-ioj " cabinets and
caskets," some poor empty significations of what precious things once
she had. In which description he is followed by Isidore of Pelusium/
• Horn. rxfx. in Act. [pp. 776, 777.1 * In 2 Cor. Horn, [xxvii.] p. 692.
• In Ephes. Horn. x. p. 816. ^ p. 817.
' *A\\* loiicev fj kKK\ri<ria vvvyvvcuici rrft iraXai'ar <vtiM<P*<*P kKW€<rov<rn, nai rik trv^^oXa KaTtX"*^
woWaxov fi6vov Tf|f ^pxaiat €vvpafiat ihtivtitt "o* '^ar M^*' 0^ar rmv xpt^(**v kwiittmrv^itn w
TCI K(/3wrio, t6v di frXovTOv &<f>r\pnt^^*p' ratTij irpo<rioM€v r» imcXri^ia vvv, *' But the churdi <rf
our day resembles a -vroman who has lost her former fortune, and only retains in many places the
symbols of that ancient splendour, and shows the caskets and cabinets of her Jewels, but hsth
been robbed of her wealth; such a woman is the church like now." Chrys. in I Cor. Horn, xxxrl ,
p. 487.
/"Oti piiv tucfiaCovctit rrit iiC4(X no'tar, Kai firfwrn vtvoat\Kviat, ra Otia wept airifir kx6p€vt X^^
MOTo, TOW h'^lov nvti'txtxroK dfi^a^w^ovvrov, aa* t6v irpoca'T«rr«»i' eicaoTOv Ktyovrrov, Kai oipa*«»
rifv iKuXnciav voiovrrot, wikct 6hXov voriv' oti d« voirt\<rtivnv icai aTa<na<ratrmt iir*»Tfi wuvra
kK9iva Kai awtinidf\etv' oi Tci xoP'0'Mo'''o f^^^ov (oi fap ^ir ovTut 6ttvitv et tovto /uoi^ir it*} iXA»
icai fiiot nai ajxTif, " It is manifest to all that when the church was in her bloom, and hsd not
as yet fkllen sick, the Dirine graces danced around her. the Holy Spirit inspiring and stirring ^P
each of the bishops, and making the church a heaven ; but that, now that the church has become
diseased and paralysed, all these have taken whig and sped away : not her graces alone (for wen
this all it were not so fearftil) but even ber life and virtue," &c. Isidore, lib. liL Ep. 408. And this,
as Isidore adds, riapfi rijv rStv oi 3«6vtmc ra wpdffAara n€raxetptiofM€viav tuuLiav, " Owing to the
Tices of those who improperly undertake to manage her affairs," &c. Lib. v. Ep. xxi. Tav-ra i*
A DI8C0UB8B CONCEBNING UTUBQIES. 866
Particularly the d^;enerac7 of the choioh was lamentable^ as cm
many other accounts, so (to waive those that are less pertinent to the
business in hand) in respect of worship, and the persons who ordered
and administered it.
The worship of €rod was first fearfully corrupted ; the native plain-
ness and simplicity of it, (r^ SufKoutop Kak AntpUfrfow if&o*) most amiable
to God, and all that are like him, iSfr<Sd#«roy Otf xaX vaxrl rois ixMlpf
cocieciov/icyotr/ was vitiated and defaced with the paint and patches of
bold and wanton fancies.
The law of God, the only rule and standard of Divine worship, was
overlooked in the reg^ulating of it; and that offered to God at a venture
whether it pleased him or no, which was pleasing to men ; without
consulting his word, by which alone is known what is^ acceptable to
him.
There were more compliances with the heathens, than with the
scripture ; and so the church [was] too hx from being, as Origen says,
what God, in sending Christ and the Gospel, designed them to be,
dKKXrfcias ciyrcfroXcrcvofiryaf ^KKkifO'ltug ^ftiridai/M^y, " OOngregatiGns oppo-
site to the assemblies of the superstitious.*'^
The Christian worship was made more ceremonious than that of the
Jews, and clogged oneribus aerviUbuSf " with more badges of thraldom ;*'
whereby the state of Christians was rendered hx more intolerable than
theirs under the law; their impositions being from the pleasure of
God, but these from the will of presumptuous men, enthralling that
religion which God in mercy would have had free. So Augustin,'
w»ixfiai¥tt in rev woWa xou wwno^awik htUk^rnvBat roTt rh ithavtuxkuAv ^ittfui iyMXMpc^
fjLtivott, '* This comes of sins numerous and of an kinds committed \fy tboM who haro undOTtakeB
the office of teaching." Vid. lib. li. Ep. ▼. [p. 129.]
• Origen contr. Gels. Ub. Tili. p. 418.
* Oiv^ir f^ pkiwmv relit rift ^vjijit b^BaXfunt BXXf rpAv^ vifi^t r6 Octov vapd r^v kwoduif
vivra, " For no one who looks attentlTely with the ayes of his miiul, worshipa the DiTlnitj In any
other than the prescribed manner," ftc. Id. iUd. lib. tU. p. 807.
T^ yap rtfimfiinf ri^if h^vrpit nv [ti^it] 0cXci, oirx hv hfUit ¥Oiii(^OfUv, ** That honOUr ii most
agreeable to Him who reeelTes our honours, which Ht wills, not that which tn think proper."
Chrysos. in Matt. Hom. [1.] tom. U. p. 8S8.
« Contra Gels. lib. iii. p. 118.
' Sed hoc nimia doleo, quia multa quss In dlrlnla Ubris saluberrtme pr»[cepta] aunt, mbraa
curantur; et tarn multis prsesumptlonlbns sle plena sunt omnia, ut graTius oorr^iiatur, qvl per
octavas suas terram nudo pede tetlgerlt, quam qui mentem ylnolentia sepelisrU. QuamTis enhn
nequehoc iuTeniri possit, quo modo contra fldem sint ; ipsam tamen reUgkoem quam panrlsshnta et
manifestissimiscelebrationumsacramentis, MISERICORDIA DEI ESSE LIBERAM VOLUIT,
BERVILIBUS ONERIBUS PREMUNT, ut tolerabiUor sit conditio JudsBomm, qui etlamai
tempos libertatis non agnorerint, legalibus tamen sarcinis, non humanis prsaumptionlbns aub-
Jiduntur, " But over this I chiefly grieve, that many most wholesome duties whkh are preaerlbed
In the Divine books are least regarded ; and all institutions are so stuffed with so many flmdee,
that he is more severely censured who during his ocUvei barea his ftet,* than he who over-
• Augustine here allttdee to the aneknt eoatom of abitalning ftem the haHi fbr a weak ifl«
b^^m.— En.
866 A DISCOURSE CONCE&NINO UTUBOIES.
complaining thereof, expresseth it ; for one inatitation of God's, there
were ten of man's, and their presamptaoos devices more rigorooflty
pressed, than the Divine precepts ; so that if the whole had been de-
nominated from what was predominant therein, it was in danger to kee
the name of Divine worship.
Nay, some of the most horrid* abuses were invading it ; invocatioii
of saints, adoring of pictures, and giving Divine honours to the creatures.
After such company those forms found entertainment. So was the
worship of God adulterated, and the corruptions still increasing and
growing worse, before these became the highway of worshipping. And
by it, the rest became general and incurable errors and abuses, [which]
before [were j but private and voluntary ; being hereby authorised and
enforced.
This was after all the great lights of the church were extinct. Such
liturgies were not tup wmpm^ r6 Ktififpuop, " the l^acy of the fiohers,"
but ptArtpop t<l}€vprffia, as Basil [speaks] in another case,^ '^a later
invention ;'* afier those, whom we honour under die notion of Others,
were dead and gone, ^Xryoi dc ol warpSunp 6fwtMy^ *' few are there like the
fathers." Their successors' (who nuiy glory therein) were nothing like
them, but too commonly under the character of Bonifoce, ligrui tacer-
whelms hli mind in drunkennen. For though it cannot be discovered wherein these cnstomi
•re contrary to the ftith, yet they oyerload religion itself, WHICH THE MERCY OF GOD
WOULD HAVE TO BE FREE, possessing very few and very simple sacramental observances,
WITH SERVILE BURDENS; so that the condition of the Jews is more tolerable. who, even
if they do not recognise the dispensation of liberty, yet arc subject to i«ya/ impositions^ not »
human fiincies." August. Epist. cxix. Ad Januar. cap. xlx.
Multa denique de cultu divino usurpata sunt, quae honoribus deferentur humanis: tin
humilitate nimia, sive adulatione pestifcra; ita tamen, ut quibus ea deferentur, homines habe-
rentur qui dicuntur colendi et venerandi ; si autem iis mUltum additur, et adorandi, ** Many
things, in fine, pertaining to Divipe worship, are in use, which are abused to the honourinir (<
men ; either ftt)m an excessive humility, or flrom a noisome habit of flattery ; so that those mea
to whose honour it is prostituted, are looked upon as men who may be said to be worthy of
worship and religious veneration ; nay, if the practice proceed much fkrther, of adocmtioii.'' !<!•
De Civit. Dei, lib. x. cap. iv.
• Vid. Theodoret. de Curand. Graec. AfTect. lib. ix.
nirpov 0r|<r( r6v Kva^a hwivoncai, iv tudirrp cvx^ t*!^ 0<otokov ovo^dC«<r0ai, *' It is said tlist
it was Peter Gnapheus, who enjoined that Mary should be called in each prayer, the Ifotbrr of
God." Theod. Lect. Collect, lib. ii. p. 189. npfirov kwtvSnat kv iKatrrri ttfxh ^h* OeorSiov 'of»t^
Cttr$ai, " He first enjoined that Mary should be styled in each prayer the Mother of God." Cedres.
Comp. Histor. p. 299. Nolite consectari turbaa imperitorum, qui vel in ipsa vera religione super-
stitiosi stmt, " Abstain tram following the crowds of the simple who, even as it regard! tx»
religion itself, are superstitious.** Novi multos esse sepulchrorum et picturarum adoratoies, "I
have known many to be worshippers of tombs and pictures." Auguatin, lib. i. De Moribos Ecdd-
Cathol. cap. xxxiv.
» De Jcjun. Horn. i. p. 130. [ed. Paris. 1722, p. S, A. tom. IL] ' CTem. Alex. Strom, i
•' Isidore ascribes the lamentable condition of the church to the degeneracy of pastors, T&re m«» "f
^tXdpcTOi f tv rijv icp«*4rvvf|y wpoifyutTO, vwi d« ol ^iXapifvpoi* t6t« ol tp^t-yovrtv t6 wpSrjua irf
tA fiift$o^ rnr apxnri •«»» ^ ol iiriirnW»»'Tec ry irpd^^ori ita to ft^yeifot rm y po^nt' Tort ^
iutTtifAocvvfj inovciff l»afipv¥6fJiitwoif vvvi 6i ol n\€ov€^ia lnovoit^ xpn/iaTiCo/xcvoi' rSrt oi «P*
o^OnXf^iStw (xoyrtv r6 Uciov dtKaerijpiov, vvvi H ol fxf}^* Svvotav rotnov vxovrti' tAt< ol ti*t<#W*i
i«v Ac ol rt-9i€iv troifiot, " In former times lovers of virtue were promoted to the episcopate; »»».
lovera of gold ; than, men who shunned tht office on account of the magnitude of the dtarfCi
A DISC0UB8B CONCEBNING UTUROIBS. 867
doteSy "wooden piiestB," and thongb so much of another temper than
those that went before them, yet served the better for this torn, being
imperious, or slothiul, or insufficient.
Prelacy was declining into tyranny long before ; and bishops in many
places grew insolent and intolerable, forgetting that they were ordained,
ov woifjunfs ^X'^> ^^* op^pJurmp ifrurrarw ^fntxiut,* '' not to exercise
dominion over the flock, but to take charge of souls.** The stirrings
of this domineering humour were complained of in part of the fourth,
and [in the] beginning of the fifth age ; and shooting up daily and
speedily, we may guess to what height it might come by an hundred years*
growth. Nazianzen complains in his time, of prelates who when they
had overrun all things else with violence, in fine tjrrannized over piety
itself, ol Srav irama dit^fkBwri fiiaC6fjL€¥0ij rcXcvnuoy rvpawpowr^ im\ ri^
hta-tP^iav,^ and wishes that there were no prelacy in the church, not
only under the notion of local pre-eminence, wpo€dpia icai r&mv vpoWfu^r,
but of tyrannical prerogative, rvpayyuci^ wpopofdaS
Their tjrranny was one thing, if Erasmus mistake not, which drave
Jerome out of the world into a cell. To be sure Chrysostom, so
rigorously persecuted for endeavouring to reform the then prevailing
corruptions, professed that he feared none so much as bishops, ovdcra
yhp \oin6v ^liouca »s [tvw] ivuricAtnvt.* And Arcadius puts one of them
in mind, viz., Theophilus of Alexandria, that the audaciousness and
tyranny of the bishops before him had ruined the nation, and dispersed
Imt now, men who Jump at th« office for its gieat luxuikmineM ; then, thoee who boattad of volaiitaiy
poverty ; now, however thoee who enrich themfehrec \fy wilftil ooTetonineu; In finmier dqre, tboM
who let before their eyes the Divine Judgment-eeat ; Imt now, thoee who have not lo miwh m a
tbonght of the tame ; then, thoee who were ready to he etrleken ; hut now, tboaa who aie ready
to strike.'* Isid. lib. ▼. Ep. xxi. Id. lib. Ui. Ep. cexziiL [p. S46, A.]
Horrid Corruption of the Clergy, lib. v. Epis. ISI.
*H x<^poTov'a o^t *** Afsv^Jav ^4 ft, o^ cZr t^ot kwaip€t, oA dworrecav wop^i, "OnUnatloil
does not bring to power, doee not raise on high, does not oflbr ■way." Toft \ii0tt iMKftSt
dovX*vet¥ f>fiM4rc, *' He thought It to he the serving of our own brethren." Chiyioa. Hem. zxxTtt.
tom. vi. p. 442.
*H Kp«tTTMv wavnt kXitidot tc kcu tl^xnt rfiv wpafnArmw kwavSp^m^tt k hwi toS XpieroC j^jm n f
^^vilf M»6vvti9t iiixavpcv9$at Into rnr tAv wap &rrov rtfiii^irrmw iwmnpfikffnm KoiUat, "A*
more desirable reformation of matters for which Is all our hope and prayer, vis., one made nndar
Christ, is in danger of being hindered by the matchless wicked n es s of thoee putIn cOccby htan.*
Isid. Ub. V. Ep. S7S. [p. MS, A.]
He adds, ''a* oU 6 rp69ot r6v fia$iA69, 6 fiaBfiit M tAv t^ov virre^rrai, wofovoXv T^t
TdfcMv ivaXXarroijJwnt, ** Whose cooversatloB does not accredit their degree, but their d«grea
their conversation, with a great perversion of ccder." EUher so Indulgent, At &v imr^ iuwK6frrotrm
coju'o, aXXA Koi aid<(#Ko<To, n rp rpax^nn -rfit AfX^I' ▼* ieanBv •vysaX^VTorrst, "that vtoe It
not only unrebuked, but even taught, or else amoChered up by the banhncss of thalr rule, and
their own foulU.**
• Nas. Ozat. I. p. 8.
* Orat xxi. in Land. Athanas. ^«^_^r^^_^-«,«.
« Mt|M wpo^a^ia, MuM Tit v^wev wp<rr^#(h* '^Sff^i^HffipPPR^wi *f ^^trtrs fiAmtrt^
0it6fi90a, "Let there btaallhcr fwW j Jjor lh^ lucjif v"^'^^^T<v<>t-'* ■'^■^ t;esi}iii<»l ynshitttn,
tbatwemaybtknowBbyMrvlrtMdbne." Oiat. uttJ[.
^ EpistxllLp.fi. VI«.I|M. I. p. 14.
868 k DIBCOUBSB CONCBRNINO UTDBGIBB.
the people through the world, ou XcXiy^ vtfpnw 9n t^v vpir ^ipxtt^mt
waKToKfua mi rvpatfpia ro {"^r Skmn Kai mU iraow ri^ otnNi/icnyv dWmrcipcy.'
So in Isidore Pelusiota* episcopacy, as diverB exerciaed it, is tvpamruB^
avTwofua, a '* tTrannical licentiousnefls,'' becaoae they turned it intodomi-
nation, or rather to speak freely, into tyranny; ^cdi) tU apx^^ fioXXw
bif r2 xph M*^ wappfia-ias clrcir, th rvfMUfMa oM funpfv$§ua69 runfS
The chiefest of them made bold to leap over the just boimda of thou
place and office, wapk r^r UptBovmig cvi dvMurrcMv, to secular domination,
as Socrates tells us.' And as there is his testimony for those of Rome
and Akzandria, so have we the fear of the fathers at Ephesus for others,
&a fu) ^ Upovpylas irfXKrx^fiart, i^owritu KtHrfuiajs rv^f iro^urdviTTai, " leSt
under the pretence of a sacred function, the pride (haughtiness) of
secular power should creep in.*^' Also the obsenration of the Council
of Chalcedon, fKBtw th vffm, its nWr wap6. tow eocXi|<ruurrucovff tfco^Mvc
vfKHr^pdfumns ^waartiais/ " that some, against the ecclesiastical roles,
did aflect domination.^
The bishops' of Rome affected it with a witness, asserting and con-
• In Gcorf. Alex. Vit Cbiyiiw. e«p. xxxix. p. Sit.
* After instanoM of great degeneracy, be addt, Kai ri d«r ra woXKa X^ccv ; M^TovcvrtNcivai
\otw6w ri ^(w/ia jfdo^cv u96 l«p«»avvf|r etc rvpa¥¥*6i»' uwo rafr^ivo^pocvvm tit hw€pn^a9i«»'
&«& Mt^YCtac cU rpv^ipr ikwi oUoro/utav clt itawortiav' ov yip 4rt tHKov6fi<H iL$iov<rt ^eucctf, aXX'
dk dc<nroTai c^repiCtoBat, "And what need U there of manywonUr The office leftusseemi
to hare degenerated from a bishopric, into a tyranny ; fVom humility, into superciliousneu ; from
fiudng, into luxurionaneu ; from stewardship, into lordship. For they do not seem to administer
like stewards, but to appropriate like lords." Isid. lib. v. £p. zxi.
He sa]rs he accuses not all; there were some Kara dwo^roXiKov xapaKrripa, " after the apoMolie
■tamp," but Tery few, (Epist. Ixxxix.) and those guUty, because such was the multitude of the
iuio\dvrm¥f " licentious," that they were afraid, and durst not speak against them.
Though things seemed desperate, yet there might be some hopes of better, if the j^irrnrM,
" under-nilers," the chief of the church, wavtrdfitvot rht rvpowtdoc, rarpiKipf Knirifioviav ^tdct-
(mvrcu, " ceasing their t^Tanny, would manifest fatherly solicitude." Lib. v. Epis. cxxri Bishops'
tyranny hindered reformation, which was otherwise feasible, though to some it seemed impossible.
Those who observed the apostles* rule were uXifoi KOfxtip, " very scarce." Lib. v. Epis. Ixxidx.
^tttvi/t TO fiicQv rnt dpxf^^^oi^ Xc(rovp7(ar Koi rm wvi rvpavvi6<K, " Exhibiting the mean
between the ancient ministry and the present tyranny." Lib. iii. Epist. ccxxiii. vid. Having shewed
in many particulars Sn eir rvpawiia t6 rrit wpadrnrot /jtcraKcxt^nKcv &f tw^ta, " that the oiSce sf
the ministxy has degenerated into a tyranny." Ibid.
« Epist. (ad Theodot.) cxxv. lib. U.
' Hist. lib. vii. cap. vlL et ci^i. xi. Some except against Socrates, as a Novatian. But who
ean except against Isidore, who represents it worse, and complains of it as general r Vid. lib. v.
Epist. xxL and lib. ill. Epist. ccxxiii. The bishops affected the grandeur of princes, lib. v. Epist
Ixxxix. Epist. CClxXXVi. Ttvcc 6ij rfiv wft v^ttrtptl^ovruv, icai rifv frotfxtvtuijv ^iXoaro^iat ««f
rvpawviKipt avrovouiav fieri fia\o¥ ' ovk vitti'Bvvov apxh^ ifiirtwicrtvaBai, iiW avronparvpiOfr
i(ov<riav MttXnp6o$ai vofiicavrev, " But some of the modemizers of the present day, change
l^toral affection Into tyrannical self-will, fancying they are entrusted not with responsible nik,
but are possessed of autocratic authority." Lib. v. Epist. cdv. [Lib. v. Epist. ccxxxiv.] [Lib. iv.
Epist. ccxxix ] • Can. in Cod. clxxviil / Can. xii.
r Ad spiritualem (monarchiam) cceptum est aspirari palam et aport^, 4 nonnullu papanun,
circa an. 400, " Some of the popes began to aspire to a spiritual monarchy, openly and without
dlsgui&e, about the year 400." Ca«aub. Exercit. %\± num. ccix. p. 541. Vid. Exerc. xv. p. 302.
Circa an. Dom. 420, priroo Zosimus, delude Bunifacius, duo praecocos Hildebranduli, reges
agere incipiunt, et Karanvpitvtiv rS>v K\ript»v dominium exercere adversus electos in spirituaUbos,
"About A.n. 420 Zoeimus first, and then Boniface, two precocious forerunners of Hildehrud,
1 A DI6C0UB8E CONCERNING LTnTBOIES. 869
V tending for a supremacy over all other churches ; and were so impotently
■ zealous for it, as" they attempted to get it acknowledged by a gross
ic forgery used by Zosimus, Boni&ce, and Celestinei to a council in Airica;*
s by Leo also in his letters to Theodosius the emperor ; and by his
fj legate to the Council of Chalcedon.^
^ Nor did the bishops of Rome domineer alone in the west; other
g prelates acted, in lower capacities, answerably, as appears by Prosper,
I complaining of the bishops in his time, as if they made account that
^ fi>r this alone they had their power, that they might exercise a tyran-
{ nical dominion over those who were xmder them. Ad hoc potenUa tan^
■ 1km [effecH,'] ut nobis in subjectos tyrannicam dommtOumem vindicemuB.*
Such and worse was the tyranny and imperiousness of bishops, before
they conspired to make orders, that none should use a word in public
prayers, at the most solemn administrations, but what, and as they
thrust it into their mouths.
Nor was this before those who ordered and administered the publio
worship, were grown n^ligent and slothful, easing themselves of the
chief duties of pastors, viz., those which were laborious and required
any intense exercise of their Acuities. Particularly it was after diligent
and frequent preaching (which was the happiness even of the fourth,
and part of the fifth age, and their security too, (some stop being hereby
put to that degeneracy into which all was sliding down) and the excel-
lency also of diose bishops, who were the lights and ornaments of those
times,) was growing out of fashion. When that of Maximus was too
true, Qui reipsa doceant out doceantur admodum paud, " They who reaUif
teach, or are taught, are in a manner few.*' When those who had the
charge of souls, declined the work, but were eager after the poweri
profits and dignity of the place ; and so retaining the name of pastors,
were really no such thing : which Prosper thus bewails,' " But we,
began to pUy the king, ftnd to domineer orer the elergy, and to ezereiM rok In ^pixltiul thingi,
to the prejudice of the elect,** ftc. Id. ibid.
'Eiri T^ X**pov ra wp^jfAara wpon\9tt ««< roirm¥ 4/iiCtt atrtot, " Ifatters grow WOfM Wd WOIW,
•nd we are the eaiue of thete things,** 4/Ac«ff M fiovX6fi9$a woXXnv ^woXaZcat rpv^nt sai Avawa^
99Mt Kai iiitiavt ** 7^ WO determine to enjoj luxury and eaie and pleasure,** tput^ CnroSfiev koI
oUtav Xa/ivpuf Kai vAtfav rlfv ftXXnv ft^vtov, ** We seek luxury and splendid palaoes, and erery
Other delight.** Chrya. in 1 Cor. Horn. vL p. 177, S78, et in Eph. Horn. tL p. 7M. That of
Chrysostom was forgot, ob j^p Zkpjcjbvrt^v ri^ot f^ri rA ivreSBa, o&H apxofAhmv do^Xonphfia*
dWa dpxii wvnfAaruiii, rowty fidXiara vXiovMToSe'a, t^ fi vXiov rfiv rSvuv hwip viit hitAw,
dvahix*«Bai, f^rrtdoT, oi r^ rtfiat vXccow hninfiv, ** We have not here the haughtiness of
rulers, nor the serrllity of subjecU, but a spiritual rule, especially in reepeet to this assumption
of the beariest labours, by reason of care for you, not in respect to a craving after the greatest
honours." Horn. xtUL p. 647, in S Cor. Vid. Hom. IL in Tit. L ft, p. 8M.
• that. * [Cone. Caith. Ti.]
« Act XTl. torn. iL Cone. ' Da Vlt Contempl. lib. L 019. xxL
' Sed nee prssatntibns daieetail, dnm in haa vite annimorta MaCia at honaiaal;
ut meliorea, sad nt dMona; aaa at iintlaiM, aat M bWiwriHawi dBnu» [avtaria] i
Nee gregem Domial, q«i wtM fMMiiiaa twatHfai aoipMlpi .Mt| •
370 A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES.
(modestlj including himself, that they who were guilty might take less
exception) delighted with tilings present, while we hunt after the advan-
tages and honours of this life, make all haste to be prelates, not that
we may be better, but richer ; not that we may be more holy, but more
honoured. Neither do we regard the Lord's flock, which is committed
to us, to be fed and preserved ; but we carnally (mind) our pleasures,
domination, riches, and other allurements. We will be called pastors,
but we strive not to be such. We decline the labour of our office,
affecting (only) the profit and dignity," &c. This way of worship was
well suited to the humours of such pastors ; and they were more
thoroughly and generally of this temper, than in Prosper's time, before
it could have free entertainment.
The lamentable insufficiency of those who took up this ministration,
we may judge of, by the noted defectiveness of those times, part
whereof were in this respect, incomparably better. The unworthiness
of those who were preferred, is noted by Ambrose,* Nazienzen,* and
almost every one, who was not obnoxious. Not only the pride, but the
ignorance of the western bishops, and some of the chief of them, is cen-
sured by Basil,^ now /So^^cta an6 rrjg dvo-ur^s- otfipvoi ; ol r6y^ aXriBis, oCrt
taaaiv, oOrt fiaBfiv mxovTOL \* " What relief can be expected from the
superciliousness of the west, where they neither know the truth, nor will
learn ?** The condition of the east was not much better, for a little after
dominationem, divitUs, et cstera blandimenta carnaliter cogitamus. Putores dici volumut, nee
tamen esse contendimus. Officii nostri vitamus laborem : appetimus dignitatem.
And in a subsequent passage, Gregem Domini pasccndum, pastores facti, su&cepimus : et nos
ipsos pascimus, quando non gregum utllitati prospicimus, '^ed quid foveat et augeat nostras volup*
tates attendimus. Lac etianas ovium Christi, oblationibus quotidtanis, ac dccimis fideliuro gauden-
tes, accipimus : et cuxam pascendorura gregum ac reficiendorum d quibus perverso ordine Tolumus
pascl, deponimus, " When made pastors we undertake to feed the Lord's flocks, and we feed our-
selves, seeing we look not to what is good for our flocks, but regard what may soothe and increase
our own pleasures. The milk and fleeces of Christ's sheep we receive, ei^oying ourselves with
the oblations and tithes of the faithful ; and we lay aside all care for feeding and refreshing our
flocks, by whom with a perversion of order we want to be fed." De Vit. Contempl. lib. i. cap. xxi.
• Ambros. De Sacerd. Dignit. cap. v. Qui mentis torpore habetati sacerdotalem diflfamant digni-
tatem, " WtiO stupified by the drowsiness of their mind, bring the sacerdotal dignity into con-
tempt."
* Naaianz. Orat. Funeb. Athanas. Ot ^ndty r^i tcpwoi'vj'y ftitoatvi-^iiiovrt^ trnbi rnD KaXvfv irpora-
XcuVMp^cra fTCC, hfiov re liaBt\Tai Kai btbdoKaXot rriv tiet^tiat uv<x6«inwvrai, tCC. " Who bringing
nothing with them suitable to the priesthood, and having previously laboured in no honourable toil,
turn out to be at once learners and teachers of piety." Vide et Orat. in Laud. Basilii, where be
says, the holy order was in danger to be rendered most ridiculous— and the bishop's chair, not for
the most worthy, but [the] most potent.
« Damasus is included in that censure of Basil. Siricius passes for a dull and sluggish person ; a
simpleton in Jerome, simplicitati illuderet episcopi, " he amused himself with the simplicity of the
bishop," (Epist. xvi.) and sluggish even in Baronius, causam fidei segnius tractans, "dealing with
the cause of the faith somewhat sluggiiihly." In Spond. ad an. S97, n. 6. And Innocenttus, if we
may believe Erasmus (passing that Judgment on liim for a piece wherein he might be presumed to
have shown his best) had nothing in him worthy of his place. Yet we can scarce find two of the
bishops of Rome in three hundred years, better accomplished than these. What were the 1
lighU commonly, when the greater were so dim ! ^ Epist. p. 286.
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 371
we hear from Sozomen and others, tliat Asia and the parts about it
were sick of their unworthy bishops, vcKooi/iM^rov, and languished under
the want of such as were really pastors.
In the diocese of the orient, Chrysostom" complains that the unworthy
were preferred, and those fitly qualified cast out ; ov yap roifs dpo^iovs
eyKpiuovai p6voVy aiXXa Koi rovs inirrfd^iovs ticfiaXXovo'i, " a double misery
and equally grievous;*' koI yap f( tarft oifiai €l»(u dfivAv.* [To the same
effect Isidore speaks,] \6yos roiwv 7rcpc<^oir^ Karh yrjv Koi BaKarraVy Sri ovdrtf
ra}V €v ^tovvrav \oin6v tls Upaavvrjv irpo\€ipia'Bria'€rakj '^ therefore the saying
is borne over land and sea, that none of the virtuous are preferred to
the priesthood ;" not because there are none such, oKka Ka\ fuaovprai koI
eni^ovXevovraij Kai (^arpaKi^oPTeu, as r&v iroXK&v iktyxovrts t6v /3iov,*
" but they are even hated and intrigued against, and outvoted as reprov-
ing the multitude's manner of life." If they endeavour to reduce but
a mean person, they are hissed at, as those who are guilty of greater
evils themselves. AtoTrcp np<arjv fitv ^v 6 lepevs r^ Xa^ (fyoPtposy vvv dc 6
\a6s T^ ifpet,'' " Therefore formerly the priest was a terror to the people,
hut now the people to the priest." Ancient discipline [was] neglected,
the virtuous [were] oppressed, the wicked indulged ;* <^(p6v cWi, koX
\iav <f>o^€p6u t6 €ls ifpoiovvrju win rcXcVai, ^' it is a fearful thing, and more
than fearful now-a-days, to initiate any one into the priesthood,"
because he must either be evil, or hated and endangered if good, by
those who observed pernicious custom as a divine law, and expelled those
that lived well/ How [was] episcopacy degenerately abused.' The
rulers [were] generally [the] worst.*
In Fjgypt, it was the custom of Theophilus of Alexandria (without
• Wliat better could be expected, when the dignity was put to lale, and he carried it too com-
monly, not who had the richeftt soul, but [the] fullest purse f So in the west, Ambrose complains,
Ut vides in ecclesia pessimos, quos non nierita, sed pecunic ad episcopatus ordinem perrezerunt,
" Thus you may see many of the wont character in the church, whom not their merits, but money
has promoted to the episcopal order." Ambr. De Dign. Sac. cap. v. In the east, mvtirat al &px<^t
'< the dignitieh are venal." Chrysoat. in Ephes. Horn. vi. pp. 793, 9. Vid. Isid. lib. ▼. Ep. ccIzxtI.
[p. CA2. E] cccclxz. [p. 698. A.]
» De Sacerdot. Orat. Hi. p. 24, 25, tom. ri.
' Isidor. lib. ▼. EpUt. cclxxvi. [Lib. iii. Epist. ccxW. p. SM. B.]
•^ Ibid. [lib. ▼. Epist. cclxxviii.]
« Lib. V. Epist. cccczxTi. lib. iU. EpUt. ccUx. [p. S6I. A.] / Lib. ▼. Epist. ccedxzzi.
r Lib. ii. Epist. 1.
* Epist. Ixxl. 'Yiro avafiuv ti'k Kei^ Koi wepif liucXtio-tar kvirpoir9>'to0cu, " The churcheS of
Asia, and the country round, are served by worthless men." Sos. lib. viii. cap. rlL p. 452. Ncvo-
<rr)K.iTto»v wpa-rfiarwv oXnr rrtt ^A<rtavti^ dioiK^acMC *»' awtipiav h ipn^iav woifiivrnv, "The aflUrt of
the whole diocese of Asia, languish by reason of the inexperience or the want of pastors." Georg.
Alex. Vit. Chrysost. Int. Opt. tom. viii. pp. 202, 632.
TS>¥ ^KK\n<riwv h f**v icartivf h di traXtitrai, irt^pa xaX^iroir vcpiavrXsirat KvfiaciVf AXXii t4 dvif-
KC<Tra irinovdtv, h /xiv Xvkov uvtI woifiivot [Xa/3«ii/aa,] h M vciparip avri Kw/9cpir^ov, nii iiifAtow
iitrri tarepov, " Of the churches one sinks, another is shaken, another is encompassed with grlvrooa
waves, another has suffered past all cure, one has a wolf instead of a shepherd, another a pirate
instead of a pilot, an executioner instead of a physteian.** Chrysoa. Epist. ii.
r
A BISCOl^ESB CONCEBHINO LrTPEfilES.
yrhfrm no bisbop was to be oiidaiiiad m those parti) to eon^ecTate not
knowiDg * men, *i ^7 rt Aw Airrox^trot, " iini^s he misled of his aim ;*
choosiDg rather to have the ordering of tbem, a£ of fbolsj thaa to be
liable to the control of any that were prudent : a thing whieli wotiJd
scarce have passed as credible upon the word of George of Alexandria,
bad not Palladiua said as miich before him,*
And, m he in Egypt would have none, so they in Africa codd scarce
get any that were fit to be pastors : for so Aurelius^ biahop of Carthage,
in a council there assembled, anno 401 ^ complains, that so great was their
want of ministers, as "^ many churches were found to have not so much a
one' illiterate deacon ; and leaves them to consider, at what a loss thej
mnst needs be^ for persons qualified to be superior officers, when they
could not find such as were ftt to be deacons.
And AugUfitin tells ua, there were many good pastors, who could do*
discern f jmr tgtiQrantife mmplicitaiemy ** through their ignorance and dm-
pkness," when there wius hereisy in a prayer \ but made nse of such ^
were heretical, aooounting them to be good.'
Tea, many bishops [diere] were, (and many more consequently of
lower rank,) who knew no letters/ and could not so much as write their
At ii¥orfn»¥, &/jic<vov irtovfxtvov avrAv Kparelf n ^povi^t»¥ ajioutt¥, " It was his custom not to OTdsis
prudent men unless he missed his aim ; since he was desirous of ruling them as fools, etteeminf
it better to rule such than to hearken to the wise." Georg. Alex. Int. Chrys. Op. torn. rilL p. 1S5.
Eusebius of Pelusium did as bad or worse, ordaining not only uiraidew mr BpifXfiara^ " untaaglit
nurslings;" Isid. £p. IxxxL lib. iii. [p 287. A.] himself being iiXojiat ^p^/m/ia, "a senMlcfi
nursling," Epist. iii. but ^fXtiXtura Bnpi*^ nai daiti,0¥at iiXacTOpat, Kai rnK Kocvnf ^wrcaw ^Ipovti
** ruthless beasts and raging demons, and foes of our common nature," lib. r. £p. Iii. liii. Ur.
AvKoic &ii rat vnrvafatt Kvai H did tuv \af¥€iav, uXiiirefi 6e ita ti;v KaKovp^ia¥, wapd 3* Toi-t
fii¥ cwoviaiovv i^ocrpatiil^tt, tow d* pavXotrt etrfKporti — IAmxc to iroifi¥io¥t " wolves by retsoe
of their rapine, dogs for lustftilness, foxes for craft, and moreover, rejects the worthy, and d^i
his hands on the vile — to such he gave the flock.** £p. cxlvii. * that.
rf Communi periculo providendum, maxime, quia tanta indigentia clerioorum est, multseqiie
ecclesise ita deserts sunt, ut ne unum quidem diaconum, vel inliteratum (Gr»c ajp^^Aftarav,
habere reperiantur. Nam de ceteris superioribus gradibus tacendum arbitror, quia, ut dixi, li
ministerium diaconi facile non InTenitur, multo magis superiorum honorum inveniri non posst
certissimum est, et quotidie noe planctus dirersarum pene emortuarum plebium Jam non sustiac-
mus : quibus nisi fuerit aliquando subventum, gravis nobis, et inexcusabilis innumerabiliaiB
animarum pereuntium causa apud Deum mansura est, " We must provide against the common
danger : chiefly because there is so great a want of clergy, and many churches are so desolate, tliat
they are not found to possess even one illiterate deacon. For I think it beat to be silent eoocem-
ing the higher grades and offices; because, if as I have said, diaconal ministrations be not leadflf
found, much more certain is it, that those of the higher ranks cannot be met with ; and already
we sink under the daily plaints of flocks almost extinct, which unless we succour socm, a beavj
unanswerable impeachment on the part of innumerable perishing souls will lie against us in the
presence of Ood." In JustelL p. 164. In Crab. ConciL torn. L pp. 502, 503.
« De Bapt. contra Donat. lib. vi. cap. xxv.
/ Uelius, epiacopus Hadrianopolitanus, definiens subscripsi per Romanum episcopum Myxonon,
eo quod neeciam literas. Calumus, episcopus Phoenicensis definiens subscripsi per coepbo^am
meum Dionysium, propter quod literas ignorem, " I, Helius, bishop of Hadrianopolis, have sub-
scribed my Judgment by the hand of the Roman bishop Myro, because I am ignorant of letters.— !»
Cn J umua, bishop of Phenice, have lubscribed my Judgment by the hand of Dionysius, my Cellow-
A DISCOURSE CONCERNING LITURGIES. 373
own names, but were glad to get others to subscribe for them, even in
councils, where, we may think, such insufficiency would have b^en
ashamed to show itself, if it had not been too common.
Not to be tedious, Leo the emperor, about anno 460, is commended, as
having well provided that the church should have able bishops, because
he would have none ordained, but those who had learnt their psalter ;
oMva fx^iporovfi t6 -^oXr^piov /x^ yivoiXTKOpra,^ Such was the state of the
church, as to the sufficiency of her prime guides before the sixth age,
and much worse afterwards, when they steered this course in their
worship ; all sorts of learning, together with holiness, declining apace ;
and barbarism, ignorance, and viciousness, more and more prevailing.
Under such planets were those liturgies bom, and by their influence
nourished I
To conclude, they were not entertained, till nothing was admitted
into the church, de ?iovo, but corruptions, or the issues thereof; no
change made in the ancient usages, but for the worse ; no motions from
the primitive posture, but downwards into degeneracy I Till such orders
took place, as respected not what was most agreeable to the rule and
primitive practice, or what was best to uphold the life and power of
religion in its solemn exercises, or what might secure it from that dead,
heartless formality, into which Christianity was sinking, and which is at
this day the sediment of popery : but what might show the power, and
continue occasion for exercise of authority to the imperious and tyran-
nical ; or what might comport with the ease of the lazy and slothful ; or
what might favour the weakness and insufficiency, and not detect the
lameness and nakedness of those who had the place ^ and name, but not
bbhop, because I am ignorant of letters." ConciL Ephes. ii. in Act. i. Cone. Chalced. in Crab. torn. i.
p. 8S0. So amongst others, Cone. Ephes. 1. Patricius, presbyter de vico Paradioxilo, manu utens
MaTlnri oompresbyteri, obhoc, quod literas ignorarem. Zenon chorepiscopus. Manum accommo-
4a;Ti pro eo ego FlaTius Palladius, ob hoc quod prssens dixerit literas se ignorare, " Patricius, pres-
byter of tbe Tillage Paradloxilus, availing myself of the hand of my fellow-presbyter Maximus)
boeaiuc I am ignorant of letters.— Zeno, chorepiscopus. I, Flavius Palladius, have set to my hand
ftr him, because he being here present says that he is ignorant of letters." In Act. i. Cone. Chalced.
in Crab. p. 816. Theodorus Gadarensis per alterius manum, i. e. iEtherii diaconi, " Theodore of
Gadora, by tbe band of another, i. e. of iGtherius the deacon." In the Greek copy, iEtherius the
dsMCoa cubaerfbed, 4irtTpair€it wap' airov d6vvaTov ovroi n fiif fpa<povTof, " commissioned by himself,
Mdag be la unable to write," which is likely [to be] the cause, though not expressed, why those
that were present, subscribed by others ; of which see instances. Cone. Eph. ii. in Crab. p. 831.
Gone. CoQStantinop. sub Flaviano, contra Eutych. in Crab. p. 781. et Cone. Eph. i. in Cone. Chalc.
Act. L Crab. pp. 819, 820.
Pantinos Zenensis literas nescit, " Pantinus of Zena is ignorant of letters." Collat. Carth. d. i.
n.133.
• Tbeod. Leet. Collect, lib. i.
• Sentio, negligente me, crescit scntina vitiorum, et tcmpestate fortiter obviante. Jam Jamque
putridae nanfragium tabula; sonant, " I feel that by my negligence the sink of vices chokes up ; and
through the strong opposition of tempest, every now and then, the rotten planks sound warning of
ahipwreck." Gregor. M.
'Affpt09 6 Xttfimw 6 rat inKXttelat naraXa^tiav Ka't Co<P*^im, nat vvura d<r4\rivo¥ wavra tlp^aaajo,
Ka2 matt kmarrnv aopw^ovrat rriv hfiipav. niKpa riwa Adiviav vavdfia, nat av^tTat h wa¥^\90pia rnv
874 A DI8COUR8B OONOBBNINa LITUBOIB8.
the real aooomplishments of pastors and teachers. In a word, not till
the state of the church was rather to be pitied than imitated ; and what
was discernible therein, difSsrent £rom preceding times, were wrecks and
rains, rather than patterns.
oUev^nt, " WOd and daxk li tlia atotm whkh hM orertakm the cbuieh, and the toDs throogh
tlM moaaikm nisht, and wiim bitter wwUb of her panga tuni ap erexy dajr, and th» total dettnie-
tionortba world bunlaa on." Cbxya. Ep. L p. ff 1.
T^v ^\di 4fMn ro¥ Otit vapcMCaXovirrcff dovMu XAtrtv t^ KMvy rifr chumgUvnt vomajim, ** Beaaedl-
inf Qod, tba friend of man, to giw daliTeranoe fkom the common ahipwreeb of tbe world." Id.
j^itt. zxU. p. 115.
epHvowfMv r6v Kot¥^ t6v huXtteUh xm/aAmi, meu vi ripf ovtomiUvtvf maroKafl&v va»dy*o¥, nu wirrat
IrfiAr va^acaXov/MV tixaSt fiwtil9wft St9T% ripr wwm\»Bpiav roArnv Xv^iimk' iror^, " We bewafl the
alorm eommon to tbe eborobea, and tbe abipwxeek wbiob orertakei tbe world; and we entreat yon
all to belp wl& jonr ptajen, tbat tbit total daatmetion maj aometlme be atqred." Id. Epiat.
clxzTiU. p. 186.
A DISCOURSE
SAVING GRACE OF GOD.
By the late Reverend and Learned David Clarkson, Minister of
the Gospel.
LONDON:
Printed by J. Astwood, for Tho. Parkhurst, at the Bible and Three
Crowns, at the lower end of Cheapside, near Mercers' Chapel.
1688.
2b
I
A PREFACE.
The very title-page, mentioning the subject, and the author of
the following discourse, leaves little need of a recommendatory
preface.
For what subject can be supposed more inviting than this of
the grace of God — represented to such as were lost, and designing
their salvation ? If we were the inhabitants of some other world,
never lost, or in which sin and vindictive justice had no place ;
it were a grateful contemplation to us, if from thence, we had the
opportunity to view the methods of grace for the saving of miser-
able perishing creatures in such a world as this. As tlie kindness
and benignity of the unfallen angels make them stoop down,*
and pry, with earnest desire,^ and no doubt high pleasure, to
observe what was doing to tliis purpose in this wretched world of
ours.
But who can consider himself as lost, and not apprehend the
name of saving grace to carry with it a pleasant, joyful sound ? It
too plainly argues a strange complication of stupidity, and light-
ness of mind, when to any, who arc themselves of that lost race,
the grace of God, by which only they can be saved, is unsavoury,
and without relish. And it is not less strange if they can expect
to be saved without it. There are so many sensible miseries
continually urging mankind, that if they be compared with what
obtains in the common belief of the most, (of whatsoever religion,)
and whereof few profess any doubt, that one would wonder all
should not be much taken up in meditating some way of escape,
and how they may be saved out of such a gulf as this. For,
setting aside the inward evils that infest men's minds, (which
carry most of sting and pungency in them, to tliose of an awakened
• niMpanA^tu twtePfimMn. * I Pet. i. 12.
2b2
878 A PREFACE.
mental sense) it is obvious to their duller outward senses, that
they are encompassed, and often seized with innumerable calami-
ties, sicknesses, pains, violences from one another, and other
disasters, from which they cannot be certain to be safe one
moment, and that they are all mortal, and after a little time must
certainly die. The most profess themselves to believe they have
about them somewhat immortal, and that this world wiU at length
have an end. Divers pagans have agreed with Christians, in the
apprehension, that it will end by fire, an universal conflagration,
and of an after felicity to be had somewhere else.
Now what power of nature can they think of, that should save
them out of so conmion a ruin ? Or, what is left them to think
of besides, unless they will yield themselves to perish without
remedy (which the nature of man abhors £rom) but of being saved
by grace?
They that have any notion of God, cannot think grace unworthy
of him. Some of the Epicurean faith, that thought it unsuitable
to the nature of God to be touched with anger, (and who might
therefore think our infelicities to befial us of course, without being
any e£Eects of Divine displeasure,) yet were less averse to think he
might be touched with grace, (as Lactantius* takes notice,) and so
left themselves room for the apprehension, that our felicity should
be owing to the benignity and favour before God. But what
thoughts of Him can be more unworthy, or less agreeing with
themselves, than, while He is acknowledged to be a Mind, a Spirit,
the First, Eternal Mind, and the Father of spirits, to suppose He
should be less kind, benign, and gracious to our minds, and
spirits, than to our baser flesh ? Or, that they who expect from
his favour a state of future freedom from bodily pains, diseases,
and death, should not expect from it much more a felicity suitable
to their nobler part, and seek thence what is of so apparent
necessity, beforehand, to prepare and form their minds and spirits
for such a felicity ?
And one would think, that they who are better instructed in the
affiiirs of Gods government over men, and that know how to
ascribe to him a just displeasure and anger for their common
apostacy and revolt from him, that shall be no way unbecoming,
but most agreeable to an infinitely perfect Being ; should be most
- De Ir& Dei.
A PREFACE. 379
apt to approve, and admire the methods, which the grace of God
hath pitched upon, for expiating the guilt of sin by a Eedeemer :
80 they should not be unapt to apprehend the necessity of gracious
operations upon the spirits of men to deliver them from such dis-
tempers and disaffections, as are plainly inconsistent with their
final salvation and blessedness ; and give them such dispositions
as are requisite thereto.
Can anything be more suitable to the grace of God, than, when
he hath found out a way, wherein he might, upon terms not inju-
rious to the dignity of liis government, pardon their sins, he
should also inwardly apply himself to them, cure the blindness,
carnality, and avei-sion of tlieir minds, incline, and enable them
to know, trust, love, obey, and converse with him, without which an
atonement and pardon would avail them notliing, and in wliich of
themselves they can effect nothing ?
It is easy to frame abstract discourses, and general ideas of
what might be performed by those noble powers, a man's own
understanding, and will : but wliat can actually be eflected, in
particular and circumstantiated cases, against the stream of sen-
sual inclination, either to the engaging of intense tliouglits, or by
thinking, they perhaps are most apt to pronounce confidently,
who have least tried.
Nor is anything more congruous to the notion of grace, than
that it be at liberty herein. Unfree grace were to every man's
understanding a plain contradiction. Neither can any inconve-
nient or ill consequence follow upon its being apprehended most
sovereignly free, or, any tiling tliat is not most suitable to God,
and to us. It naturally follows that he be not neglected, that he
be supplicated, and sought unto, that we absolutely, and witli
great reverence and hope, surrender, resign, and commit our-
selves to him, which how majestic, august, great, and God-like
is it, on his part ! how correspondent to his very nature ! Where-
upon we are told, (Psalm cxlvii. 11,) *• The Lord taketh pleasure
in them that fear him, in those that hope in his mercy." And
how suitable is it to the condition of wretched and impotent
creatures that are perishing, and cannot save themselves ! And
to such, one would think no subject should be more acceptable
than this of the saving grace of God : nor, therefore, a discourse
upon it unacceptable.
Especially from such an author, who though his great humility,
/
880 A PBBFACE.
and remotenesB firom all ostentatioii of himself, did as much avail
Mm, as was possible to him ; yet his singular worth could not be
hid, and indeed the less, by how much more he endeavoured it.
His clear and comprehensive mind, his excellent learning, his
reasoning argumentative skill, his solid, most discerning judg-
ment, his indefeitigable industry, his large knowledge, and great
moderation in the matters of our unhappy ecclesiastical differences,
his calm dispassionate temper, his pleasant and most amiable
conversation, did carry so great a lustre with them, as that, not-
withstanding his most beloved retiredness, they could not, in his
circumstances, but make him be much known, and much esteemed
and loved by all that had the happiness to know him, and make
the loss of him be much lamented. But he was, by the things
that made his continuance so desirable in this world, the fitter for
a better, and more suitable world. He lived here as one that
was more akin to that other world than this ; and who had no
other business here, but to help in making this better. From
such an hand one may reasonably expect a treatise very highly
valuable upon such a subject. Which I do with so great confidence,
that, though I have not as yet (wanting opportunity) thoroughly
perused it, I make no doubt to invite such to the reading of it, as
apprehend the value of the grace of God, and their own salvation ;
earnestly desiring that, as tiieir satisfaction herein may be, in its
completion, alike early, so it may be equally great with that,
which is with much assurance expected by
One very desirous any way to promote the common salvation,
John Howe.
CONTENTS OF THE ENSUING DISCOURSE.
That SalTation b wholly and only from Grace, proved 888
Grace free in respect of — 1. Constraint; 2. Merit ; 8. Motive 884
That Salvation is by Grace, demonstrated from God, from Man 884
1. From man, in several particulars 884
2. From God, demonstrated in several particulars 890
Use. Those condemned who will have us saved by Free-will, and not by Free
Grace 894
The Doctrine of Free-will displayed, in four particulars: 1. What Grace the
Patrons of Free-will do own, and count sufficient 2. What they ascribe to
Free-will. 8. What is the Tendency of their Principles. 4. What they
Object against the Doctrine of Free Grace 394
1. What Grace by them is counted sufficient 894
2. What they ascribe to Free-will 896
8. The Import and dangerous Tendency of the Doctrine of Free-will, in
twenty particulars 899
4. Objections against the Doctrine of Grace, answered, and Prejudices
removed 427
Some Practical Inferences from the Doctrine of Free Grace 440
A DISCOURSE
FREE GRACE.
" Bt grace ye are saved." — Ephes. ii. 8.
The apostle, the great asserter of free grace, in the 20th verse com-
pares the church to a temple : and it is his design in this epistle to show
the influence grace hath to the raising of this building. He imdertakes
to prove, that the whole structure of salvation is to be attributed alone to
grace.
The foundation was laid from eternity by grace in election ; chapter i.
4, 5. The polishing and disposing of each particular stone in the build-
ing, by justification and sanctification, were all acts of grace ; chapter i.
7, and ii. 5, and iv. 13, 14. And it is grace that lays on the top-stone
in glory ; chapter ii. 6. So that we may honour this temple with the
same acclamations which they used to theirs, Zech. iv. 7, and cry, Grace,
grace unto it. The sum of the whole discourse is propounded in the
text, " By grace ye are saved."
We will not divide what God from eternity has joined together, grace
and salvation : but from them entirely taken, offer you this
Observation: — Salvation is wholly and only to be attributed to
grace.
We need go no fiirther for Divine testimony to this truth, than these
two chapters. Election, chapter i. 4, 5. Redemption, verse 7. Voca-
tion, verse 19. Justification, chapter ii. verses 3, 4. Sanctification,
verse 5. Glorification, verse G. What he speaks of the whole here, he
affirms of every part thereof in those places. The whole and all the
parcels are of grace.
For explication. By salvation, understand botli the decree of God,
by which the elect were ordained to salvation, and the execution of that
decree, begun here, and consummated in glory.
That we may know what grace means, take notice of three words,
used promiscuously in Scripture, which yet admit of some distinction ;
the knowledge whereof will lead us to the distinct knowledge of this
term. These are love, mercy, grace.
384 . A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
To lore, is velU bonum, to will the happiness of the object loved. If
is not in God such an affection as in us, ^ough in effect it proves affectus
unioniSy and brings Gk>d and his people together.
Mercy does velle bonum miseris. So it adds a limitation to the object
which love leaves indefinite. It is for those that are miserable.
Grace does veUe bonum Uberk, So this limits not the object, as the
former, but qualifies the act. It acts fireelj.
So that mercj, is love to those that are miserable. Grace is love in
him that is imobliged. Unobliged, I say, either by necessity, merit, or
motive. Grace then, in Grod, is nothing but free love.
1. Free in respect of constraint; when there is no necessity he should
fix his love upon this object at all, or upon this rather than another,
this is spontaneum,
' 2. Free in respect of merit ; when there is nothing in the object that
deserves love, either absolutely or comparatively, this is gratuitum,
8. Free in respect of motive ; when there is nothing in the object to
move this affection to pitch upon it at all, or upon it rather than
another, this is liberum, though it express it not fully.
In all these respects, the grace of God in bestowing salvation upon
any of the sons of men, is firee love.
1. There is no necessity God should save men. He is a most free
agent, whose liberty is inconsistent with every degree of necessity <Mb extra.
It was in his choice either to have created no man, or to have con-
demned all men, or to have saved those who arc now condemned.
2. There is nothing in man that can merit salvation : for there is no
good thing in him that he can call his own. All is of gift ; and the
best thing in man bears no proportion to salvation : but where there is
merit, there must be both propriety and proportion.
3. There is nothing in man can move God to save him. If anything,
his misery ; but this is no motive absolutely, because it is wilful. Man
willingly involved himself in it, and is unwilling to be delivered fix>m it
upon the terms propounded in the gospel. Nor can it be a motive com-
paratively, to save one man rather than another, because all are by
nature equally miserable.
So then salvation is by grace, because it is a gifl of free love to such
in whom there can be nothing to enforce it, nothing to deserve it, nor
anything to move him to bestow it.
The demonstrations are drawn from God, from man.
From man. The impotency, deformity, enmity, of man against God,
makes it evident, that salvation must be wholly, only from grace.
1. Impotency. What a poor despicable creature is man — the best of
men I What a wonder the great Grod should think of saving him I His
rise was from the earth. He is but at best dust and ashes, a poor piece
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 385
t>f clay. He dwells in houses of clay. His foundation is in the dust,
and is crushed by the moth, Job iv. 19. A stately thing sure which
the very moth can crush, and crumble into his first principle, dust !
The most potent victorious king that ever Israel had, puts a worm
among his titles. Psalm xxii. 6, " I am a worm." The greatest man
in the East derives his pedigree no higher ; " I have said to corruption,
Thou art my father ; and to the worm, Thou art my mother and my
sister," Job xvii. 14. And if the greatest men on earth, who best
tmderstood themselves, were no greater in their own accoimt ; what do
we think men are in God's account ? The numerous posterity of Jacob
have no greater title, Isaiah xli. 14, " Fear not, worm Jacob :" and if
that vast multitude, which was like the stars of the heavens, and the
sands on the sea-shore, which cannot be numbered, be but as one worm
in his eye, what do we think is one man ?
But we are too high yet. Men in the account of God, compared with
him, are not so much as worms. Absolutely, in themselves, they are
more ; but compared with him not so much, Isaiah xl. 22, " It is he
that sitteth upon the circle of the earth, and the inhabitants thereof
are as grasshoppers :" this is something less than worms ; yet less
in his eye, than these in ours.
But we yet go lower. Worms and grasshoppers, though most
despicable, are yet animate beings ; and the soul of the least creature,
in Augustine's account, is more excellent than the body of the sun. This
is too high yet ; what then are men in God's esteem ? see verse 15,
" The nations are as the drop of a bucket, and are accounted as the
small dust of the balance ; behold, he takes up the isles as a very little
thing." What I all the nations of the earth as one drop— as an atom ?
What proportion then do ye think we bear to this drop, to this atom, who
are but as drops and atoms in comparison of all the nations of the earth 1
Sure now we are low enough. Our thoughts can scarce go lower.
I,* but stay, we are not in God's account thus much. A drop, an atom
is something, though a very little thing. But verse 17, "All nations
before him are as nothing." Alas ! where are we then, so near the low
condition of nonentity ? Yes, and lower too ; for it follows, " and they
are accounted to him less than nothing."
See then what man is in God's account, as less than that which is
less than nothing. And can you imagine anything in this nothing, man,
that should oblige the great God to save him ? Oh, sure it is grace,
free love, and such as may astonish heaven and earth, that the great
€rod, who measures the seas in the hollow of his hand, who spans the
heavens, and weighs the mountains, should condescend to do thus much
• Aye !
386 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
for any of those poor despicable nothings ; should contrive their salva-
tion from eternity, and send his Son, the Son of his love, of his delight,
to procure it with his blood, and then admit them to an eternal enjoy-
ment of himself in glory.
2. The deformity of man as he is sinful. We showed before, man
was nothing, less than nothing, in the sight of Grod. Now we will show,
he is worse than nothing ; even a deformed nothing, or rather nothing
but deformity.
It is true, by creation he was a beautiful creature, moulded afler the
image of the first beauty, bearing the superscription of Grod. He was
then as a bright morning star, when he first appeared in the world.
But he forthwith fell from his primitive station, the orb of innocency :
he fell from thence into the puddle of sin, into ^* thick mire and clay,"
as the Psalmist, Psalm xl. 2. And being drenched in sin, he became
more deformed and abominable in the eye of God, than tliat which is
most loathsome to us. The veil of light and holiness, wherewith he was
beautified, being torn off the soul, sin besmeared it with ugly filthiness
and pollution. The Divine light and holiness, which shined in his soul,
is vanished ; and darkness and deformity has seized on him, and over-
spread him. Holiness was the moral form of the soul ; but now sin
gives it morally both its being and denomination. So that, what may
be said of sin in the abstract, as that it is deformity, pollution, filthiness,
may be said of man in the concrete, he is deformed, filthy, polluted.
We have cause to complain of this woeful change, in the words of the
prophet, with a little variation, Isaiah iii. 24, " Instead of a sweet
smell, there is a stink ; instead of well-set hair, baldness; and deformity
instead of beauty."
Sin has lefl neither crvfifirrpia nor €vxp^ia in the souls of sinners,
neither proportion nor good complexion. The fall put all out of joint,
and lefl the soul blind, lame, crooked, diseased, nay dead in sins, &c.
These are the familiar epithets which Scripture gives our sinful state.
The visage of the soul is loathsomely bespotted. Nor has sin brought
upon it simple deformity alone ; but which is worse, uncleanness, such
as is compared to that of a " removed woman," Ezek. xxxvi. 17. Nay,
the best thing that is in it, or proceeds from it, is but as a " menstnious
rag," Isaiah xxx. 22.
I," but though this be noisome and unpleasing, yet there is no danger,
no infection in it. Oh, but sin is a contagious pollution, it is like a
p!ague-sore in the heart, an infectious leprosy ; it will difiuse its malig-
nity like the poison of asps.
],• but if a man be visited with the plague or leprosy, he seems rather
' Aye :
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 387
an object of compassion, than detestation ; rather to be pitied than
loathed. Go yet one step further.
Sin is not only contagious, but a loathsome noisome filthiness. The
Holy Ghost compares it to the stench of an open sepulchre, to the vomit
of a dog, to the corrupted matter of a putrefied ulcer. Such is the tem-
per of a soul by sin.
I will go no further. It may be the hearing of these is offensive ; how
much more to see, smell, or touch them I Yet a sinful man is more
ugly in the eye, more offensive to the nostrils, more loathsome to the
Lord, than any of these can be to the quickest or most delicate of our
senses.
Alas, wretched man I how justly may est thou or I speak, what Mephi-
bosheth uses in compliment to David, 2 Sam. ix. 8, " What is thy
servant, that thou shouldst look on such a dead dog as I am ? "
Can any soul expect, that such a monster as this should be the object
of any one's love, much less of God's ? How hopeless may man's salva-
tion seem, if we look on him in this state ! What I is the eternal love
of Grod, the precious blood of Christ, for such a wretch as this ? Is
there anything in him, in us, to merit, to move love ? Who would not
rather think, every son of Adam should with indignation be kicked out
of the presence of so holy a God ? Sure if there be any hopes, it must
be from grace, free love, and such as could nowhere be entertained but
in the breast of infinite goodness.
3. The enmity of sinners against God, this makes it evident beyond
all exception. The impotency and deformity of man, in the state of sin,
shows there is nothing lovely in him ; but if there were not, yet if he
had any love for Grod, this love, without any other consideration, might
be some inducement to move the Lord to love him ; and so his love
might seem less free, as having some motive from without.
But the case is otherwise. As there is nothing lovely in him, so
neither is there any love to God ; nay, there is a high degree of hatred
and enmity.
The wisdom of the flesh, the very best thing in man, " is enmity to
God," Rom. viii. 7. And this enmity is manifested in contradicting the
will of God, and running cross to his commands ; for if this be our love
to Grod, as the apostle says, " that we keep his commands," 1 John v. 3,
then this is hatred of God, that we will not keep them.
And this disobedience of a sinner proceeds from his hatred of the God
that commands, and not only of that which is commanded, yea, rather
from that than this. For what sinner is there, who does not believe,
that what the law commands is just in itself and good for us ?
So that the enmity reaches God himself. ** Who is the Lord," says
the sinner in his heart, " that I should obey him ?"
388 A DI8C0UB8E OF FBBE GRACE.
Farther^ smners revolt from God, and conspire with his greatest
enemy, join in confederacy with Satan. They (as those in Isaiah zxriii.
15) have made a covenant with hell ; and with death are they at agree-
ment. They give up their '* members as weapons of unrighteousness,"
to fight against God, Rom. vi. 19. It is the condition of all, by nature.
Every sinner, before the Lord conquer him by his grace, is at open
enmity with God, and does in e£fect bid defiance to the ALnighty. The
acts of his life are acts of hostility against God. Nor is it a defensive
war only, that would be more excusable ; but the design is, not to
secure himself only, but to put down Grod, and divest him of his sove-
reignty. This is the voice of their hearts and lives. We will not have
this God to rule over us. Sin, where it reigns, does as much as is in its
power to depose the sovereign Lord of the world. It denies in efiect
that he is Grod : for that which denies his essential perfections and
attributes, does deny him to be Grod. He that gives up himself to sin,
denies in a manner all his' Divine excellences, his goodness, wisdom,
power, justice, mercy, inmiensity. Psalm 1. 21. He would not go on in
sin, if he did not say in his heart that he is not the chief good ; because
sin deprives him of this good, cuts him off from the enjoyment of it : or
else he believes not that it will deprive him of the chief good, and so
denies his truth, who has affirmed and declared it ; and not believing
him herein makes him a liar.
He durst not sin, but that he thinks God is not present to see him ;
and if so, he denies his immensity. Or if he see him, he thinks he can-
not punish him ; and so denies his power. Or if he be able, yet he
thinks he will not punish him ; and so denies his justice. He would
not turn aside to other ways than he prescribes, but that he thinks he
either cannot direct him in the best way, and so denies his wisdom ; or
that he will not direct him to the best, and so denies his mercy. And
thus much we might show of the other Divine perfections, how it tends
to deface them all.
Lo here the horrid enmity of sin and sinners against God. They
deny he is Gk)d ; call him, constructively and in effect, a finite, a weak,
a foolish, a false, an unjust and unmerciful thing.
It is true, sinners cannot do what they say and wish in their hearts.
They have not power to undeify Grod, or to deprive him of his Divine
perfections ; but this does not lessen nor excuse their enmity against
him : for it is true in evil, as well iia in good, where there is a willing
mind, it is accounted as if it were done.
Oh, the horrid nature of sin ! Be astonished, O heavens ! and be ye
horribly afraid at this prodigious enemy, which is in the hearts of sin-
ners against God, Wliy is thy wrath restrained, O Lord ? why does
not thy indignation break forth, and destroy all sinners from off the
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 889
face of the earth ? Nay, why was not heaven and earth annihilated at
the first appearance of such horrid treason, of such desperate enmity ?
But we have not yet discovered the height of this enmity. What is
the reason, that a sinner should thus set himself against God ? It may
be, he despairs of salvation, while the Almighty rules ; and therefore
the desire of his own happiness may be the cause of this opposition ;
and so it will not be pure enmity, but some principle of self-love, that
may make him so desperate.
It is no such matter ; it is not salvation that he cares for. He sets
himself against God ; not out of any respect to secure his own well-
being. For whom would he advance into the place of God ? It is the
great enemy of his salvation, Satan, 2 Cor. iv. 4. It is he who,
by the consent of sinners, is the " god of this world f it is he they
would have to rule in and over them, Ephes. ii. 2. They are children
of obedience to him, but of disobedience to God, and will be so, though
they perish for it.
Here then is the height of the sinner's enmity against God. They had
rather perish eternally under the sovereignty of Satan, than be happy
in subjection to the sceptre of God. Nay, sinners would persist in the
height of this enmity, and therefore reject all motions of reconciliation,
though the Lord condescend to beseech them, with all moving argu-
ments, to " be reconciled," 2 Cor. v. 20. They despise salvation, and
the means that tend to it. They manifested it, by crucifying the Lord
of life, when he came on purpose into the world to bring salvation.
" Ck)me," say they, " this is the heir," Matt. xxi. 38. We cannot reach
the Father, he is too far above us ; but we have a fair occasion to show
how well we wish him. This is the heir, here is his Son, his only Son,
the Son of his love and delight, " come let us kill him :" and so they
did ; and so would other sinners do, if they were in the same circum-
stances with those that did it. And there are those who " crucify again"
the Lord of life. And what do we less in venturing upon ways of sin ?
since this is it which first crucified him. This is the desperate disposi-
tion of all sinners in the state of nature. We had so continued to eter-
nity, if the power of grace had not broke in upon us, and drawn us to
terms of reconciliation.
And this being our state and temper naturally, can you think there
was anything in us, that could have moved the Lord to save us ?
What I can hatred, such desperate enmity, such prodigious malice
against the Lord, move him to love us ? Oh, if free grace had not
moved itself, we had persisted ui our opposition against the Lord ; and
had been eternally miserable, as those deserve to be, who are found
fighters against God, and open enemies to him !
There are other demonstrations, that salvation is of grace only, which
/■
890 ▲ DISCOURSE OF FJIKE GRACE.
may be drawn firom God himBelf; the oondderstioii of his all-flnfBoiftney,
soYereigiity.
(1.) The all-sufficiency and independency of God. He stood in no
need at all of man, either for happiness or glory, the least degree of
either. He had been eternally as happy, as glorious, if man had neyer
been, or been ever miserable.
1. In respect of happiness. He was perfectly, infinitely happy
without us. He did not expect, he could not have the least degree
of it from us. All d^rees, all fulness of it was in himself, before
we had a being. The Divine imderstanding was infinitely pleased and
satisfied in the contemplation of himself, the first truth. The Divine
will took infinite contentment and complacency in the enjoyment of him-
self, the chief good. The object here was infinite and glorious excel-
lences ; and the acts were infinitely perfect ; and the issue thereof
must needs be infinite happiness, both formal and objective. Christ the
eternal wisdom of the Father, thus expresseth it, Prov. viii. 22 — 80.
Here are the mutual delights of the Father and the Son ; those enjoy-
ments, which hold forth the highest degree of happiness, before any
creature had being. The Son was the Father's delights O^^T^V^, '' daily,"
every moment, without the least intermission ; and rejoiced, the word is
n|)niero, << was laughing before his face.'* Those happy souls, who are
already admitted into the glorious presence, may guess, though not
comprehend what happiness there is in those delights : we are in the
dark, and can neither express nor conceive how much it is ; but though
we cannot conceive how great that happiness is, we may easily appre-
hend, that it cannot be made greater by any creature.
Besides, happiness must arise from union with some good, or the
enjojrment of it. Now all goodness in perfection, is included in the
Divine Being ; and whatever good is in the creature, it is but an imper-
fect participation of that primitive goodness, or rather but a dim resem-
blance of it. And shall we think that there can be any addition to his
happiness fix>m that which is so imperfectly without him, when all
excellences are perfectly, eminently, infinitely in himself? Shall the
ocean of blessedness seek an increase from that which is less than a
drop ? Or the Sun of glory borrow lustre from a glow-worm, a dim
spark ? Or the universe of all happiness greaten itself by a point, a
mote ? No, the Lord was blessed for ever, before man was in being ;
and he had been blessed for ever, if man had never been. And if
nothing had moved the Lord to save him, but a design to add to his
own happiness, none of the children of men had ever known salvation.
2. In respect of glory. The Lord does not depend upon man more
for glory, than happiness. He had been as glorious, if we had continued
in the state of nonentity, or if wc had perished in our sin, and simk into
▲ DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 391
misery. It is tni6| we saj the Lord glorifies his mercy in our salvation ;
bnt this is such a glory as he might have wanted, and yet have been no
less glorious. To clear this a little. The glory of Grod is essential or
relative. Grod^s essential glory is those infinitely glorious perfections and
excellences which meet in the Divine essence. This is that glory,
which no mortal eye ever saw, or can see. When Moses desired to see
his glory, the Lord says to him, " Thou canst not see my face and live,**
Exod. xxxiii. 18, 20. The face is the seat of beauty, where all the
lines of perfection do concentre, where all the rays of glory are imited.
These we can no more behold in his face, than a lump of snow can
sustain the imited vigour of the sunbeams at noon-day.
When the queen of Sheba had seen the glory of Solomon, it is said,
'' there was no spirit in her," 1 Kings x. 5. The soul, or spirit in her
(as in others) has a strong inclination to unite with that which it appre-
hends to be most good ; and beholding something transcendently better
without, than in the body, seemed willing for that time to leave the body,
that it might enjoy and close with what was more excellent. If the
Lord should unveil himself, and let us have a clear sight of his glorious
excellences, as they shine in himself ; the soul would leave the body,
the union between them would be dissolved; the spirit would be rapt
away with such a sight, and leave the body dead. This may be the
reason of what the Lord said to Moses ; " No man can see my face,'*
t. e. my essential glory, " and live."
Further, the essential glory of God is God himself, and therefore both
infinite and eternal. It is infinite as he is, and to that which is infinite
nothing can be added, it can no way be greater than it is already. It is
eternal too, and so before anything was created, and consequently no
way dependent on the creatures. By which it is manifest, that essential
glory is not at all increased by working man^s salvation.
For relative glory, that indeed depends on the creatures. But the
Lord had been as glorious in himself, if this glory had never been, as
will appear from the nature of it. The essential attributes of God are
his Divine perfections, absolutely existing, without respect or relation to
the creatures. Relative attributes are those essential perfections, as
manifested to the creatures, or rather the manifestation of them. If
then essential glory be the lustre of those essential attributes, as shining
in the Divine essence, which we showed before, it must follow, that
relative glory is that which results from the manifestation of those per-
fections to the creatures. For example, relative mercy is the manifest-
ation of essential goodness in the salvation of the elect, and relative
justice is the manifestation of essential righteousness or justice in the
condemnation of the reprobate.
Now God had been as glorious in himself, if he had never made
2c
892 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
known his mercy or justice to the world, if there had been no world,
no creatures made, to manifest these to, if there had been no men or
angels to take notice of them. For, is the sim made more splendid or
beautifid by our beholding of it ? No, it would be as glorious, if no
eye ever saw it. Did the Israelites' eating manna add any sweetness to
that pleasant food ? No sure, it had been as sweet in itself, if no palate
had ever tasted it. Even so the Lord had been as powerful, if he had
never created the world ; no less merciful in himself, if he had never
saved any, if there had been none to save ; no less righteous, if there
had been none to condemn, if he had never condemned any.
But because this may seem strange, and some may stick at it, let me
add a reason for it. The manifestation of his attributes to the world is
a free act, a transient act. It is a certain rule in divinity, Quicquid
Deu8 operatur ad extra liber^ sit ; every act of Grod terminated on the
creatures, is a free act. A free act is that which may be done or not
done. So that it was in the choice of the Divine will (before it had
determined itself) to manifest mercy, or not to show it ; to save man, or
not to save him ; to make him, or not. But if salvation did add anything
to the glory of God, our salvation had been a necessary, and not a free
act ; because without it the Lord had wanted some degree of glory, and
so had not been most glorious, most perfectly so, and consequently not
himself.
Hence, it is evident, that the Lord did not stand in need of our salva-
tion, to make him more glorious any way. He was infinitely glorious from
eternity ; but these manifestations of himself are in time, therefore can
add nothing to his glory, which was infinite before all time. The
reason why he revealed his mercy in saving man, was not because this
was needful to make himself more glorious. We must, as Christ showed
us, find the reason of it in his evdoxui, the good pleasure of his wiD,
Matt. xi. 25, 2G, Sti ovTa>s iyivtro €vboKia\ this was the reason of it, " Thy
good pleasure." And to this the apostle leads us, Eph. i. 5, 9.
It is true also, we are said to glorify God by our services, by the acts
and exercises of holiness, Psal. 1. 28, and John xv. 8. But how is this
to be understood ? even as he is said to glorify himself, when he mani-
fests to us that he is glorious. So we are said to glorify him, when we
acknowledge he is glorious, when we give a testimony to his glorious
perfections by word or deed. But neither his manifestation, nor our
acknowledgment, does add to his glory. He shows it, we take notice of
it, but neither of these imports any addition to it. Hence, Psal. xvi. 2,
" My goodness cxtendeth not t^hee." If our apprehensions of God were
as high as their object ; if our -affection to him were more than that of
the angels ; if all our prayers and praises were raptures, and all our per-
formances screwed up to the highest degree of perfection that a created
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 393
being is capable of ; yet were we in this respect unprofitable servants ;
the Lord upon this account would have no advantage by us : for as
Eliphaz says to Job, chap. xxii. 2, 3, " Can a man be profitable unto
God, as he that is wise may be profitable unto himself ? Is it any plea-
sure to the Almighty, that thou art righteous ?" &c. No, the Lord may
glorify us, but he gains no glory by us, that is any advantage to him.
He stands in no need of us to glorify him ; he had been as glorious if
we had perished, or if we had been nothing. Therefore what motive
can there be in, or from us, to oblige him to save us ?
(2.) The sovereignty and dominion of Grod over his creatures. As
in respect of his all-sufiSciency , he stands in no need of us ; so in respect
of his sovereignty he owes us nothing ; he is no way engaged to us, or
obliged by us : but may do what he will with us, either to save or not
to save us. So it stands with us clearly, if we consider his dominion
over us, in antecedence to his purpose and promise.
1. For he might have been satisfied in the sole enjoyment of his
blessed self, and never have vouchsafed a being, much less salvation and
gkuy, to any creature.
2. Or if he would manifest himself to the creatures, he might have
formed more excellent creatures, and more fit to be the objects of his
great and transcendent love : for he did not act as a natural agent ad
uiiimum sui posse, ^* to the utmost of all his power."
3. Or if the Divine will would determine itself to give a beiog to
those very creatures that are now existent ; yet there was no necessity
that be should save any of them. He might have annihilated them
without any show of unrighteousness : for who can say unto the King
of kings, " What doest thou ?" Dan. iv. 35. Might he not do with his
own what he will ?
4. Or if he would manifest his love and goodness in the salvation of
any that he had created ; yet who would not think all the angels (those
sometimes glorious creatures) more capable of it, than any of the chil-
dren of men ?
5. Or if unworthy man must be the subject of it ; yet why so many
men ? He might have made fewer vessels of mercy, than are now
formed by it, to be for ever filled with it.
6. Or if he would pitch upon so many, yet why upon those who are
now set apart for salvation, rather than those who are passed by ? Why
are these chosen, and the other left ? Why arc these vessels of honour
rather than the rest, when all were of the same clay, formed by the same
hand ? Rom. ix. 21 — 25. There is no reason can be given, but his good
pleasure, his mere grace. And, oh, what beams of this glorious grace
do break forth from this consideration I What 1 must men be chosen
from all other creatures to be the objects of God^s peculiar love ? Will
2c2
894 ▲ DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
the Lord vouchsafe the eternal enjoyment of himself to none 1
alone of all lapsed creatures ? " Lord 1 what is man that
mindful of him, or the son of man that thou visitest him ?**
And how exceedingly does this endear free grace, that onji
should be separated from the rest of perishing sinners ; that we i
be vessels of mercy, when others are vessels of wrath ! Lord, '
we, or what are our fathers ? Why hast thou revealed thyself \
and not to the world ? Even so, Lord, because it pleased thee I
other reason can be assigned, but mere grace. There needs no 1
to demonstrate that salvation is to be ascribed to grace only.
1. Use. — This condemns their doctrine, who wiU have us saved I
by free-will, than by grace ; which will have the text inverted, i
thus: — By free-will are ye saved, not by grace, but of yourselves.
This has too many patrons, and those of greatest name and i
amongst the o^^posers of truth. It is the capital error of the '.
strants, the foundation of their other opinions that concern graoB^
with which they all stand or fall. The Sociiiians, and the worst i
the Papists, the Jesuits, join with them, all following Pelagius, <
by the ancient church as the enemy of the grace of Christ.
That we may the better understand them, and what in them is to
condemned and avoided, let us see, — (1.) What grace they own I
count sufficient : for something they must own imder this notion, ^
will not plainly renounce the Gospel. (2.) What they ascribe to fill
will. (3.) What is the tendency of their principles. (4.) What d
object against the doctrine of free grace.
I. For the first. They count no grace necessary to bring a siu
into a saving state, and continue him in it, but that which they <
moral grace or suasion. This consists in a presenting of the objed
the will, with motives and arguments to embrace it. Or thus, ii
proposal of our duty, with rational considerations to move him to yi
to it, leaving us to do as we please. For example, to turn frt)m on
God, and to believe in Christ, are duties propounded in the Grospel ;
advantage of yielding hereto, and the danger of refusing, is there dedsi
and so it is left to the sinner's choice, whether he will comply or no.
This is all the grace which the Lord aflfijitis to save us. h omo
to no more than a moral excitement, or a ratio aal proposal » ThiffJ
posal is made >vitli some light, tending to excite affection. If IM
altogether in the dark, it would be in effect no proposal,
this light be natural, or supernatural, they are not agreed*
and those most followed, would have the liglxt of natural r&asoft'^
cient. Others would rather have it coonlLil n light from
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 395
Bat all agree, that it is no special illumination, but a common light,
vouchsafed to all, under the Gospel ; and so such as those have, >vho
live and die in the gross darkness of ignorance and wickedness, they
must not by their principles deny to heathens. And those, who will
have it called the light of the Spirit, count it as weak and powerless as
natural light, t. e., of no more power and efficacy to determine or sway
the wiU, than the light of reason; no, nor so much as some dictates of
reason are commonly thought to have. The difference is so little (if
there be any) as to the thing itself, that those who call it the light of
the Spirit, seem but to give it that name and title, to decline the odium
of ascribing nothing at all to the Spirit of grace. However a common
proposal, with such light, made in the Gospel unto sinners, is all the
grace which they count needful.
1. They deny eternal grace, i. 6., all free mercy in God to any parti-
cular persons from eternity. According to them, he had no mercy, no
purpose of it for any, but what he was obliged to by the foresight of
the good use of free-will. This is no free mercy, and so no grace.
2. They deny all habitual grace, which is not of ourselves. They
will have no such thing wrought in us by the Spirit of holiness. All
gracious qualities or principles, planted in the heart by the Spirit, they
reject under the notion of infused habits.
3. They deny actual grace, i. e., any operation of the Spirit to deter-
mine the will, — all gracious influences whatever that will or can certainly
incline it to act, or incline it any more to act than not to act. Grace,
with them, only proposes to the will, and leaves the determination to
itself ; it must be lefl indifferent to act, or not to act, as it likes.
No other grace, than this of proposing ; none, habitual or actual, wa
designed for any person in the eternal counsel of Grod, or purchased for
any by the blood of Christ, or administered to any by the Spirit of
grace. It is enough that it be propounded to the will to turn to God,
and arguments offered to that purpose, such as the Gospel contains, and
are managed in the ministry of it. So that all the grace, which they
count necessary, is no special, sufficient grace.
1. It is no special, but only common grace, afforded equally to those
that are damned, as to any that are saved. No other grace, than that
which suffers the far greatest part of those who partake of it to perish
eternally. That grace, wherewith any man may be damned, as soon as
saved. If any be saved in their way, it is without special grace. It is
ten to one, for any grace the Lord vouchsafes to sinners, they will never
be saved.
2. It is not sufficient grace, imless nature has power enough for saving
acts, without the least access of strength from grace : for their grace
gives not the least d^;ree of strength to the will ; but only rouses its
896 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
native power : as Delilali's Yoice gave Samson no more strength, when
she said, " The Philistines are upon thee," but only excited him to use
the strength he had. When they will have this suasive grace to be suffi-
cient, they commend not grace at all, but magnify the power of nature,
as being great indeed, when it needs so little help for acts of the highest
quality and importance. If any be saved in their way, it must be with-
out any grace sufficient to salvation.
3. It is not effectual grace. This is plain by the former. There
can be no pretence that that will be effectual which is not sufficient.
But suppose it were sufficient, (as they without ground would have it
accounted) yet it is not of itself effectual. The efficacy of it, by their
doctrine, is not from its own nature and virtue, nor from the Spirit of
grace, but from the will of man. If he will, it is efficacious ; if he will
not, it is of no effect. So that, if it should prove effectual to save any,
yet that is to be ascribed to free-will, and not to grace ; to that which
makes it effectual, when otherwise it would be of no effect.
In short, it is not saving grace, take it in any of their senses. As
saving grace is peculiar to the saved, so it is far from being saving. In
this respect it is no more saving than damning, if so much, since the
most incomparably that have it are damned.
Or, if we take saving grace for that which is sufficient for salvation,
it is not saving, unless there be a power in man's degenerate nature to
save itself ; power enough in the worst for saving acts, such as needs
nothing but exciting.
Or, if we take it for that which is effectual to salvation, it has no such
efficacy from itself, or from God ; it is only from the will of man that
it is effectual to salvation, if ever it prove so. So that in their way,
either there is no grace at all that is saving, or none that is saving at a
better rate than the will of man can make it so, when it has no saving
virtue of itself, or from Grod.
There needs no other arguments against this doctrine, no artifice to
engage us against it, but a true and plain discovery of it. If we be
saved by grace, this doctrine tends to lead us out of the way of salva-
tion.
II. Let us see what they ascribe to free-will. And that in general is
a power to be willing or unwilling, as to any motion that is made, any
object that is offered to it. It has a power of itself, and by its own
natural constitution, either to choose or refuse, either to embrace or
reject whatever object is propounded, however it be propoimded. The
will, they say, is never determined ad u7iUTn, never so set upon one g<.K)d
or bad, but that by rational inducement, i. «., by motives and arguments,
it may be led to the contrary ; aod never so moved by such induce-
ments, but that it may reject the motion. Never so set upon sin, but
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 397
that by suasive proposals it may be moved to leave, not only the acts
but the state of sin : nor ever so moved by that, or anything else, but
that it may repel the motion, and quite stifle it.
We may view it more distinctly in these two branches.
(1.) A power to choose whatever good is offered. They will have it
able of itself to embrace any good object of what nature soever j not
only natural or moral, but what is supernatural, of the highest nature
and quality ; and the embracing of it saving, such as will pass a man
into a saving state. It has a power to repent of sin, to believe in Christ,
to turn to Grod, to love, fear, and delight in him. Not only a capacity, but
an active power for these, &c. Only these things must be propounded to it
with some clearness and earnestness, as the Gospel propounds them to
all imder its ministry. And that such a proposal is required signifles
no inability in the will itself for these great things : for the most suffi-
cient faculty imaginable cannot act upon an object that it discovers not;
and the faculty of greatest power may, in some cases, need exciting.
And so it is requisite [that] the will have light to discover its object, and
some arguments to commend it, at least when the soul is under the dis-
advantage of rooted prejudices, or habitual and inveterate wickedness.
However, all the help they think needful for the will, is so far from
denying its power and sufficiency for those great concerns of salvation,
that it supposes the will to have it in and of itself, if saving things be
but represented to it as necessary and worthy of its choice and embraces.
(2.) A power to refuse any object, however it be offered, with what
advantage soever it be propounded by the Spirit of God, or the ministry
of man. For the liberty they make essential to the will, consists, they
say, in an indifferency either to choose or refuse, either to act or not to
act. And it must be lefl indifferent in all cases ; so that nothing in
heaven or earth can determine it, but itself. God himself, they say,
cannot without fail determine it to the choice of this or the other, without
destroying it. Voluntas hominis ad actus suos motione irresistibili deter-
tmnari non potest ne ab ipso Deo quidem.^ " He cannot incline the will
iiresistibly, he cannot by Divine motion of unwilling make it willing."
Whatever power he does or can put forth for this purpose, the wiU may
and can resist it, and render it of no effect. If the Lord do desire and
intend to convert a sinner, and do what can be done by the power of
hifl grace in order thereto, yet the will may hinder him. Take it in
their own words, " A man may hinder his own regeneration, when God
has a mind to have him regenerated, and it is his will to regenerate him."^
Corvinus (the most subtle and cautious of their writers) says expressly,*'
Poskis omnibus ad agendum requisitis, &c., " when all the operations of
• ^tt. D«Qr. 212. Vid. Amei RMcript. p. 129. * Coll. Hag. 282. ' Vid. Hickm. p. 33.
898 A DISCOURSE OF FfiSE GRACE.
grace in order to convernon are passed upon the will, yet it is still in the
free power of the wiU to convert or not to convert itself.** So that, when
God has done his ntmost to bring a sinner into a saving state, jet it is
in the power of the will to defeat and hinder him. In plain terms, when
God has done what he can, the wiU may do what it list. They will have
the wiU to be so free, as that it can be under no necessity of any sort,
not only such as is natural, or compulsive, or absolute, which is granted ;
but such as is only respective, and that in reference to God himself. So
that if it be needAil in respect of the decree and purpose of God, or in
respect of his will and desire, or in respect of his word and engagement,
or in respect of his design and intention, that the will should move this
way, and not the other ; yet it may incline and determine itself the
other way, and so may act counter to God in these his concerns, defeat
him in them all, and cany it against him. The purpose, the promise,
the providence, the grace of Grod, the undertaking of Christ, the opera-
tions of the Spirit, may be frustrated unavoidably by man's will. So
great a power they give it. The Lord shall not have his will, nor make
good his word, nor make his grace prevalent, nor accomplish his greatest
designs, if man's will comply not ; and it is never under any necessity
to comply, but may always resist, when the Lord has done what he can
to bring it to a compliance. This is the true visage of their doctrine, if
you will see it plain and naked. There needs no ill language to render
it ugly.
But as to our present purpose. The first branch of this power,
ascribed to the will, makes the grace, which we stand in most need of,
to be needless. For if the wiU can embrace any object in order to sal-
vation, upon a common proposal, there needs no strength from grace to
enable it.
The other branch makes all the grace they own, to be fruitless, of no
effect, a mere cipher, which stands for nothing, does, can do, nothing but
at the discretion of free-will. For the will, when the object is propounded,
with what advantage soever the proposal be made, can always resist and
reject it utterly. So that the grace of Grod comes to nothing, at the
mere humour of man's free-will.
By the former branch of the will's sufficiency, the power, in matters
of salvation, is from free-will, and not from grace : for their grace gives
it no power at all, but supposes it there already.
By the latter branch, the act, in the concerns of salvation, is from the
will, not from grace : for grace leaves the will indifierent to act or not to
act ; and, therefore, its acting is no more from grace than its not
acting ; its accepting of Christ no more from grace than its rejecting
him.
Now if both the power and the act, in the concerns of salvation, be
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 309
from free- will, and not from grace, then it is by free-will, not by grace,
that we are saved.
III. Let us view the import and dangerous tendency of this doctrine ;
and then you will see sufficient reason to reject it. Every particular will
be an argument against it ; and the particulars are very many.
(1.) They make no grace needfrd, but what was acknowledged by
those persons who were condemned by the ancient church as enemies of
the grace of Christ. Pelagius, the patriarch of the asserters of free-will,
to the prejudice of Divine grace, acknowledged not only a natural, but a
doctrinal grace, viz., the word of God discovering and propounding that
which is good, and persuading sinners to embrace it ; suadet omne quod
honum est, '* it persuades to all that is good.** Here is the suasive grace
of his modem followers. Nay, he went fiurther, and not only required
an external proposal of the object, in the ministry of the word ; but
acknowledged an inward operation of the Spirit, for enlightening the
mind, and exciting the affections ; nos ineffabiU dono gradcB ccelestis iUu-
fRmat, *' he enlightens us with the \mspeakable gift of his heavenly
grace ;" futurce glorice magnitudine et prcBtniorum policitatione accendit,
^ he inflames us with promise of rewards, and the greatness of the friture
glory," and excites the stupid will, by the revelation of wisdom, to desires
after God. Some of his late followers think it not fit to come short of
him in this, but seem to require some act of the Spirit to enlighten the
mind, and to stir up the affections. But others of them, most applauded
and followed, deny all necessity of any immediate illumination by the
Spirit ; and tell us, " that every one who has the use of reason, may,
without any special inward light, very easily apprehend whatever in
Scripture is necessary to be known or believed."' ^* And that no imme-
diate operation of the Spirit upon the mind or will, is needfrd for any
one that he may believe." ^ So that no grace is needful with these men,
but only an external proposal by the word : for what the word pro-
pounds may, without the light of the Spirit, be sufficiently understood
and offered to the will : and the will, they say, has unquestionably
power to embrace whatever is so offered by the \mderstanding. 1£ any-
thing could hinder the will from embracing the good proposed, it must
be some corruption in man's soul, some strong prejudices or vicious
habits determining the will unavoidably to that which is evil : but no
such thing can be admitted, as they state the will's liberty. For, as no
power of grace, no operation of the Spirit, can determine the will iire-
siBtibly to that which is good, but when it has done its utmost, the will
remains free to the contrary evil ; so no power of corruption can deter-
mine the will to any evil, but it will remain free to choose the contrary
good propounded to it.
* De Penplcuit. Script. Thew. i. et ill. Id. in Sjn. Dor. p. SOO.
400 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
The will of fallen man, notwithstanding any supposed corruption in
the soul, native or acquired, still retains its primitive power entire ; only
it is under some impediment as to the exercise of it, there is one thing
wanting which hinders it from acting ; it cannot act without an object.
And this signifies no defect or weakness in the will : for the most perfect
&culty of man or angel in heaven must have an object that it may act.
Now the object is offered in the Gospel, and the proposal of the object
by the Gospel, with the motives and arguments there contained, is all
the grace, all the supernatural aid and Divine assistances, which they
think requisite to help the will, to believe and turn to God. This is to
ascribe less to grace than the old Pelagians did, who yet were branded
by the church as the capital enemies of supernatural grace, and upon
that account scarce thought worthy to be called Christians.
(2.) By their doctrine, grace is given according to merit. This was
the most leprous part of Pelagianism, which the ancient church had in
greatest detestation, and for which Pelagius himself had been anathema-
tised, branded with the highest censure, by a synod in Palestine, but
that he pretended to renounce it.
Tet merit, in the sense of that age, was a &r less thing, and much
more tolerable than the Papists' merit of condignity. It was not only
a good work, of such value and worth in itself, as that a reward should
be due to it in justice ; but merit, as they understood it, was any good
act which a man did of himself, upon the account of which grace was
vouchsafed. This Bellarmine himself acknowledges, however he was
concerned to deny it. " The fathers (says he) imderstood grace to be
given according to merit, when anything is done by our own strength,
in respect whereof grace is given, although it be no merit of con-
dignity." «
And in this sense of merit, the modem asserters of free-wiU would
have all grace given, according to merit. How universal soever they
make grace to be, yet no man shall have it unless he merit it. That
grace may be imiversal, they will have it communicated both to those
that are without the Gospel, and to those that enjoy it. For those
who have not the Gospel, he is ready to give all of them the grace of
the Gospel, if they will use the light of nature well ; and he does give it
actually to those wTio, by the good use of their free-will, make such
an improvement of natural light. Here the good use of natural light is
a good act ; and upon the accoimt of that, the grace of the Gospel is
given, t. «., this grace is given according to merit, in the sense of the
&thers, who counted it so execrable to have it given according to merit.
'' Those (say the Remonstrants) whom Grod calleth, and to whom he does
• D« Ont. et Libr. Arbit. lib. vi. cap. r.
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 401
Youchsafe the grace of preaching, we confess, for the most part, to be
such men, that their virtues do deserve no less.""
For those who have the Gospel, Grod is ready to give further grace to
them, if they would be worthy hearers, as they may be, if they would
use their free-will well in hearing. " But there are some worthy
hearers of the Gospel, and some unworthy, says Corvinus : and sufficient
grace is not given to all promiscuously who hear, sed iis qui digni sunt
evangelii auditorts,^ * but to those who are worthy hearers.' " Which is in
effect as though he spoke out, and said, it is given according to merit,
which is all point blank against the apostle, 2 Tim. i. 9, Tit. iii. 5.
This they extend to the fountain of all, the eternal purpose of God.
All the grace, which is comprised in the election of grace, will be
ordered according to merit. Election of particular persons depends
upon their faith or works foreseen. The Lord foresees who will believe,
and because they will believe, upon the account of this good act he does
elect them ; so they are elected according to merit. But does he not
purpose from eternity to give faith in time ? No, by no means ; for if
he had decreed this, they would be under some necessity to believe ;
and such necessity is not consistent with the liberty of man's vriU.
Therefore it must be left to their free-will whether they shall beheve or
no: and when Grod foresees that they shall make so good use of their
free-will as to believe, then upon that account he elects them. In plain
English, he chooses those whom he foresees will merit the election of
grace by the good use of free-will.
Nay, all the grace, in the great and precious promises, and in the
whole covenant of grace, will be according to merit. For they will have
the accomplishment of all suspended upon some condition ; such a con-
dition, as is to be performed merely by the power of free-will, assisted
by no grace at all, but that gentle excitement which they call suasion,
which enables not the will to perform the condition, but plainly speaks
it able beforehand. Such a condition performed is indeed a cause, a
moving and engaging cause, and no less merit, than that which the
ancient church condemned in Pelagius. For it is a good act performed
by our own strength, upon the account of which the grace of the cove-
nant is vouchsafed, which a Jesuit will not deny to be the merit that is
Tinder the curse and execration of synods and fathers twelve hundred
years ago. Their other principles overthrow the grace of God, and lay
it prostrate; but this quite destroys it, and makes it no grace, if the
apoetle^s arguing be good reason, Rom. xi. 6.
(3.) This doctrine (which owns no more grace, and ascribes so much
to free-will) makes God not to be the worker or real cause of the
■ Epbt. rontr. Walach. p. 44. * In Twiis. 887.
402 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
spiritual and saving blessings of conversion and regeneration, nor the
author and giver of faith, repentance, holiness. These are rather to be
ascribed to man, than unto Grod. This vdll appear —
1. In general. — Conversion, regeneration, sanctification, perseverance,
and what else of this nature is required to our salvation, is to be attri-
buted to a man's self, more than the Spirit of grace ; they are the effects
and achievements of free-will, rather than of grace.
A man converts and quickens himself, regenerates and begets him-
self, creates himself so far as he is a new creature, and upholds himself
when he is created. This seems strange and uncouth, (not to say absurd
and horrid ;) but there is plain reason for it, such as may convince any
who will yield to evident reason.
Grace, however considered, (either in election, or redemption, or the
Holy Spirit's operations,) does no more for the quickening and regenerating
of Uiose who are converted, than it does for those who are never con-
verted ; therefore it is not grace, but something else, that does the work.
If the Lord had done no more for the making of this world, than for
making of other worlds that were never made, the creation of the world
could never have been ascribed to him. If Christ had done no more to
raise Lazarus from the dead, than he did to raise others who continued
dead in their graves, he could not have been said to raise him to life.
He that does no more towards the effecting of a thing, than when it is
not done at all, he cannot be said to do it. Now grace does no more
for the quickening of those that are alive to God, than for those who
are still dead and will be so for ever. Therefore it is not grace that
does the work ; it must be ascribed to something else, not to the Spirit
of grace, but to a man's self, and his own free-will.
This is evident in the nature, visible in the very complexion of their
moral grace. This (which is all the grace they own) consists in suasive
proposals. Now he that only persuades or propounds the doing of a
thing, does not thereby do it at all, but would have you to do it your-
selves, and supposes you can if you will. So that this is the plain
import of their doctrine, that men can convert and quicken themselves,
and do it if it be done. However any be said to be bom of Grod, yet
they may beget themselves ; however they be said to be " the Lord's
workmanship, created of Christ Jesus unto good works," verse 10; yet
they are their own workmanship, and make themselves new creatures.
However the apostle Faith, verse 1, " You hath he quickened;" yet
indeed they raise themselves to life. And since they do it themselves,
to themselves they may in all reason ascribe it, and accordingly glory
in it. The crown is not to be cast at the feet of Him who sits on the
throne. Grace is to have neither throne nor crown ; that is to have the
crown which does the work : free-will does it, and this must wear it.
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 403
2. More particularly, it is manifest, that they make not God to be
the real cause of those saving works, or the giver of those spiritual
blessings ; because, by their doctrine, neither the power nor the act can
be ascribed to him : for they say, he does nothing to this purpose but
by virtue of moral grace : and it is evident that this, or he, by this,
gives neither the power nor the act, &c.
(1.) Suasive grace, or the Lord by suasive proposals, gives no man
power to believe or turn to God ; it rather supposes that he has it
already before or without this grace. The virtue of it (of all the grace
they own) is only that of advice or suasion : and no man reasonably
persuades or advises another to be able, but only to be willing to use
what already he has. He that holds forth a light to a man lying on
the ground, and moves him with argimients to rise and walk, does not
thereby give him legs and strength, but supposes he has these already,
if he would use them. He that only shows another what he has to do,
and offers reason to persuade him to do it, not taking any other course
to strengthen him for it, takes it for granted that he is aforehand able
for it. Now this is all that their moral grace pretends to ; it shows the
sinner that it is his duty to turn to God, &c., and uses arguments to
move him to it, but gives no other strength for it than what this advice
includes, which, as persuasion or advice, does indeed give none at all,
but plainly supposes it in being. They say, a sinner, imder the influ-
ence of this moral grace, is able to convert and regenerate himself, to
b^et himself to a new life. But if he be able, his ability is from
nature; and the power of his natural faculties was not from grace, seeing
this their grace is not for the giving of ability where it is not, but only
for exciting it where it is before.
(2.) As the power for these great concerns of salvation is not firom God
or his grace, so neither is the act from him. For, 1. That which gives
or works the act, determines the will, or causes it to determine itself; but
the Lord by this grace (which is all they own) brings it only to the
will's choice, and leaves it to do as it list, and so plainly leaves the act to
itself; so that, if the soul do actually believe, or repent, or turn to God,
this is of itself: their grace leaves the will indifferent to act or not to act,
and so no more works the one than the other, and is no more the cause
that it acts than that it acts not. It leaves it to the will, either to yield
or refuse ; if it yield, it is not from grace, but the will. Grace leaves it
in the power of the will to resist ; if it resist not, it is from the will, not
from grace. The Lord, by his power, works not the will to turn to God,
to love, to embrace Christ, to yield to the Spirit; but leaves it indifferent
to turn to God or against him, to love God or to hate him, to embrace
Christ or reject him, to yield to the Spirit or resist him. It must be
left indifferent as to either ; grace turns not the scales, but leaves the
404 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
will at an equal pQue, that the will of man, not the grace of God, may
have the casting weight ; if grace should weigh it down, the liberty of
the will, they say, would be violated, and its nature destroyed.
(3.) Nay, their grace is so far from working the will to actual faith
or holiness, that by their account it seems to lead a man into sin, and
leave him in it : for it is a sin for a man to be indifferent whether he
believe or believe not, whether he accept Christ or reject him, whether
he love or hate him : but all that this grace does to the will, is to bring
it to such an indififerency ; and so the grace of God vdth them does no
other, no better office for a sinner, than to bring his soul into a wicked
posture ; and in that posture it does and must leave the will to itself;
and, there kft, if the will be no better to itself than grace is, or can be,
it shall never come into a better posture.
Nay, further, the Lord is so &r £rom determining the will, and so
from causing the act by making it willing, that it is impossible for him
to do it They say (as was showed before) that the will cannot be
determined by God himself without destroying it ; they will have it an
inconsistency, and to imply a contradiction. And thus the Lord is so
hx from being the worker or real cause of actual faith, •conversion,
sanctification, that it is impossible he should be the cause thereof; he
ia so &r £rom actually working these, that he cannot do it.
Let me but add one argument more. This grace is given equally to
all, and effects no more in one than another ; and, therefore, can be no
more the cause of actual conversion in those that turn to God, than in
those that are never converted ; works regeneration no more in those
that are sanctified, than in the unr^enerate ; t. e., works it not at all, is
no cause of it. The Lord, by virtue of this grace, gives actual faith
and repentance no more to those that believe and repent, than to such
as persevere in impenitency and unbelief ; gave faith no more to Paul
than to Judas, repentance no more to Peter than to Simon Magus ;
t. 0., he gives it not at all.
This is the clear consequence of their doctriue. The Lord is not the
author and finisher of our faith, or of our repentance ; nor the real
cause of conversion or sanctification, and other saving blessings ; and
so, not the author of salvation. It is not by his grace, but of ourselves,
both as to the power and the act, in direct opposition to the text and
the whole strain of the Gospel. And it is as reconcilable with Scripture
and the perfections of God, to say he is not the creator of the world, or
the author of anything, as to say he is not the author or real cause of
those great concerns of salvation.
(4.) This leads them to deny original sin. They must of necessity
make little or nothing of the corruption of our nature, since they will
have their suasive grace to be a sufficient relief against it ; as if all the
sin in man^s nature could be argued out of him without more ado, and
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 406
all the power of corruption, natural and contracted too, might be effect-
ually subdued and crucified by rational advice ; whereas, this moral
suasion is of itself of no efficacy at all for this purpose, and appears
to be so in that it effects no such thing in far the greatest part of those
who partake of it as much as any, but leaves them altogether as corrupt
as it foTuid them.
I cannot discern, that they will acknowledge any corruption at all to
be in the will, though Scripture and experience show that it is most of
all there. The will seems to be now as sound (by their doctrine) as it
was in innocency ; nor stands it in need of more help by grace, than
Adam before the fall : for then he had and needed suasive grace. " In
the day that thou eatest thereof, thou shalt die :" here is the duty pro-
pounded, and the proposal enforced with a powerful motive by God
himself, that is the simi of suasive grace, which the Lord seeing needful
for our first parents, did thus administer it, as far from corruption as it
was then. And if the will need no more now, it is as free from corruption
as it was then. Thus for the affections, there must be uo more corruption
in them than in the will, these being but the acts and motions of it.
Or, if they will consider them as in the sensitive appetite ; yet common
illumination is enough to heal it there : for thereby the affections are
sufficiently excited and quickened. Nor is there any depravation in
the mind, but what may be cured by common light, such as the most
corrupt and wicked men have.
That which admits so easy a cure must needs be slight and little ;
and that little too, which they acknowledge, is with them neither sin nor
punishment properly, and so not evil at all, unless there be some evil
which is neither. The depravation of our natures by the fall, however
it be aggravated in Scripture, is not in their account properly either
OOP sin or our punishment ; but only our infelicity ; and no great infe-
licity neither, since with them it can be neither spiritual death, nor
mortal disease, no nor very considerable weakness. For if it were such
a weakness, no grace would repair it but that which commimicates an
answerable strength. But that grace which they think sufficient to
repair all, gives not any strength at all, but supposes there is power
enough in nature to recover itself, if it be but excited.
This in a manner makes Christ of none effect. The great end of his
coming was to restore our natures fallen from God, and made incapable
of honouring and enjoying him : therefore he took our nature, and per-
formed and suffered so much therein. But what need all this waste, if
we can lick ourselves whole by virtue of a little common light ? and so
little not needful with some of them. The great Augustine" reduces the
whole Christian doctrine to two heads, the knowledge of the first Adam,
• De Peccat. Grig. cap. xiv.
406 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
and the knowledge of the second: what we suffered by Adam, and what
we gained by Christ. But though these be fundamental in the Chris-
tian doctrine, how little they stand for in the doctrine of free-will, we
may hereby perceive. And it will be further manifest by another fun-
damental, which, depending on this now insisted on, falls with it.
(5.) By this doctrine there is no need of regeneration. To be rege-
nerate, b, in the language of the Holy Ghost, to be bom of God, John
i. 18 ; to be bom again, or bom frx)m above, John iii. 8; and that is to
receive a principle of spiritual life and motion from God.' But no such
principle is necessary in the will, which indeed most needs it. But no
habit of holiness is planted there, no good quality created in it by the
Spirit ; that they say is a necessitating act, and would be prejudicial to
its liberty. The image of Grod needs no repairing in the heart or will,
though that be the chief receptacle and subject of it; even the school-
men making this the principal seat of all virtues. It needs no such
infused principle or quality, to incline it to that which is good; they
will have it able of itself, by its own native power, to embrace any good,
how supernatural soever, which the mind offers to it. It can produce
the best acts, without any inward principle suitable or proportionable
to them. The tree need not be good, that the fruit may be good ; or
rather, it is good enough al,ready, it is so naturally. The will or heart
of man (how nought soever the Scripture speaks it, representing it to be
desperately vricked, Jer. xvii. 9, and the fountain of all wickedness,
Matt. XV. 19,) seems by their doctrine to be as good by nature, as God
can or will make it; no worse than it was when first formed. It lost no
spiritual qualities or accomplishments by the fall, for it had none
before ;* so that all regenerating grace as to the will is clearly cashiered.
Nor will they allow any new qualities to be infused by the Spirit of
grace into the mind or affections, no more than into the will : for that,
they say, is repugnant to the administration of the means of salvation.
All that they think requisite, is common light, such as they deny not
to the vilest men, (nor can well deny to devils : for they discern the
truth and goodness of what is proposed in the Grospel;) by the bare
help of such light, their own wills can regenerate them, so far as they
think any regeneration needful. I find it no easy thing to discern what
their regeneration is. The best I can make of it is this. The mind
needs no new birth or life, but what it has from common light ; nor do
the affections need any exciting or quickening, but what that same effects.
But though they count this sufficient quickening, they do not call it
regeneration : for many, thus quickened, do live and die unregenerate.
• Vid. Ham. in John i. IS.
* Collat. Hag. p. 248. /• tpirituali morte non separuntur proprie dona tpirUnaiia ah kominit
9olunUMte, &o. Sjn. Dor. 196.
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 407
It is an act of the will [which] must do the work, and for that the will
mnst be left to itself. The Spirit of God must not touch it, must not give
it any principle of life, must not act' it by any special or immediate in-
fluence ; but if of its own accord it turn itself to that which is good, the
sinner is thereby bom again. So that regeneration is completed by a
little common light, such as the children of darkness have, and an act of
free-will, without any further assistance, or any other work of the Spirit
in or upon it.
Thus, by this one act of free-will at first, they are regenerated actu-
ally; and afterwards, by repeated acts of free-will, they may be regene-
rated habitually: for, the vrill, by repeated acts, can beget gracious
habits, and so help them to habitual regeneration ; though they deny
[that] the Spirit of grace can work in them any such thing as habits or
principles of holiness. Now, this is to be " bom again of the will of man,
not of the will of God," John i. 13. The Scripture declares, that they
who are r^enerated, are bom of God, 1 John iii. 9 ; born of the Spirit,
John iii. 8 ; but this is to be bom of free-will, not of God, nor of the
Spirit, unless free-will be God or the Spirit. The apostle says, " Of his
own will begat he us," James i. 18 ; but they must say, of their own wills
they beget themselves. Yet, this is all the regeneration which they
count necessary, and so make that new -birth a needless thing, which
the Scripture calls for and describes by other characters, and declares
all access to the kingdom of heaven impossible without.
(6.) This takes sinners off from that which is really saving, and leads
them to take up with that which falls short of salvation. It teaches
them to rest satisfied with such a faith, a repentance, a conversion, a
regeneration, as common light and rational proposals (such as every one
meets with in the ministry of the word) are sufficient to effect. But these
alone can never produce any saving faith or repentance, any saving
regeneration or conversion.
Those who persuade them, that this is enough for those saving effects,
go about to delude sinners ; and if they look after no more, their souls
are like to be ruined for ever. Moral grace may perhaps prevail for
some morality ; but this alone can never be effectual, to turn a heart of
stone into a heart of flesh, to turn the enmity of the will into love to
Chriat, to turn sinners from the power of Satan unto God, to raise the
soul to life that is spiritually dead, to make them new creatures, &c.
These are not the effects of a gentle suasion, but of an Almighty power.
They mean something else than Scripture intends by these expressions,
who make these saving works so low, common, and easy things, and so
much in the power, and at the beck of a sinner's corrupted will. Nothing
• actuate.
2d
408 A DI8C0UBSE OF FREE GRACE.
more ruins souls, than resting in that as saving which is not so ; and
when divines promote the delusion, how pernicious is it like to prove 1
(7.) It destroys holj obedience, inward and outward ; leaves no place
for the exercise of grace in the heart, or works truly good in the con-
versation. It plucks up these by the roots, taking away habitual r^;e-
neration which is the root of them, the exercise of grace in the acting of
an inward gracious principle ; but they say there is no such princijde
planted in the heart or will by the Spirit of holiness ; and where the
principle is not, it cannot be acted. There can be no vital acts, where
there is no vital principle ; that which is not alive, cannot put forth acts
of lifo. Or, to use the terms wherein Christ expresses it, '* The fruit is
not good, unless the tree be good." No good acts can be produced by
the heart or will, till itself be good. It is not, it cannot be, good, when
there are no good qualities in it. It has no good, no holy qualities
planted in it by the Spirit of grace ; that (with them) only acts morally,
and does no more sanctify those that are holy, than those that are pro-
fiuie. So that, if the will have any goodness, anything that is holy in
it ; it has it from itself, not from the Spirit of holiness. Thus the frnits
of the Spirit will be no other than the fruits of free-will ; of free-will
unsanctified, unless it sanctify itself : and the acts of obedience will be
no other than the acts of natural morality, such as man*s d^enerate
wiU can produce by its natural power, witliout any assistance but that
of moral or suasive grace ; which begets no good qualities, gives no
inward strength, affords no help of any kind, more to those who do most,
than to those who do nothing at all.
We need not wonder, if those of this persuasion should satisfy them-
selves, and would have others satisfied, with such a morality ; their prin-
ciples do afiford, and can require nothing better. But, whether the acts
of it be those gracious acts, those fruits of the Spirit, those good works,
which the Scripture so much calls for, and makes the way to salvation ;
let those consider who are concerned indeed in the way to salvation.
They charge their opposers, for not pressing moral duties. If they
mean thereby practical Christianity, there are none in the world [who]
press it more. But we are not for a pagan, but a Christian morality; and
think it not advisable to press external acts alone, without minding the
principle and root from whence all that is truly Christian must spring.
We count it absurd and preposterous to look for fruits where there is no
root, for gracious acts where grace is not planted in the heart. They
may deck a maypole with as many garlands as they please, and set off a
mast with flags and streamers ; but they will never thereby make them
fruit-trees. The Lord will condemn those who bring not forth good
fruit ; and those also who lead them in a way where they are never
like to be truly fruitftil, without better conduct.
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 409
(8.) This Stifles love to Grod, takes away that which is the foundation
and ground of a special transcendent love to him. That which is the
rise of onr love to God, is " his love to us," 1 John iv. 19 ; it is this that
kindles our affection to him, and raises love into a flame : but he that
believes and considers that God had no more thoughts of love for him
from eternity, than he had for those who are under his everlasting
hatred; and that Christ had no more love for him in the work of
redemption ; did obey, suffer, satisfy, purchase no more for him, than
he did for those who were in hell, when he suffered ; and that the Spirit
of grace does no more for him, in order to his salvation, than he does for
the vessels of wrath, fitted for destruction ; will scarce find anything in
the love of God (on this consideration) to engage his soul to a special
love for God : he will be in danger to love God with no more than a
common love, such as a carnal man may have ; who believes that the
Lord loves him no more, than he loves those who are to be tormented
for ever with the devil and his angels. He will find a motive from
henoe, to hug and love himself rather than God : for, when that which
they call love in God, seems but an indifferent respect, not intending
more good to one than another, but as themselves determine it ; he had
got no special benefit, no particular advantage by that love, if he had
not been better to himself : the Lord, as they represent him, (whatever
is pretended concerning the greatness and universality of his love to
mankind) seems indifferent as to love or hatred, as to the happiness or
misery of man. The Lord lefl it indifferent, in his eternal purpose,
whether any should be saved or no ; and Christ, in the work of redemp-
tion, left it ind^erent whether any should be actually redeemed or no ;
and the Spirit, in calling sinners, leaves it indifferent whether any be
effectually called or no : there was no affection in all this, but what
might have ended in love or hatred, t. e., in the damning of all, as soon
as the saving of any. That which determines this indifference, and
makes it prove love, is the sinner himself, the good use of his free-will :
had it not been for this, for any love that God had for him, for any
expression of it from Father, Son, or Spirit, he had been one of the chil-
dren of wrath, in the same condemnation with others. So that the plain
tendency of their doctrine, is to lead sinners to reflect affectionately on
themselves, but with indifferency upon God.
Such is the general love which they will have in God to mankind:
it is but an indifferent respect to all, which proves love or hatred, as
the sinner's will determines it. But when they ascribe any particular
love to Grod, it is no other than what arises from the sinner's love to
him : he foresaw that we would believe, and so love him, and therefore
he intended life for us : he foresaw that we would embrace and choose
Christ, and therefore did he choose us. So that God did not love us
2i)2
410 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
first, but we him, whateTer the apostle says, 1 John iv. 10, 19. He did
not choose ns first, but we did choose him, whatever Christ says,
John XV. 16. Thus they stop up the spring of our love to God ; they
destroy the reason, and raze the ground of our love to him, if that be it
which the apostle assigns. It is the greatness, the riches, the freeness
of Divine love that engages, that constrains us to love him : but this
doctrine not only defiices the riches and freeness, but in a manner takes
away the true nature and notion of his love, when it makes it an
affection so indifierent to man's happiness or misery.
(9.) It destroys the exercise of faith, and takes them off fit>m a con-
tinued dependence on God, and trusting in him. It is inconsistent with
that life of faith, which must be the life of every Christian.
Tliis takes them off from depending on God, both in their spiritual
concerns, and in common and human affairs.
1. For those affiurs which depend on the wills of other men : they
cannot depend on God for the ordering of them ; for none are to depend
on him fixr things which are not at his disposal : but the wills of men,
and so the affairs which depend thereon, are not (with them) at God*s
disposal ; since, by their principles, he cannot sway thdr wills effect-
ually one way or other ; for this, in their account, is to destroy their
natural liberty.
2. As to spiritual concerns, for the making of grace, or the means of
grace effectual. For the promoting of holiness, for the growth or exer-
cise of it, or for perseverance in it, there is no need to depend on God :
for it is not necessary to depend on another for that which is in his own
power. Now these things, and the like, are in the power of his own
will ; he is the master of them, if he will not be wanting to himself.
Indeed, it is more in their own power, than in the power of Grod ; for
every man's wiU can determine itself to these things, but God cannot
without destroying the will : for if he determine it, he leaves it not
indifferent ; and if it be not indifferent, it is not free ; and if it be not
free, it is not an human will : and, therefore, they have more reason to
depend on themselves, where they believe the power is, than on God,
where they say it is not. If there be any reason to rely on God, it is
for further continuance of that which they call sufficient grace : but
there is no more need to depend on him for this, than the other ; for
this is never ydthdrawn, unless they be contumacious, and obstinately
resist it : but then it is in their power not to resist, but comply with it;
and if they will not, God .cannot help it : for when he has put forth all
the operations of his grace upon the soul, tlie will is at liberty, and has
power to do as it list. The power is most in man still ; and where the
power is, there must be the dependence, upon themselves rather than
upon God ; though this self-dependence be under the curse of God in
Scripture, and plainly deserves his heaviest curse.
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 411
(10.) It overthrows bumilitj and self-denial. One may smell from
whence it comes, by the rank tendency of it to pride and self-exaltation.
The design of the Grospel is clearly to debase man, and take from him
all occasion of boasting or glorying in himself; or of ascribing the
praise, either of his state or actions, to himself, Rom. iii. 9, 27 ; 1 Cor.
i. 29, 30. But this doctrine obliges a believer to ascribe the difference
which is betwixt him and others who are in the state of sin and misery,
not unto grace, but to himself ; leaves him no ground to imagine that
it was grace which made the difference.
Grace is, with them, indifferently afforded unto all sinners under the
Gospel at least. Others had the same light, the same rational proposals,
with as much clearness and earnestness, in the same degree, and of no
less power and sufficiency ; it is common in all respects. That which
is every way common and indifferent, could not possibly make us to
differ. But when they had it in common, this man would make good
use of it, without any other help from grace than the rest had ; they
would not. His will complied with the proposal ; their wills, no less
assisted than his, resisted. Grace brought it equally to the choice of
their wills, and there left it : his will determined itself to comply ; their
wills determined against it : that made the difference, not grace, which
was alike in all, but free-will, which he used better than others. If my
will (may he say) had not been better to me than grace, it had been as
bad with me as them ; for grace was as good to them as me. The
apostle asks, " Who made thee to differ ?" 1 Cor. iv. 7; supposing none
would have the confidence to arrogate this to himself. But he that is
for fi«e-will must say, I made myself to differ. Grace brought it to
the choice of my will, whether there should be any difference or no ; it
does no more for any ; if there be any difference made, it is free-will
that makes it. Those of them that are so ingenuous as to use plain
dealing, speak out, and say expressly. Ego me discemo, " I make the
difference myself."
The apostle says, " By the grace of God, I am what I am," 1 Cor.
XV. 10; but they must say. By the good use of free-will I am what I
am : for grace is such a thing (with them) as moves all, affects all,
leaves all alike : if any one be better than another, as to state or actings,
it is not grace that makes him so, for the worst have as much of their
grace as the best ; the difference must be ascribed to free-will. Nor
can their doctrine show them any reason, why they should not ascribe
it to themselves, and glory in it, whatever become of the glory of Divine
grace.
(11.) It makes it unnecessary or unreasonable, to pray for themselves
or others, for those things which we should most of all pray for : this is
evident enough, in that it leaves not place for faith and dependence on
God, in common affairs, or spiritual concerns, as was showed before.
J
412 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
For we are not to pray to God, but where we may rely and depend on
him ; nor seek him for what we may not truBt him, Bom. x. 14. But
farther, the things that Christians are principally to pray for, are
spiritiial and heavenly blessings ; these are all comprised in, or depend
upon, grace. Let us see how favourable their principles are to praying
lor grace, either effectual or preventing.
As to the former, they need not pray for efficacious grace, lor it is in
their own power to make it effectual; and who needs b^ that of an-
other, which he has in his own power ? Their grace is effectual in the
toul, when it becomes willing, (for then it has its effect;) but with them,
nothing is more in their power and will, than to be willing: and it is
needless and senseless to pray to God to make them willing, t. e., to make
grace effectual, when they can do it well enough of themselves : Quid
«t atulHtiSf quam orare ut facias quod m potestcUe habea f* *' What more
foolish, than to pray God thou mayest do that which thou hast in thine
own power ?** And elsewhere, Ne faUamua homines, &c ''Let us not
deceive men, for we cannot deceive God : " we pray not to God at all,
but only foign that we pray, if we ihink that ourselves, not he doth
what we pray for.
And as they need not, so they must not pray, that God would make
grace effectual, or make it work effectually in Uiem; for God cannot do
it, and they must not seek that of him which he cannot do. To make
grace effectual, is of unwilling to make them willing, to determine the
will to what he proposes ; but this (they say) he cannot do, without
invading its freedom : all that he can do, is to propose, and leave the
will to do as it likes ; if he should bow it effectually one way or other,
that would be a breach upon the liberty which is essential to it; so that
to beg this of him, would be to seek an impossibility. So that, unless
they will be absurd, they must not pray that (Jod would effectually bow
or incline their wills, to believe in Christ, to turn to God, to love him,
to fear him, to walk in his ways, to hate sin, or mortify it ; yea, or to
avoid it. They must not pray, that God would effectually subdue their
wills to his will in anything: for, to be so subjected, though to God, and
by a Divine motion, is not consistent with that freedom which the nature
of the will requires.
If their petitions be of such import, (as the best petitions of Chris-
tians are,) their prayers contradict their principles ; their prayers are a
plea for the truth which they dispute against. Whatever they argue
with men, they must be for us, when they have to do with God, if they
will have anything to do with Grod in prayer, or pray anything like
Christians.
' Auffost. De Nat. e( Ont. oap. zrU.
A DISCOURSE OP FREE GRACE. 413
Aa for preyenting or gufficient grace, they need not pray for that ; for
they haTe it already, or they will have it, though they pray not for it ;
for all have it, even those who never pray while they live.
But if they should pray for it, their petitions must bear such a sense
as will be very harsh to any Christian or rational ear. Sufficient grace
is that which enables a man to turn to Grod if he will. So, this must
be it they pray for : Lord, give me such grace, that 1 may love thee if
I will, that I may fear thee if I list, that I may obey thee if I please.
This grace leaves, and must leave the will indifferent, to choose or
refuse, to act or not to act, at its pleasure : for so far the Lord may by
his grace proceed with the will, but no farther, without intrenching on
its liberty : so that it is this which they pray for ; Lord, give me such
grace, as will leave me indifferent, either to love or hate thee ; either to
torn or not to turn unto thee ; to obey or rebel against thee ; either to
believe in Christ, or to be an unbeliever: this must be the import of
their prayers for grace, if they be consistent with their principles : but
if they wiU pray with the sense of Christians or sober men, they must
renounce their doctrine of free-will.
Further, they must not pray for others more than themselves : not
for enemies, that God woiild effectually turn their hearts, that they may
not oppress, persecute, obstruct the Gospel, oppose Christ's interest.
They must not pray for children, friends, strangers ; that God would
eflfectually turn them to himself, that he would create in them new
hearts, or inspire their wills with gracious principles; that he would
conquer their rebellious wills, or not leave them in a capacity to resist
him, or reject the Spirit of grace. They must not pray for themselves
or others, that God will give them any grace, but what will leave it at
the choice and arbitrement of their own wills (when there is no good
quality in them) as well to resist as not to resist grace, before conver-
sion; as weU to expel as to retain it, afler conversion.
Prayer is such an acknowledgment of God, so essential to all reli-
gion, that without it there can be no religion, either Christian or
natural ; therefore so far as this doctrine makes it unnecessary or unrea-
sonable to pray, so far it tends to extirpate all religion.
(12.) It is inconsistent with that thankfulness and gratitude which
should make up the life of a Christian ; with those praises, whereby Grod
is glorified in a special manner, and which must be the employment of
eternity. It is the most ungrateful doctrine that ever any imder the
name of Christians entertained : for hereby, he that is in the state of
grace, has no more cause on that account to be thankful to God, than
he that is in the state of sin and damnation : for he is not obliged to be
thankful for more than he has received ; and the best saint, as such,
has received no more fix)m God, owes no more to his grace, than he
414 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
that oontiniies the worst of sinners. That he is in a happier condition^
is from himself, and the good use of his free-will. Grace was common,
afforded him and others indifferently ; it was his own free-will that
made the difference, so far as there is any. Nay, a saint in glory will,
by their doctrine, have no more reason to be praising God, or admiring
Christ, than one in hell: but of that hereafter.
The recovery of man out of the state of sin and misery, into which
he is Mien, either by Adam's transgression, or his own wickedness, is
more to be ascribed to himself, than imto God; and so he owes more
thanks to himself than to God. He does more to convert, to quicken,
to sanctify, to establish, to save himself, than God does by his grace ;
and so he has more reason to thank himself for all. The Lord
does very little, in comparison of what man does in these great con-
cerns ; and that little which God does, would come to nothing at all,
if man himself did not give it eflSicacy, and make something of it: so
that there is left veiy little groimd or occasion of giving praise and
glory to God, where, if for anything, the highest praise and glory is
eternally due to him, and where above all he designed the greatest
praise and glory to himself. There seems much more occasion to
ascribe the praise and glory of man's salvation, both on earth and in
heaven, unto man himself : Not unto thee, O Lord, must they say, not
unto thee, but imto ourselves be the praise, or at least more imto our-
selves than unto thee. View this doctrine well, and compare it with
the doctrine and design of the Grospel, and you will find them just as
agreeable as light and darkness.
(13.) It tempts men strongly to neglect God and their souls, to live in
any wickedness their inclination leads them to, and not to break off a
course of sin by speedy repentance : for their pretended sufficient grace
is imiversal, and denied to none ; that brings repentance to every man*s
power and choice ; he has grace enough to repent if he will. And since
it is in his own power, he may take his own time for it, and need not
fear to satisfy himself with the pleasures or advantages of sin.
What is to be feared, to restrain them here from the practice of
ungodliness and unrighteousness ? unless they will say, that conmion
grace being abused, may be withdrawn, and the sinner by the judgment
of Grod given up to obduration. Here would be some danger indeed, if
that obduration did irresistibly determine the sinner's will to such
wickedness : but there is no fear of that ; for, by their principles, the
will cannot be so determined, either to good or evil ; it is inconsistent
with that liberty which is essential to it, and which it cannot want while
it is a will. Therefore no light can be withdrawn, no hardness can be
contracted ; but the will must still be at liberty, to turn to God or not
to turn, to repent or not to repent, at pleasure. They have security,
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 415
from their principles, to go on in their evil ways, till they be in danger
to live no longer ; and then it is not a peradventure, if God will give
them repentance ; they have enough for that in their own power, and
may repent and torn to God when they list. Accordingly, one of the
prime asserters of this doctrine, being admonished of his debauches,
made this return : " I am a child of the devil to-day, but I have free-
will, and to-morrow I will make myself a child of Grod."
(14.) It destroys justification of the Gospel, all justification of sinners,
which the Gospel gives notice of : it will have us justified, not by the
righteousness of Christ, or of Grod, but our own righteousness ; by our
own righteousness, in the fullest and grossest sense ; by a righteousness
which is in ourselves, and of ourselves, and by ourselves : by our own
acts or works, not performed by the help of any special grace, but by
the power of free-will.
Their justification is thus stated : The act of faith (or sincere obedi-
ence, or inherent holiness,) though it be imperfect, yet is accepted of
Grod instead of a perfect righteousness ; and so by it we are justified, as
if it were a perfect righteousness. Now those acts of faith, or obedience,
or whatever they call it, which they will have to be the righteousness by
which we are justified, is not of grace neither : it is not the giil of God,
he never purposed or promised to give it unto any : it is not the purchase
of Christ, he never merited it for any : it is not the work of the Spirit of
grace, he does no more towards it in those that have it, than in those
that never have it.
So that the righteousness whereby they are justified, is so far fi*om
being that which Christ performed, that he did not so much as merit it ;
80 far from being the righteousness of God, that he does not give it ; so
fiur from being the issue of God's free grace, that it is the product of our
free-will. How sinners are justified, the apostle declares in the text,
and Tit. iii. 7, and Rom. iii. 24. But by this doctrine, we are so far
from being justified freely by his grace, through the redemption that is
in Christ Jesus, that we are justified without the redemption that is in
Christ Jesus ; not freely, not by his grace, but by acts of our own free-
will, passing for a perfect righteousness ; when they are no such thing,
nor can upon any ground be so accounted.
(15.) It tends to destroy the covenant of grace ; to make it a covenant
without grace, I had almost said an imgracious compact ; such, wherein
the Lord shows himself less gracious to men, than if they had been left
under the covenant of works ; and under which, they are more liable to
sin and damnation, than if it had never been made : which thus
appears.
The covenant of works required perfect obedience ; and man, being
created after the image of Grod, with holiness and righteousness, was able
416 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
to perform that perfect obedience wliich was the condition of that
covenant ; but tranfigressing it by that first act of disobedience, in
eating the forbidden fruit, he lost the image of God, wherein his strength
for observing the covenant consisted. The Lord, they say, deprived him
of that holiness and righteousness, and thereby of ability to perform the
condition. Now they say, a man cannot sin in not doing that which he
is not able to perform, though he be disabled by his own fault ; and so
in this state of disability, he was not capable of sinning, and conse-
quently was not liable to condemnation.
If things had continued in this state, none could have been damned for
actual sin, but Adam only ; and they say, for original sin none are
damned.
But the covenant of grace made a sad alteration in man's state and
circumstances ; for therein, sufficient grace being offered to all, whereby
they may avoid sin if they will, they hereupon become capable of
sinning, as they were not before ; and in danger of danmadon, when
before they were safe. So that their covenant of grace makes man's
condition worse than it was, instead of relieving him, so far is it from
being truly gracious ; even the supposed grace of it, brings him more
within the compass of sin and damnation than he was without it.
(16.) It cashiers the Spirit of grace, and all its special offices and
operations. To pass by those who ascribe nothing at all to the Spirit ;
those who attribute most to it, so far as I can discern, will have us
beholding to him for nothing at all, but common light, such as the chil-
dren of darkness have ; and so weak and powerless, that the will needs
not follow it, is not determined, nor effectually moved or inclined by it.
The Spirit of grace (with them) has no immediate influence upon the
will or affections ; and this is all, too, which the mind has from the
Spirit ; it moves neither will nor affections, but remotely, but by virtue
of this light : so that the Spirit of grace does nothing in the whole soul,
mind, will, or affections, but what this light amounts to. No more is
needful, either for the first rise of holiness, or for the increase and
growth, or the strengthening and continuance of it.
At first, the will, by no other help than that of moral grace, (which
pretends to no inward operation of the Spirit, but only this common
illumination ; for the proposal is by the word without, and the enforcing
of motives and arguments, is by the ministry of man,) determines itself
to turn to God ; and so, without more ado, is converted and regenerated.
There is the rise of holiness ; afterwards, by determining itself again
and again, it acquires a habit, and that is a free and permanent quality :*
tlie will exercises, increases, strengthens, and confirms holiness, as it
• Hoornb. torn. 1. p. 316.
A DISCOURSE OF FBEE GRACE. 417
began it, by determining itself: it has power to do this in and of itself,
and nothing else does, or can do it. The Spirit, neither bj this light,
nor by any other gracious influence, does, or can determine it ; nor does
the will need anything for the exercise of its power, but only light to
make a sufficient discoTery of the duty or object propounded. Thus all
the motions, operations, assistances of the Spirit of grace, are confined to
this light : all its healing, strengthening, quickening, and establishing
virtue, amounts to no more than this : the soul neither has, nor needs
any spiritual life, health, strength, or motion, either first or last, but
what this does effect ; and yet it effects no such thing in far the most
that have it : for those have it, no less than others, who are, in the
style of Scripture, not only in the dark, but darkness. And if it have
any more effect upon others, than it has upon the children of darkness,
yet this ^cacy it must have from free-will ; not of itself, nor of the
Spirit, (whom they call its author,) otherwise it would be equally effect-
ual in all, since all have it equally, and the Spirit is supposed to give it
equally to all. And if the Spirit of Christ give it not its efficacy and
virtue, but it owes this only to free-will ; it is of no worth as it proceeds
from the Spirit, of no more value than a fruitless and ineffectual thing ;
c^ no virtue, and so of no value, but what it derives from man^s will.
Now what honour is it to the Spirit of Christ, to ascribe to him a
froitless, a worthless thing ? They seem to honour the Spirit as much,
who ¥rill borrow no light at all from him, but count the light of reason,
with the help of the written word, sufficient : and what great difference
is there betwixt them who ascribe nothing at all to the Spirit, and those
that ascribe to him that which is nothing worth ? That which is fruit-
less and ineffectual, of no virtue, of no value, but what it owes to man's
will, may as well be ascribed to human reason, as the Divine Spirit.
(17.) It tends to destroy the mediation of Christ ; that liberty, which
they make essential to man's will, makes Christ incapable of being the
Mediator between God and man, and so tends to ruin all the concerns of
God and man in Christ's mediation. For, either the will of Christ was
trndeclinably fixed upon that which is good and holy, so that it could
not incline to disobedience and wickedness : and if so, it had not that
indifferency to good and evil, in which they place the liberty of man's
will, and count it essential thereto, so that it cannot be a human will .
without it ; and then Christ, wanting that which is essential to human
nature, was not indeed a man, nor did assume otu* nature ; consequently
could not be the mediator between God and man, being not the man
Christ Jesus.
Or, if his will was not undeclinably fixed on that which was good,
but left in a state of indifferency to that or the contrary ; so that he
might have observed his Father's will, or not observed it ; might have
r\
418 A DISCODKSE OF FREE GRACE.
loved him, or not loved him ; might have fulfilled all righteooBiiess, or
not fhlfilled it : and if he might have sinned, or not sinned, then he was
not God ; for he that is God cannot sin. ,
So that as they state the freedom of man's will, either he was not man,
or he was not God ; and either way he could not be mediator, who must
be both. Thus all the advantages sinners have by his mediation perish ;
and all the glory the Lord designed to himself thereby, is blasted by the
extravagant doctrine of free-will.
(18.) It de&ces redemption by Christ, and leaves little or no place, or no
necessity, either of satisfaction or merit, in his obedience and sufierings.
1. He did not merit faith, or regeneration, or holiness, or persever-
ance, for all, or for any particular persons. They dedaie expressly,
that it is foolishly said, that Christ procured faith or regeneration for
any : their principles engage them to maintain this ; for if he merited
these for any, it would have been necessary that these should have been
wrought in some of the redeemed ; it would have been necessary, that
some or other of them should be believers, r^;enerate and sanctified, and
stedfast unto the end ; but all such necessity they deny, as inconsistent
with that freedom of man's will which they contend for. It must not be
under any necessity, either from the decree of God, or the purchase of
Christ : faith, repentance, sanctification, perseverance, must be mere
contingencies, in respect of those former causes ; or else they could not
be free acts in respect of the will, their next cause. Christ, by his death
and merit, must not be the author or cause of these, though there be
no pardon or life without them ; so much must not be ascribed to his
merits, lest too little be left to free-will.
2. Upon the same accoimt, Christ did not merit pardon or salvation
for any one certainly ; and so his death makes neither the means nor the
end certain. After he had done and sufiered so much, been obedient
unto death, made his soul an ofiTering for sin, and obtained eternal
redemption by his blood ; yet there was no necessity that any one sinner
should have pardon and life ; no certainty, that any one would be par-
doned and saved : Christ left this altogether uncertain, and not to be
determined but by man's free-will. Afler Christ had finished the work
of redemption, as all might have been saved, so all might have been
damned ; there was no value, efficacy, merit or satisfaction, in Christ's
death or obedience, to make more sure work : it was left at uncertainty,
as it were at hap-hazard, whether salvation or damnation should cany
it ; and free-will alone must have the honour to determine it." Christ,
they say, procured by his death a power to destroy imbelievers : so that
he no more purchased salvation than damnation : he is, by virtue of his
death and obedience, no more a redeemer than a destroyer of mankind :
■ QrerincoT. in Amet. Coron. p, US.
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 419
whether he should prove a saviour of any, or a destroyer of all, is left to
the arbitrement of fi:«e-will.« There was, they say, no other necessity,
nor advantage, nor value, in the death of Christ, but what might have
been perfectly saved, though all the redeemed had perished eternally.
They declare for an universal redemption, and that equally extended to
all and eveiy one, and so would seem to magnify it more than others : yet,
indeed, it is no other redemption of all, but such as is very well consistent
with the damnation of all and every one. Christ loved them all, and
washed them from their sins in his own blood ; yet for all that, every
one of them might have been danmed. Though they say, he died and
shed his blood for the whole world ; yet there is no value, efficacy, or
merit, in the death of Christ, in the blood of God, to secure pardon and
salvation, or any saving advantage, to any one person in the world. All
might have perished, for anything he had effected by the work of
redemption ; and all had perished certainly, if he had procured no more
for them, than the doctrine of iree-will can admit of ; not one of them
can ever come to heaven, if Christ did not procure more for them, and
more effectually, than their doctrine will suffer them to acknowledge, or
give him any thanks for.
3. If he did not purchase pardon and life certainly for any, nor faith
and holiness, or other such necessary requisites thereto, what then did
he procure ? Why, he procured, they say, a covenant or promise, that
all should have pardon and life, if they would believe and obey him.
But if, antecedently to Christ's undertaking, the Lord had declared his
willingness to save such as believe and obey, there was no need of such
a promise ; and so Christ procured a needless thing, or nothing.
Or, if he did not purchase the conditions of this covenant, (viz., grace
to believe and obey,) unless it was in the power of their own wills, with-
out Christ, to perform the conditions ; still he procured for them as good
as nothing.
But if it were otherwise, yet those who would have us to ascribe to
the death and obedience of Christ nothing but this, would not have us
obliged to ascribe to it either satisfaction or merit. No satisfaction,
unless it be to his Father's will, not to his justice in this sense. The
obedience and death of Christ was so fully satisfying, so very acceptable
to his Father's will, he was so well pleased with it, that hereupon he
entered into this covenant. There was no need of other satisfaction
than this ; it was enough, if he did merit it ; sufficient, if his righteous-
ness did deserve such a promise for us.
Nay, there was no need of merit : for, as the Lord was so well
pleased with Abraham's faith and obedience, as [that] for his sake he
vouchsafed his posterity many favours, though the patriarch did not
• Crevincov. in Ame*. Corou. p. 142.
420 A DI8C0UB8E OF FREE GRACE.
merit 80 much ; so the Lord might be so well pleased with the obedi-
enoe and sufierings of Christ, as for his sake to make such a promise,
without any merit obliging him to it. Thus, waj is made to strip
redemption both of satis&ction and merit, without which it is, it can be
no redemption indeed; the name may be retained, but the thing denied;
all necessity of it, and all advantage by it too, but what is left to the
arbitrement of free-wilL
(19.) It is inconsistent with the perfections and attributes of God ;
with his mercy, power, wisdom, truth, and faithfulness, with his sove-
reignty and government of the world, and other Divine exceUenoes.
But, that I may not stay too long on this subject, let me insbt only on
these mentioned.
1. It de&ces the mercy of God, and makes it in effect no mercy.
They pretend indeed to represent God under such a notion as will
endear him, and render him lovely to the world, upon the account of
his mercy and goodness, the extensiveness and universality thereof ; but
when their pretensions are strictly and impartially examined, th^ prove
quite of another tendency ; that mercy which they ascribe to God, is
without an object, or without effect, or without grace ; a mercy which
is not an honour to him, nor an endearment oi him to others.
1. It is a mercy without an object ; a mercy not for any certain
person, but for qualities, which are no objects of mercy : a mercy for
some, when it appears not who they are or whether there will be any
such. A mercy for nobody, which pretends to be for all and every
one, when it is not for any one. This is their antecedent mercy, whereby
they pretend that he loves all that believe and obey, before he knows
who they are, and is uncertain whether ever any such will be. It
speaks' a respect to those qualities, but no love or good-will for any
particular person.
2. It is a mercy without effect : they ascribe to him a will of uni-
versal salvation ; when they discern it can be no other than a mere
velleity, an incomplete intention, a weak, ineffectual desire, a faint and
fruitless wishing of such general happiness, when he knows it will never
be effected, and is resolved not to take the course to effect it. This is
such a mercy, as jostles out and clashes with his other perfections, and
is inconsistent with his knowledge, power, sincerity, wisdom, blessed-
ness, and mercy itself in the true notion of it.
With his knowledge ; for who will desire and design that, which he
knows will never be effected ? With his power ; for who will not efiect
that, which he really intends and designs, if he be able? With his
sincerity ; for what ingenuous person will pretend to desire and design
A DIBCOUBSE OF FREE OUACE. 421
that which he nerer means to bring about ? With his wisdom ; for
who will propose to himself an end, and nerer intend the means which
are proper, and alone sufficient to obtain it ? With his blessedness ; for
to fall short continuallj of what one desires and intends, is an unhappi-
nesA. With the nature of Divine mercy and goodness ; for that is not
real goodness, which does no good, or not the good it makes show of.
That is not saving mercy indeed, which leaves the objects of it misera-
ble, when it can relieve them ; that wishes them well, but lets them
perish eternally. But that which they ascribe to God, is such a mercy,
as can well digest the everlasting misery of all mankind : such a love,
such a goodness, as could be satisfied, if not one person in the world
should be saved.
They decry the doctrine of their opposers, as that which straitens
the mercy of Grod, and confines it to a few ; whereas indeed it makes
salvation sure to very many. But by their principles, for any mercy
there is in God, all men may be damned ; nay, which is more, no man can
be saved. By all the mercy they ascribe to God, no man can escape
damnation ; all being left to the arbitrement and indifferency of man's
corrupt and degenerate will ; which, without other help than mercy in
their way provides, will certainly ruin them eternally. Mercy, they
say, will save all that believe, and none else ; but this mercy intends
not to work saving faith in any ; there is no decree for that, it must be
left to man's will ; and if that be not better to him herein than the
mercy of Grod, he must unavoidably perish. All must be damned,
unless fi-ee-will help them by its own power, without any efiectual
assistance that mercy prepared for them from eternity.
8. It is a mercy without grace : a mercy which is not free and
gracious, which will not express itself to any, but such as are worthy,
such as have some merit, or some motive to oblige him to be merciful.
And being a mercy that is not free and gracious, whatever mercy of
this nature they ascribe to him, we can never be saved by grace.
Nay, since it is not grace, it is not mercy indeed ; no mercy that the
Lord will own, or sinners can have any advantage by : it is affection of
their own, not that Divine excellency which he glories in, and glorifies
upon lost sinners : for that which saves sinners is free mercy, and firee
mercy is nothing but grace. So that, if we be saved without grace, we
are saved without mercy too, that which is so indeed ; and if they have
no salvation for sinners, but that which is without grace and free mercy,
they leave them none at all.
That they admit of no free mercy, no grace in God for sinners,
appears, in that they make his first purpose of love (the decree, which
comprises all the mercy he had from eternity for particular persons) to
have its rise from faith or works foreseen. He foresees, that when it is
422 A DI8C0UB6E OF FBEB GRACE.
left to the free-will, to the choice of all, these will of themseWefl, without
Divine determining power, believe and love him ; others will not ; and,
therefore, he will love, and purposes to save these, and not others : and
so he loves them not freely, bat because they oblige him : he loves
them, t. e., he purposes to save them, because they love him first. Thus
tliat which God foresees in man, is the condition of the mercy and
fitvour he intends ; and such a condition, as is indeed the cause, the
motive, and in the ancient sense of the word, the merit of his favour
and mercy ; and so they leave no free mercy in Grod for sinners ; and
sinners, being capable of no mercy at all, but what is free, they leave in
him no mercy at all for them. This is, in the apostle's sense, GaL v. 4,
to fiill from grace, to deny, to renounce all grace, all free mercy of God
which the Gospel discovers. The doctrine of free-will obliges them to
^iar»lftiTn all the mcrcy of God, by which any sinner can be saved.
2. This destroys the prescience of God : though they be concerned to
maintain this, as well as we, and pretend to do it ; yet their doctrine is
utterly inconsistent with it, and makes it impossible for him to foreknow
certainly anything that depends upon man's will, and so bereaves him
of the certain foreknowledge of those things, which are of greatest
moment and consequence, both to God and man. For example :
He cannot certainly foresee, whether any will have the Gospel ; the
preaching of it depends on man's will. And so, whether any will use
the light of nature well ; whether any will have moral grace, any
rational advice or excitement by the word : nor whether any will repent
and believe, whether any will be justified or sanctified, whether any will
persevere to the end, whether any one will be saved, nor whether any
would be redeemed ; whether Christ would be put to death, or anything
else, to which the concurrence of man's vrill is necessary. This is phdn,
because by their principles, the will of man is always indifferent to act
or not to act ; and so before, and imtil it act, it cannot but be uncertain
whether it will act or not : (nothing can make it certain, no decree, no
act of God, without destroying its liberty ;) and being uncertain, it
cannot be certainly foreknown.
All that ever I could hear in answer to this, was only, that God's know-
ledge is infinite : and though we cannot comprehend, how that which is
imcertain can be certainly known ; yet an infinite understanding can
reach it, and have the certain knowledge of that which is uncertain.
But this makes it more evidently impossible : for the more perfect any
knowledge is, the farther it is from error and mistake. So infinite
knowledge must be farthest of all from erring ; but to know that as cer-
tain, which is not certain, is not to know, but to err ; not to apprehend
things as they are, but to mistake and misapprehend them, to have fidse
and erroneous apprehensions of them. As they state the freedom of the
A DI8C0UB8E OF FREE GRACE. 428
will, Grod can have no certain foreknowledge of those things, without
fake and erroneous conceptions tiiereof. They leave him nothing here
but conjectures, or nothing but mistakes and error.
3. It impeaches the truth and faithfulness of God ; overthrows the
truth and certainty of his word, in all the parts of it ; leaves no cer-
tainty of his truth and faithfulness in prophecies, promises, threatenings,
assertions, contained in Scripture. It cannot be certain, by their prin-
ciples, that the prophecies will be accomplished, the promises fulfilled, or
the threatenings executed ; and so it must be uncertain, whether they
are true or Mae : there is no certainty that they will prove true, they
may as well prove false. The same must be said of many assertions too;
there is no necessity, no certainty, that they will prove true, v,g.y Cant,
i. 4 ; Jer. zxxi. 18 ; Lam. v. 21.
By this doctrine, there can be no necessity that they will turn, what-
ever course the Lord take to turn them ; or that they will run afler him,
what course soever he take to draw them : and so those assertions are not
necessarily true, but may prove false ; and so may those, and the like to
those, Psal. cxix. 33, 34. This is manifest also in those predictions and
promises, where the concurrence of man's will is requisite : for as they
state its freedom, there can be no certainty, which way it will incline
and determine itself, whether with the word, and according to the tenor
of the prediction, or against it. Nor will they allow, that God can make
sure of it, or take any course that will so determine it, that the accom-
plishment of his word shall not be defeated. For when* he has done
what he can to incline it that way which his word requires, that it may
prove true ; yet it is, and must be lefl free to incline the other way, and
make his word prove false. Let us clear this by some instances, in each
of those parts of the word, wherein the truth and faithfulness of God is
(if anywhere) eminently concerned. There is an ancient prophecy, of
the " calling of the Gentiles," Gen. ix. 27, " God shall persuade Japhet,"
i.e., the Gentiles who descended from him, and they shall "join them-
selves to the people of God." Now by the doctrine of free-will, the Lord
is to do nothing that can make it certain, that Japhet's posterity shall
comply herewith : he is only to propose it to them by the preaching of
the Gospel, and leave their wills in an indifferency, to yield hereto, or
not to yield. So that it must be a mere contingency, whether this pro-
phecy would be accomplished or no : if it might prove true, so it might
prove false. The same may be said of those expressions, John x. 16 ;
Acts xxviii. 26 ; John xii. 32. The truth ^and faithfulness of God in
these and other prophecies is evidently exposed, past all security their
priaciples can possibly give.
So it is likewise in the promises and the covenant of grace, styled
everlasting; everlasting truth and faithfulness being engaged for the
2£
424 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
performance of it, Jer. xxxii. 39, 40 ; Ezek. xxxvi. 26, 27. Every clause
of this may prove false, and not be flilfilled to any one person in the
world: for, with them, the Lord does nothing which will certainly
change the hearts of men, but only offers alignments to move them to
renew their own hearts ; and so leaves it to the arbitrement of their own
wills, whether ever the promise shall take effect or not. Now, if it vrere
possible that it should prove true, that man should make himself a new
heart ; yet it is more likely that it should prove false, because man's '
corrupt will, to which it is left, is more inclined to make it false than
true. Take it at the best, to make the truth of God in the everlasting
covenant to depend on man's will, supposing it indifferent, is bad
enough : for if it be indifferent whether God shall be true or no, it must
be indifferent whether he be God or no.
Thus it will be, not only as to the promises made to us, but also those
which are made to Christ, Isa. xlix. 6, 7 ; and liii. 10 ; and Iv. 5 ; Psal.
ii. 8; and Ixxii. 8 — 11 ; Jer. xxiii. 5, 6. These, and the like, may
all prove false : man's will, to which it is left, may so carry it, and
this unavoidably, that not one of them shall be made good. Nor will
they allow the Lord to take any course with man's will, or have any
such influence on it, as will be sure to prevent this, or make it any way
certain, that his truth herein shall not fail : he must not determine the
will that way which is necessary to secure his truth in performing his
promises. Nor in the threatening neither. Rev. xvu. 16, 17. What-
ever be said of God's putting it into their hearts, yet they will not have
us imagine, that the Lord will effectually determine their wills to this ;
but these must be left free and indifferent, either to love or hate the
whore ; either to do what is foretold, or not to do it ; to make it true, or
to make it false.
Now, if these parts of the word of God may prove false, or if they be
not certainly true, all the rest will be suspected, the truth and certainty
of all the Scripture is overthrown : if the truth or faithftdness of God
may fail us here, where can we be sure of it ? The glory of this Divine
perfection is utterly defaced. The truth and faithfulness of Grod is the
groimd of all Divine faith. We believe God, because he is infallibly
true, and what he says, cannot prove false : but it may prove false by
their doctrine, and so the groimd of all Christian, of all Divine faith is
quite razed, and the foundation of all religion is hereby undermined,
yea, quite blown up.
4. It destroys the government of God, as to the greatest concerns of
the world. By their hypothesis, the will of man is not, cannot be ruled
by him : he must not touch it immediately ; it is a thing so sacred,
that a touch, even of God, may violate it. He must not inspire it with
any new quality, nor move it by any real influence, but only make his
A DI8C0UBSE OF FREE QBACE. i'4b
addresses to it at a distance, by proposing an object, and offering
motiTes and arguments : and if this will not do, (as it does not, nor
akme erer can do, in the concerns of salvation,) he must leave it to
itself, to do what it list. Now that which is leil to do as it list, is not
ruled, it is not under government.
They will have the Lord to treat it as an orator, not as a sovereign
ruler. The will (with them) seems to have a sovereignty exempted
from the sovereignty of Grod ; not subordinate to it, if not above it ; not
subjected to the sovereign government of God, further than to do what
it list.
Hereby Grod is excluded from the government of the world. Men are
governed by their wills, that is the ruling, the commanding faculty ;
therefore if the will be not under his government, men will not be under
it, nor the rest of the world, so &r as it is governed by men. If he
dispose not of that which orders the rest, what is there lefl at his dis-
posal ? All the affairs of the world, which depend upon human conduct,
will be governed more by the will of man, than by the will, power, and
providence of Grod : by the will of man independently, as if he were
Grod ; but by the Lord of heaven and earth only precariously, and at
^e pleasure of man's will, as if he were a subject, an underling, an
inferior creature.
5. It denies the almighty power of God, will not admit him to be
onmipotent, and his power infinite. It is not infinite, if it be bounded
and limited ; yet man's will bounds and limits the Divine power. By
their principles, the Lord can no way deal with the will, but so that it
may resist him, and render all his actings and operations on it inef-
fectual : he cannot prevail with it in anything so far, but that it may at
once stand out and repel his motions, render every Divine attempt upon
it successless : when he has done all that can be done by the power of his
grace, the will may be too hard for him ; it must be always lei^ to do
what it list. He cannot save a man, how much soever he intends or
desires it, unless it be the Mrill's pleasure : nor can he take any course to
make the will pleased with it. He can neither so change the faculty,
nor so represent the object, but the will may still reject it. He cannot
work fiiith in him, nor bring him to repentance, nor create holiness in
his heart ; nor can he continue him in a state of holiness, unless it please
the will to submit ; nor can he bring it to submit so, but that it may
refuse, when all is done that his grace can do. He can make no par-
ticular decrees concerning man, that are positive and peremptory,
because he cannot master man's will : his purposes must be conditional
and respective to free-will. He cannot make good his own word, not
verify what he asserts, nor accomplish his own prophecies, nor per-
form his promises, if man's will stand in his way : nor can he clear
2E2
426 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
his way of it in any method, but what the will of man may defeat. He
cannot accomplish his desires and intentions, if man's will resist him,
and can never put the will out of a capacity of resisting and opposing,
while it is a wiU. It is essential to the will, to be always able to resist;
and if they stand not to this, they yield all, Psal. cxxxv. 6. No, must
they say, there are innumerable things which God cannot do, imless
man pleases. [In] Phil. iii. ult, [we read that] Christ has a power,
whereby he ^^ can subdue all things,*' &c. No, must they say, the things
wherein he is most concerned of all other in this world, the wills of
men, he cannot subdue to himself. [Contrary to] Prov. xxi. 1, No,
must they say, neither the hearts of kings, nor of any other men, are
thus in the Lord's hands : whatever he does to turn the current of
them, they may run in the old channel, and keep their own cx>urse for
all that : it is not whithersoever he will that they turn, but whitherso-
ever they will, they run, for all his turning.
(20.) It idolises man's will, makes it in divers respects equal with, or
above him.
It seems to subject God, and make him an underling to man's will ;
and that in respect of his will, his word, his grace, his design. Some of
these are apparent by what is already said : let me only insist on one par-
ticular. It makes God dependent on the will of man, even for his glory;
where it is most intolerable for the Majesty of heaven to be dependent,
and most inconsistent with his infinite perfection and happiness. The
Lord, in all the operations of his grace, leaves the will indifferent either to
comply or resist. This leaves it to the determination and arbitrement of
man's will, whether God shall have the glory of that, by which he
designs to make himself most glorious. It must be in the power of
man's will to defeat God there, where he intends most of all to glorify
himself ; to spoil and deface the glory of his grace and love, where the
riches thereof are most displayed : and this is in the greatest and most
signal instances of it, and where each person in the Grodhead is most
eminently concerned.
Whatever decree or purpose of love and grace the Lord had from
eternity, to save lost sinners, it must be at the determination of man's
will, whether any one shall be saved or freed from misery. Afler the
work of redemption finished by Christ, it must be at the pleasure of
man's will, whether any one shall be actually redeemed. Afler the
Spirit of grace has done what can be done, for changing the hearts, and
renewing the natures of sinners ; yet not one of them shall be changed
or sanctified, unless they list.
So that, unless man will, when he is left indifferent to will or not to
will, electing grace, redeeming grace, renewing grace, shall be of no
effect, shall never arrive at what it tends to. And if it be rendered
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 427
of none effect, it is rendered inglorious, it is defeated, defaced, and the
glory of it turned into shame. But so it must be, if man will ; all the
grace of God must be in vain, and all the glory of it vanish.
Thus is Grod evidently made dependent on man^s will, even for his
glory, that of his grace ; and he will as soon be subjected to the will
of man in anything, in all things, as [in] the greatest concerns of his
glory.
The grace of God, where it should appear in its greatest lustre, and
was designed for the greatest honour of Father, Son, and Spirit; must
wait as a handmaid on man^s degenerate will, and be ordered at its
arbitrement, and stand to its pleasure, whether it shall come to anything
or nothing; whether it shall have any glory or none.
Let them believe it who can ; I can never believe that the doctrine is
of Grod, which offers such an intolerable indignity to him : if there were
no other argument against it, this seems enough to me.
IV. The fourth head I propounded, was to give an account of the
objections they make, and the prejudices they have against the doctrine
of grace ; and to show, [that] the worst they can object against it is as
chargeable upon the doctrine of free-will. So that their embracing it
seems to proceed from neglect of impartial consideration, and some want
of the exercise of that reason which they so much magnify. That uses
not to be accounted a rational and considerate" invention, which serves
not the turn for which it was devised, but runs men into the same
difficulties which they seek to avoid. Let us see briefly in two or three
of the chief instances, whether this be not the case here.
1. They charge us with making God the author of sin : (Tilenus says
this was the reason that tiirned him off to the Remonstrants.) We dis-
claim and abhor it, and condemn those who assert any such thing.
They say, it is the consequence of our doctrine, which will have things
so ordered by the decrees and providence of God, that sin is thereby
unavoidable. We say, if God be made the author of sin on this account,
their own doctrine is to be charged with making him so, by as good
consequence. And so they must acknowledge that they wrong us, or
else condemn themselves and their own principles.
That they are as liable to this charge, if it be just, does thus appear.
He that puts men in those circumstances, wherein he foresees that they
will certainly sin, orders things so, that sin becomes unavoidable : but
by their doctrine, the Lord decrees to place men, and by his providence
disposes them in those circumstances, wherein he foresees they will cer-
tainly sin; e.g.y the Lord foresaw, that if Adam was created so and so,
and set in such circumstances, he would certainly sin and fall by it :
* well-considered.
428 A DI8C0UBSE OF FREE OBACE.
jet fbreseeiiig thiB, the Lord decreed to create him 0O» and dispose cf
him in such circumstances, and actually did it. He foresees, that if
Peter be put in these circumstances wherein he was found in the
high priest's hall, he would certainly deny his Master : but he decreed
thus to dispose of him, and by his providence actually did it. This is
the plain import of their doctrine concerning a conditional foreknow-
ledge in God, as will be evident to any that understand it. It was an
invention of the Jesuits [of] the last age, to make good their doctrine of
free-will and moral grace, and to avoid the supposed inconveniences of
the opposite doctrine ; and is commonly embraced by those who agree
¥dth the Jesuits in their opinion about the power of the will: but a
very imprudent and unhappy device it was, since it involves them in
those very absurdities which it was devised to avoid.
2. They charge our doctrine, as making God immerciful, because he
gives not to the greatest part of mankind, that grace which is neces-
sary to salvation: whereas we deny not that God gives that grace which
they count sufficient ; we grant he gives all that grace which is neces-
sary by their doctrine, even to reprobates. But we say, their doctrine,
how much soever it triumphs in advancing and extending God's love to
mankind; yet it makes him far more unmerciful, in that it will not
have God to vouchsafe that grace which is necessary or sufficient far
salvation, special grace, to any at all. Mere suasive grace, which leaves
it to the choice of man's unrenewed will, whether it will turn to God or
no, which they say is all that God vouchsafes to any, did never alone,
can never of itself save any man : and so they will have, not only some,
but all men to perish, for any grace that God gives them. Whatever
ostentation it make of magnifying Divine mercy, yet what doctrine can
be more unmerciful, than that which leaves all men to be danmed,
unless their iree-will do something more for them than the grace of
God?
3. They say, we impeach the sincerity of God, when he by his word
calls such as perish to repentance, that they may be saved ; and yet has
decreed not to give them repentance, but to damn them : so that it is
certain (while those invitations and offers are made in the word) that
they shall not repent and be saved. This, they say, makes the word
and the ministry of it delusive, and no better than simulation, TniiVing
show of that to sinners which is never intended, and which it is impos-
sible they should have.
The ground of this charge, is a certainty that such shall never repent
and be saved: but their own principles make this no less certain: for
they say, God foresees from eternity that such will never repent, and so
shall never be saved: and what he foresees (his foreknowledge being
certain and infallible) will as certainly come to pass, and is as impos-
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 429
sible not to be, as that which he decrees. Nay, they say, that the Lord,
upon his foreknowledge that such would not repent, did decree from
eternity to damn them, and never decreed to give them repentance, nor
any grace or aid that would effectually bring them to repentance ; no,
nor any but what he certainly foresaw would be ineffectual. So that
here also they must either justify our doctrine, as to this charge, or
condemn their own.
4. They say, our doctrine makes Grod unjust and cruel, in exacting
that from men which they are not able to do ; and condemning them
for not doing that which he gives them not strength to do; v.^., for
requiring sinners to believe and turn to Grod, and condemning them for
not complying with him herein ; when he knows they cannot do it of
themselves, and when he gives them no grace to empower them for it.
They make large harangues on this subject, tending to render their
oppoeites* odious ; and set them off with such similitudes and illus-
trations as make impression on weak minds, which are more apt to be
taken with words, than to weigh and consider things. Whereas after
all, the plain truth is, there is no doctrine that I know of more charge-
able vrith this than their own. For it is very evident in Scripture, and
in the nature of the thing, that their suasive grace does not give sinners
sufficient power to believe and turn to Grod ; it cannot subdue the cor-
ruption of the heart opposing this : it pretends not to give any new
spiritual principle of life or strength for these effects ; it leaves the will
in its natural impotency and corruption, to do as it list. And therefore,
since, by their doctrine, he gives sinners no more power but this, and
yet requires them to believe and turn to Christ, and condemns them for
not doing it ; he condemns them for want of that which he gives not
sufficient power to do.
Can any one imagine, who will not offer plain violence to a multitude
of expressions in Scripture, that mere moral suasion, which does not so
much as move the will out of its indifferent posture, can quicken those
that are dead in sins and trespasses ? can take away the heart of stone,
and give hearts of flesh ; or write his laws in them ; or make those
hearts that are desperately wicked, to become holy and heavenly ? can
form new creatures of the old man, and make old things pass away, and
all things become new ? can give strength and life to those who can do
nothing, are without strength and life ?
He that cannot believe this, in opposition to an hundred of such pas-
sages in the word of God, must believe that their doctrine, concerning
fi^-will and moral grace, makes Grod to condemn more than any [other]
for not doing that which he gives them not power to do.
• opponents.
480 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
5. They say, we destroy the liberty of the will, by bringing it under
a necessity of inclining one way, and not leaving it indifferent to incline
the other, or to suspend its acts ; e. y., when God intends to convert a
sinner, and puts forth the power of his grace for this purpose, it ii
necessary that the will incline no other way than his grace moves it.
But if this destroy the liberty of the will, their own doctrine over-
throws it : for they teach, that God, from eternity, before any act of his
will, foresaw which way every man^s will, in such and such cireum-
stances, would incline. He foreknows certainly and infallibly, that in
those cireumstances it will incline this way, and not the other. Now if
he know that certainly, it must be certain and of necessity : for to know
that as certain, which is not certain, is not to know, but to mistake, to
apprehend a thing otherwise than it is. And if the will might or could
incline o^erwise than he foresaw, his foreknowledge would not be
infallible : for that excludes, not only actual error, but a possibility of it
If then it be true from eternity, that the will must incline tlus one
way, it is not indifferent to incline that way or another ; and so its
in<]Qfierency, its freedom from a necessity to incline but this one way, is
gone by their own principles. They must either grant, that the liberty
of man's will is consistent with a necessity of inclining one way and not
another, or yield that their own doctrine destroys its liberty.
Whether they will be so ingenuous or no, it is very certain that some
necessity may very well consist with liberty in the freest agents. God
is necessarily good, and yet freely : so are the saints and angels in
heaven ; they cannot but be holy, and act holily, yet they are so, and do
so freely. The devils and damned in hell, are necessarily wicked, they
cannot be other[wi8e] ; and yet they are so, and act wickedness freely.
Wicked men on earth, that are habitually and judicially hardened in
wickedness, they are necessarily evil, and cannot but sin, and yet they
sin freely. So that this conceit, though it be a fundamental doctrine
with them, and the main weight of their cause lies on it, that liberty is
inconsistent with necessity, is against the sense, reason, and experience
of heaven, and earth, and hell.
Objection. If salvation be of grace, it must be a fr-ee gifl, offered and
given freely. But we see in Scripture (and the premises of saving mercy
make it plain) that it is offered, and so given upon terms and conditions
required of those that will be saved. The promises are many of them
expressly conditional ; and so will the covenant of grace be, of which the
promises are but several articles. Now that which is not given or
promised, but upoa terms and conditions, seems not to be given or
offered freely ; the more conditional, the less free and gracious.
Answer, The offers of salvation, the promises of saving mercies, not-
withstanding any conditionalness in them, any terms annexed, are free
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 431
and gracious, upon a manifold account : for in many cases, conditions or
terms do not hinder a grant or promise from being free.
1. If the condition be so only in respect of outward form and manner
of proposal) not properly and really : for then it seems to be a condition,
but is not strictly. So here : Gospel promises are conditional Kara tA
<fk»iv€a6aif not Kara t6 tlvai^ quoad externam formam et modum propo-
nendiy not proprie et quoad rigorem: as to manner of proposal they
seem conditional ; but examine them by the laws of conditions, and they
will be found rather absolute. If the denomination must be taken h
nu^'ori, or d poUoriy if the number or weight will carry it, bring them to
the test, examine why they should be counted conditional or absolute ;
and it will be found, that in more respects, and for more weighty con-
siderations, they ought to pass for absolute, rather than conditional, in
the Pelagian sense ; so [there is] no reason to question their freeness.
2. If the condition be our duty. If such, as " when we perform it, we
do nothing but what we owe, and the promiser owes nothing to us for
doing it ; then, if he promise anything, he promises freely. It is
promissio indebita pro opere debito, " a promise not due for a work of
obligation," that is, gratuita, '^ gratuitous." That which is not ex debitOf
"due," iagratuitOf "gratuitous." These are opposed, Rom. iv. 4. That
which is no way due, if promised, is freely promised. Now all that is
required, is our duty ; we owe it ; and for all that we can do, Grod owes
us nothing. Debitum nan redit in Deum : Prcemium non est divini juris
naturaUs; his nature engages him not to reward his creatures. That
which he does this way is of free-will. Deus ad prcBmium nemini est
obUgtUus, " God is under no obligation to reward any." Rom. xi. 35.
Eternal life had not been due to Adam, if he had performed perfect
obedience ; it was only the promise [that] entitled him to it. If not
due to him, much less to us ; he might vouchsafe no more reward to us
than to the inferior creatures. And since nothing is due from Grod,
what he bestows or promises, he does it freely. When we have done
all, we are but unprofitable servants, we have but done our duty, we
can challenge no reward : there is none due ; therefore, when he promises
any, he does it freely. The condition being but our duty, makes nothing
due ; no more than reward is due to him that pays his debts.
3. If the condition be inconsiderable, compared with what is pro-
mised. Suppose one should promise his tenant a thousand pounds per
annum, if he will pay him a pepper-corn ; would any say, this promise
is not free, because of such a condition ? Wliatever the Lord requires of
us, is no more than this, compared with what he promises to us.
Believing and active obeying are not so much as suffering ; yet if the
432 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
Lord should have made sufferings the conditions of promisee, they
would have been free in this respect : because the greatest sufferings,
(such as Paul's, and those in the primitive times,) would be small and
inconsiderable, compared with the glory promised, Rom. viii. 18 ; 2 Cor.
iv. 17. Now if the hardest conditions be so inconsiderable, what are
the smallest? even nothing compared with what is promised, grace,
glory, God himself, &c.
4. If the condition be not so much for the advantage of the promiser,
as to make us capable of the thing promised. That which is not so
much for the advantage of the promiser, as for his to whom the promise
is made, must needs be from free bounty ; the promiser herein more
respecting the good of another, than his own. What can be more of
grace ? Or if the £Etvour promised be not feasible, without that which is
propounded as a condition of the proposal : if it be necessary to make
capable of that which is promised, then it is rather a direction how the
favour may be attained, than a strict condition. It does no way prejudice
the freedom of the promise, but rather renders it more fr'ee and gracious.
But such are many of those things, which the Lord prescribes as condi-
tions ; they are more for our advantage than his ; he expects, he gets
little or nothing by our performance of them, Psal. xvi. 2 ; Job xxii. 2 ;
Job XXXV. 7, 8. What advantage has the Lord by our mourning, sense
of our lost condition, apprehensions of the burden of sin, hungeiings and
thirstings after righteousness ? Why then does he annex these to the
promises ; but because without them we are not capable of those mercies
which he is willing to bestow ? Christ comes to seek and save what
was lost. Matt, xviii. 11 ; Luke xix. 10. Why is this condition added?
those that are lost, sensible of their lost condition ; but because sinners
are not capable of this favour till then ? they will not be found of Christ,
till they feel themselves lost. Why [must they] hunger and thirst,
before [they] be satisfied ? Matt. v. 6. Because the soul is till then
closed, shut up, not capable of satisfaction, Psal. Ixxxi. 10. How can
it be filled, except first opened ? So [speaks the Lord] himself, Matt,
xi. 28. Why labour? because not till then capable of rest. When the
Lord offers a favour, and withal shows how it may be attained ; he
deals more freely, more graciously, than if he should barely propound
it, and leave us to our ownselves to find out the way and means how
it might be effected.
Conditions of this nature are so far from making promises less free, as^
they are rendered hereby more gracious : there is as much of free grace
in prescribing these, as in promising to them, because without these the
promise might be of no effect, the favour not feasible, the sinner not
capable of it.
• that.
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 433
5. If the condition be easy, [and] no cost, charge, trouble or hazard
attends it : he that offers upon such easy terms, offers freely. If one
should promise to entertain his friend, if he will but come to him ; or
visit him, if he will but let him in ; or advance him, if he be willing ; or
give him a jewel that will enrich him for ever, if he will but receive it ;
or supply him with all his heart can desire, if he will but ask it : would
any man have the face to say, [that] such offers were not free and
gracious ? Are they not as free as heart can desire ? If a man might
choose his own terms, could he imagine, invent, any more easy ?
Such are the promises of the Gospel : the Lord will entertain sinners,
if they will but come, Isa. Iv. 1. [He will] ease [them,] Matt. xi. 1.
[He will] satisfy [them,] John vi. 35. Or, as if it were too much for
sinners to come to him, he will come to them, if they but open to him,
Rev. iii. 20. Give himself, the pearl of great price, if [they will] but
receive him : marry, if [they will] but consent to him, John i. 12; Matt,
xxii. 2, 3. Give eternal life, if [they be] but willing. Rev. xxii. 17.
Give all heart can desire, if [they] but ask it, John xvi. 23. Open the
treasures of grace and glory, \f [they] but knock. Matt. vii. 7. Be
your Mend for ever, if [you will] but love him, John xiv. 21. Bear
the weight and burden of all your cares, if [you] but lay them on him,
Psal. Iv. 22. Never fail you in life or death, if [you] but trust him,
PsaL xxxiv. 22 ; Psal. cxxv. 1.
Oh how free are these offers I how easy these terms ! It would be
intolerable impudence, to desire these [blessings] upon any terms Inore
free. Would you have Christ your friend, and not love him? marry
jtm without your consent ? or take care for you, and not trust him ?
Who can be so unreasonable ? The conditions here are of such a nature,
that it is even all one as if they were absolute : no promise of this nature
can be more free, more absolute ; for the nature of what is promised,
win admit of no other terms, they are as free as can be. Can Christ
come to you, if you vrill not let him in ? or entertain you, if [you do]
not oome to him ? or give himself, if [you do] not receive him ? Nor
need you say, these are not easy, we cannot do them of ourselves.
Christ prevents this ; they are easy, if he concur and assist ; and he
engages to assist all those who have interest in the promises, all that
come to him.
6. If the condition be promised. He that annexes a condition to a
promise, and withal promises to give that condition, does all one as if
he promised absolutely. Suppose Hiram had promised Solomon cedars
to build the temple, upon condition they were cut down ; if Hiram had
also promised to cut them down, his former promise had hereby become
absolute. Or suppose Pharaoh had promised Jacob that he should
come and be entertained in Egypt, upon condition that wagons were
434 A DISCOURBK OF FBBB GRACE.
provided to cany him ; if Pharaoh ahould also send him wagons, (as he
did by Joseph, Gen. xlv. 19|) it is all one, as if the former promise had
been absolute.
So it is here : and this is enough, if there were no more, to make this
truth evident, and to prove it unanswerably. That which the Lord
seems to make a condition in one place, he promises absolutely in
another : for the promises of regeneration are absolute : the Lord freely
engages himself to implant all spiritual graces and holy afiections in the
soul. Now to ^ese, either in habit or exercise, are all the promises
made, which we count conditional So that the condition of them being
absolutely promised, they are in effect absglute ; e, g., the Lord pro-
mises salvation to perseverance. Matt. xxiv. 13. He promises perseverance
to faith, Psal. cxxv. 1 ; 1 Pet. i. 5 ; and faith is promised absolutely,
£zek. xxxvi. 26. A new heart is a believing heart ; so that the two
former, their conditions being promised, are absolute. He promises life
to ^ose that have Christ, 1 John v. 12. He promises Christ to those
that fear him, Mai. iv. 2 ; and he promises fear absolutely, Jer. xxzii. 40.
So wherever you find anything annexed to a promise, as a condition, in
another place you may find it, either expressly or implicitly promised :
and therefore all the promises are, in this respect, as good as absolute ;
and if absolute, [there is] no reason to question their freedom.
7. If the terms or conditions be such, as it is not possible in the nature
of the thing, that the mercy offered should be effected without them ;
then the offers of saving mercies are as free and gracious as can be, as
there is any possibility they should be ; and no more can be desired.
Let me clear this in one of those terms, which is comprehensive of all
the rest. It is required of those who will partake of saving mercies,
that they leave sin, [and] forsake their evil ways, Prov. xxviii. 13 ;
Isa. Iv. 7 ; 2 Tim. ii. 19.
This is the sum of all conditions ; and whatever is required in other
terms, is included in this, or may be resolved into it. Now it is not
possible, that saving mercies should otherwise be had, that they should
be received or enjoyed but upon these terms ; not only because the Lord
would have it so, but because the nature of the thing does so require it»
that it is not otherwise feasible.
For sin is our impotency. Now can we possibly have strength in the
inner man, if we will not part with our weakness ? Sin is our deformity,
that which renders our souls loathsome and ugly in the eye of God.
Now can our souls be made lovely, if we will not part with that which
is our defilement and ugliness ? Can we be made clean, if we will not
part with our leprosy? Sin is our enmity against Grod, therein it con>
sists. Now can we possibly be reconciled, if we will not lay aside our
enmity ? Sin is the poverty of the soul, that which robs and spoils,
A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE. 435
and utterly impoverishes the soul. Now can you be made rich, if you
will not part with your poverty ? Sin is the soul's restraint, the dungeon
where it is imprisoned, the bonds and fetters wherewith it is loaden.
Now is it possible you should have liberty, if you will not leave yoiu*
dungeon, and part with your fetters ? Sin is the wound, the mortal dis-
ease of the soul; and can you be healed, if you will not part with your
disease ? Sin is your misery ; can you be happy, if [you] part not with
misery? Happiness consists in the enjoyment of God ; but adhering to
sin, and the enjojrment of a holy God, are utterly inconsistent: and can
you be happy without happiness, or by retaining that which is incon-
sistent with it ?
So that you see, there is an utter impossibility that salvation should
be had, but upon these terms : there is an inconsistency, a plain contra-
diction, in any other supposition. It is an impossibility, not only to us,
but to the Almighty ; and therefore the terms are as free and gracious
as possibly could be; Omnipotent grace itself could not make them more
gracious.
To clear this, several things are to be observed.
(1.) The first blessings of the covenant are promised absolutely ;
effectual calling, faith, repentance, conversion, regeneration are offered,
are promised without any conditions. The promises of these mercies
are absolute, Ezek. xxxvi. 26 ; Jer. xxxii. 39, 40 ; under the notions
of a new heart, a new spirit, putting his Spirit, his fear within them,
&c., the blessings fore-mentioned, called the first grace, are promised
absolutely; and so are the same things in other terms, Jer. xxxi. 31,
82, 33 ; repeated by the apostle, Heb. viii. 8. There can be no instance
given in Scripture, where these things are promised upon condition.
Indeed, if they were promised upon condition, grace would be promised
to something natural : for this being the first grace, there can be
nothing before it to be the condition of it, but what is natural ; and
to make that which is natural the condition of grace, is gross Pela-
gianism. If there were any conditions of those first gracious favours,
they must be those things, which are previous to, and preparations
for them, viz., diligent attendance on the word and means of grace,
convictions of sin, legal sorrow for it, sense of wrath and misery,
which often go before conversion, and are counted dispositions or pre-
parations for faith. But these previous works are not conditions of
conversion, or the other blessings included therein, nor are they pro-
mised upon such terms : for the condition is never separated from the
favour promised to it ; where the condition is performed, the promise is
always accomplished : but these preparatory acts have been in many
who were never truly converted and regenerated, never had a new heart
. and a new spirit given them : so that these preparations are no condi-
486 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
tions of fiiith or regeneration ; much less is there anything of congraout
merit in them. Our divines, that insist on such preparations for Christ,
decried the conceit of merit, though in the lowest form. This merit of
the Papists, infers a dueness of the thing so deserved ; a dueness in con-
gruity, though not in justice : and what is due from the Lord any way,
he will in&lllbly bestow : but there may be these previous dispositions,
where faith is never given. There is not so much as a conditional con-
nexion between such preparations and those blessings ; they are pro-
mised absolutely, without any condition expressed or implied.
(2.) The subsequent blessings of the covenant, those that follow the
first, are in some sense conditional, and so offered and promised in a
conditional form, and yet are nevertheless gracious. There are terms
and conditions, taking the word conditions in a latitude, as comprising
qualifications, adjuncts, and necessary antecedents, which do no way
derogate from grace; neither detract from its freeness, nor obscure, but
rather illustrate it, Rom. x. 8 — 10 ; Rev. iii. 20. Upon such terms are
justification, adoption, salvation ofiered, and not offered but upon terms,
and yet most freely and graciously, Rom. iii. 24, " freely by his grace,"
and yet '* through fidth,** no otherwise but upon such terms, John iii. 18.
Upon the same terms we are adopted, John i. 12 ; we are saved by grace,
but through fidth, £ph. ii. 8 ; and not only faith, but holiness of heart
and life, and perseverance therein, are the terms upon which salvation is
promised. Matt v. 8 ; Heb. xii. 14 ; Rev. ii. 10 ; Mark xiii. 18. It is
all one as if they were expressed conditionally. This is not because the
Lord makes a conditional bargain with us, leaving the condition to our
own wills, being uncertain whether it will be made good or no: but
the reason is, because Divine wisdom has made a connexion betwixt
these blessings, so that they shall never be separated; one of them shall
not be had without the other : no justification without faith, no salva-
tion without holiness, no glory without perseverance: and has consti-
tuted an order amongst them, so that one of them must go before the
other : we must believe before we be justified, and be holy before we
can see God. He has appointed one of them to be the means or way
to obtain the other: we are justified by faith, we are created unto good
works, that we should walk in them. , Acts of holy obedience are the
way wherein we must walk to salvation: so that here is an antecedence
of some duty, and that necessary by Divine appointment and command,
and this tending to obtain a favour freely offered.
And by this we may imderstand what a condition is, in a sense very
innocent, and no way injurious to grace. It is an antecedent necessarily
required, as the way to attain or arrive at what is promised.
And in this sense it must not be denied that there are conditions in
the Gospel, and its promises; unless we will deny that there are duties
A DI8C0UB8E OF FREE GRACE. 437
necessary to salvation, and made necessary by Divine command: for
SQch a oondition is nothing but something of a command joined with a
promise in a conditional form ; and Divine commands must be no more
questioned, when they are joined with promises, than when they are
deHvered apart. He commands all to repent, and he promises pardon ;
put this promise and that command together, and it becomes a condi-
tional promise ; if you repent, you shall have pardon, or as the apostle
delivers it, 1 John i. 9, " If we confess our sins, he is faithiul and just
to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness."
(3.) There are conditions that are injurious to grace, and inconsistent
with it. None such are annexed to any promise of the Gospel, none such
must be admitted by those who will reserve to the Lord the honour of
his grace, or have our salvation entirely ascribed to it.
1. Meritorious conditions, when the condition is presumed to deserve
what is promised. There is no such condition of salvation as this, but in
the proud fancies of presumptuous sinners. For, 1. There must be a
disproportion between that which is procured, and the condition that
deserves it: it is of favour, not of merit, if the promised blessing exceed
the worth of the condition. To make this plain ; suppose the worth of
a day's work be twelve-pence ; a man promises another a thousand
crowns for a day's labour; it cannot in any reason be imagined that his
day's labour deserves so much ; if he receive so much, he has it of
favour, not of merit. Now the disproportion is far greater betwixt sal-
vation, and all that is required of us in order thereto. SufiTerings for
Christ are more considerable on this account than holy actings ; but all
the sufferings of this life, such as those of the apostle and the primitive
Christians,, bear not the slightest proportion to the glory promised,
Bom. viii. 18 ; there is no proportion betwixt them; the glory offered
does infinitely exced them ; it is the eternal enjoyment of God himself ;
and between that which is finite and infinite there is no proportion,
2 Cor. iv. 17. If glory were promised on these terms, as it seems to be,
2 Tim. ii. 12, yet suffering would be far from deserving the crown;
there is no correspondent worth in them to so vast a crown. Merit
quite excludes grace ; for that which is deserved is due in justice, it is
a just debt; but that which is of debt, is not, cannot be of grace, if the
apostle understood these things, Rom. iv. 4. He makes a plain opposi-
tion between grace and debt. And therefore, if by the performance of
any condition we can deserve salvation, it will be of debt, and we must
expunge the text, and conclude [that] we are not saved by grace.
2. Natural conditions, such as may be performed by the power of
nature, without the concurrence of omnipotent or special grace. All
that is required to salvation, under the notion of conditions, must be of
this nature, by that doctrine which will have nothing necessary for the
A DISCOUESE OP FREE ORACE.
performance thoreofi but suasiire grace : for tlds gives no power suffi-
cient for performance ; and therefore if there be any performance, it
must be by the power of nature. Their grace g:ives aot the power, bni
Buppo8«^ it in the will already ; all that it can justly pretend to, is to
excite what it finds^ not what it giv^. It does not^ li cannot sutxhie
the will's corruptioaSj natural and contracted, which is its moral impo-
tency : and that which leaves it impotent, aa it found it, giv<^ it noi
power ; it plants no principle of spiritual lif^? and strength in the will,
but disclaims these expressly. And as it does not give the power, so
neither does it give the act ; it determines not the wiU, nor causes it
to act ; but leaves it to incline as it list, when there is no principle in it
to incline it towards that which is saving, and corruption enoo^ to
incline it the other way.
The case standing thus, if the will comply with the tenns of salvation,
it must be by its own power, since it has no more from above : and
then, in opposition to the text, salvation will be of ourselves, by our
own strength, not by grace; nor will grace which is saving, be the gift
of Crod : for if he give neither the power, nor the act, who can imagine
how it can be counted his gift ? They may as well say, we are saved
by the power of nature, as that the conditions of salvation are to be
performed by such a power, without any other assistance of grace.
3. [There are] no legal conditions, no conditions performed by us, nor
our righteousness. The righteousness by which we are justified, the
righteousness by which we have pardon, or by which we have right and
title to salvation — neither faith, nor sincere obedience, are required of us
for this end; nor can they, when performed by us, be any such righteous-
ness. It is Christ, and lie alone, that is our righteousness ; it is by his
righteousness, and that alone, that we are justified : it was he, who by
his obedience to death satisfied Divine justice, and procured title to
eternal life. It is not pretended that any performances of' ours do or
can satisfy Divine justice ; nor can it with more reason be pretended,
that our performances give us title to life. Those that say he did
not both, may as well say he did neither. Our performances may
evidence our title, but they give it not, nor are the ground of it. It is
Christ, his righteousness, that is the only foundation of our title, Rom.
X. 4. The end of the law, i. «., of the covenant of works, was, that
man, by the righteousness of perfect obedience, might have title to
eternal life. This being rendered impossible in man^s fallen and siniiil
state, how shall the end of the law, which the Lord aimed at, be
attained ? Why, Christ attains the end of the law by his righteous-
ness, giving title to life to those who believe.
Faith and obedience are not our righteousness now, as perfect
obedience was to be in the state of innocency ; they are not in the stead
A DI8C0DRSE OF FREE GRACE. U^Q
of it, they have not the virtue and office of it, they are not conditions of
the covenant of grace, as that was of the covenant of works ; i. g., they
are not the righteousness by which we are justified, and have title to
life. It is Christ that is the end of the law for righteousness to those
purposes ; and to ascribe that to our performances, which is proper to
him, is injurious to the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ.
And how is it of grace upon these terms ? How is the covenant of the
Gospel more gracious than that of works ? It cannot be said that it is
more gracious, because it requires and accepts less, sincere ob(idicnce
being not so much as that which is perfect : for sincere obedience may
be counted as much to man in his present state of sin and impotency, as
perfect obedience in the state of innocency and perfection. But the tran-
scendent graciousness of the Grospel-covenant consists, not in requiring
less righteousness to give title to life, than was due at first ; but in not
requiring a perfect righteousness of us personally for that end, but pro-
viding and accepting that of a surety, according to that of the apostle,
Rom. viii. 3, 4. The law could not give us life, because, being weakened
by sin, we could not perform the perfect righteousness which is required ;
but what the. law could not do, Christ has done, giving us title to life,
fulfilling the righteousness of it in our behalf But does not the Scrip-
ture declare, that our obedience is the obedience which gives title to life?
Kev. xxii. 1 4. I answer, there is a double right, jus ad rem, and jm in re ,
" a right of title," and " right of possession ;" holy obedience gives us not
the title, but leads us into possession. It gives not the title, for that we
have in justification, Rom. v. 18. Now obedience is after justification,
and so cannot give that which is before itself, and does not give that which
is given already. But it leads us into possession, it is the way by which
we enter ; so the words immediately following" will have it understood.
When the apostle had declared that we are saved by grace, Eph. ii. 8,
and so excluded works, ver. 9, that we may count this to be our title to
salvation, yet he adds, ver. 10, " We are his workmanship, created in
Christ Jesus unto good works, which God hath lK*fore ordained that we
should walk in them." These are the ways wherein we must walk, if
we will arrive at salvation ; but they are not our title to it, as perfect
obedience would have been in the first covenant, the law of works ; they
are not such conditions, they are not our righteousness, (upon which
our title is founded,) as that was designed to be : they are not legal
conditions.
4. Obliging conditions. There is no performance of ours, that can of
itself oblige the Lord to perform any promise; the reason [is], because it
is defective, and falls short of what is required : and amongst men, he that
• vix. Rev. xxll. 15.
2r
440 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
promises upon couditions is not obliged, if the terms be not duly
observed. The law of our creation required of us perfect performance ;
and no less than perfect obedience to Grod will be due from us, while we
are creatures. It is true, man now wants power to answer his engage-
ments, but that was through his own fault ; and the Lord does not lose
his due, because man sins against him. Now being defective, and fall-
ing short of his duty, it is sinful ; and that which is sinful, is to be
punished, not rewarded ; as such it has not a moral fitness for promised
reward : that which is sinful, brings the performer under the curse,
Gral. iii. 10. ; it deserves eternal death, Rom. vi. 23 ; and so cannot
oblige the Lord to reward it.
Upon this account, the best performance of any supposed condition,
is so far of itself from making any promised blessing to be due in point
of justice, that it cannot make it due in point of faithfidness. That
which needs pardon cannot of itself make anything due to us, bat
punishment. Our faith, our repentance, our obedience, being sinfully
defective, cannot as such make anything due to us, but punishment ;
and so cannot oblige the Lord to perform the promises, to justify, pardon,
or save us : for that which obliges the Lord to execute the threatening,
cannot oblige him to fulfil his promise. How then is the Lord obliged ?
How come the promises to be accomplished? Why, not upon the
account of our defective performances, but for Christ's sake, and so
through grace.
Christ has satisfied for the sins of his people, for the sinful defects of
their performances : upon his account they are pardoned and accepted,
and so for his sake they are rewarded, and the promises performed.
Thus, as 2 Cor. i. 20, all the promises are performed with unvariable
faithfulness ; he engages the faithfulness of God to fulfil all the promises,
whenas** our performances, considered in themselves, do oblige him and
would rather engage him against it.
5. Uncertain conditions. When it is uncertain whether the condition
will be performed or no. Such conditions have place amongst men, and
men only, such as suspend the aifair iti eventum incertum, and leave it
at uncertainty as to the event ; it is imcertain whether the condition will
be performed or not, and so uncertain whether the promise will be per-
formed. The reason why man proposes such conditions, is his weakness
and imperfection, for want of power or foresight. He has not the wills
of others in his power, cannot make them comply with his wiU, and so
cannot tell what they will do. So that it is also for want of certain
foreknowledge or foresight, when we will not bestow a favour on another,
but upon terms. If we were certain that the terms would be observed,
« wUerea.s.
A. DISCOURSE OF FR££ GRACE. 441
we would f^mise absolutely ; if we were certain the condition would
not be observed, we would not promise at all ; but because we are
uncertain, therefore we promise conditionally. Now the ground of these
conditions being weakness, they must in nowise be ascribed unto God.
It derogates from his infinite wisdom, and infallible foreknowledge ; it
derogates from his power and providence over man's will and human
affiuiB : it derogates from the efficacy of his grace, as though this
could not determine man's will, or prevail with it certainly and infallibly
to comply ¥dth his proposals ; but must leave it indifferent, and in
suspense, and so at uncertainty, whether it will comply or not comply
with what he propounds.
Fcir use. — (1.) Acknowledge this grace. How? By getting high
apprehensions of it, and entertaining frequent thoughts about it. Say,
How precious are thy thoughts to me, O God I how great is the sum of
them I Let the meditation hereof be sweeter than the honey and the
honeycomb.
(2.) Let this beget suitable affections ; love, joy, admiration, delight,
both in the fountain and streams of free-grace.
(8.) Let it be a motive to all holiness and obedience. Let the grace
of Grod, the love of Christ constrain you to an obsequiousness to him, and
a£fectioniiteness to one another. If God so loved us, how ought we
[to] love one another !
(4.) Let it strengthen our faith, in afflictions and temptations, [aris-
ing] from the power of sin and [a] sense of unworthincss.
(5.) Hold it forth to others : take all occasions to magnify it ; oppose
every practice and opinion that obscures the lustre of it. Use it as a
toochstone, to discover what persons are most holy, what tenets are
most true, even those which most illustrate free-grace.
(6.) By glorying in the Lord, [let us] use it to make us and keep us
humble. We had nothing to merit, nothing to move, for salvation :
what we are, or have, we are by, and have from, this grace. Let no man
boast, Rom. ix. 16. If you have any laudable, amiable accomplishments,
give the glory to God.
jFV motives, — 1. Consider how thankful God's ancient people were
for temporal salvation ; what sweet strains of grateful hearts appear in
those songs of praises which we find recorded usually after any deliver-
ance I And have we not much more reason to be thankful for eternal
salvation?
2. Consider what a comprehensive blessing salvation is, and take an
estimate thereof, by comparing it with the temporal deliverances of the
Israelites : those proceeded from a common ordinary love, these from a
pecuUar distinguishing affection. Their deliverances were effected, not
without the hazard of their persons ; our salvation is effected only by
2f 2
442 A DISCOURSE OF FREE GRACE.
the blood of Christ : the issue of theirs was not much m<jge than civil
tranquillity, sitting under their vines and fig-trees ; the issue of ours is
grace, glory, joy, and those things that eye has not seen, nor ear heard,
nor have entered into the heart of man to conceive.
3. This is the end of all God does in the world, even to glorify him-
self ; as Rom. ix. 23, in showing the exceeding riches of his grace, in
his kindness towards us through Jesus Christ. Now we have no other
way to glorify him, but by an -active, affectionate acknowledgment of
his grace.
4. This is the employment of glorified spirits in heaven, to praise,
admire, and adore his grace : this is the subject of those seraphic praises,
the thoughts of this stupendous love transport angels and men into an
eternal rapture. This is the way to be in heaven upon earth, to antici-
pate glory, to enter into our Master's joy before we come at* it : nay, this
is the way by which our Master's joy enters into us. Never are our
souls filled with such ravishing pleasures, as when we are taken up with
such heavenly emplojrment. Never do we rise higher above the world,
than when these thoughts wing our souls : nay, sometimes they will
steal into heaven, as the Israelites' spies into Canaan, and bring from
thence into our souls, grapes, and figs, and pomegranates, some taste of
what we shall fully enjoy in the land of promise.
Salvation is a comprehensive blessing ; it includes the eternal love of
God ; that is its foundation : which eternal love broke forth in time into
such high expressions, as to iSond his Son, to live miserably, and die
shamefully for us, and interest us in all the merits of his death. This
was the purchase of salvation, and it is the conclusion ; as though un-
willing [that] those whom he loves so well, should be at such a distance
from him, [he] takes us to himself, to see his glory, to bathe ourselves
in that stream of bliss, in those rivers of pleasure, that are at his right
hand. This is the accomplishment of salvation. Surely this deserves
to be acknowledged.
MISCELLANEOUS SERMONS.
A FUNERAL SERMON
ON
DE. JOHN OWEN.«
PinL.iu. 21.
" WHO SHALL CHANGE OUR VILE BODY, THAT IT MAY BE FASHIONED LIKE UNTO
ins GLORIOUS BODY."
The occasion why I pitch upon these words at this time, you are not
unacquainted with. The apostle in the beginning of this chapter,
warns the Philippians to beware of false teachers ; he enforceth this with
sereral arguments, the principal of which are drawn from his own
example, in the body of the chapter ; and then he concludes it with an
elegant antithesis, opposing them to himself, and those that faithfully
follow Christ with him : he makes use of this to enforce the dissuasive
[from an evil conversation,] in a subserviency to his main scope, ver.
19 — 21, " Whose end is destruction, whose Grod is their belly, whose
glory is their shame, who mind earthly things. But our conversation is
in heaven, from whence we look for the Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ,
who shall change our vile body, that it may be fashioned like unto his
glorious body." You may observe an antithesis in all this ; they mind
earthly things, but our conversation is in heaven ; their Grod is their
belly, but we look for the Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ; their end is
destruction, but our end is glory ; their glory is shameful, they glory in
their shame, but our glory shall be like that of our Lord Jesus Christ;
that which they coimt most glorious, is shameful; but that which is
Tilest amongst us, shall be glorious : " Who shall change our vile body,
that it may be fashioned like unto his glorious body."
The observation from hence is this :
Ohaerv, The bodies of the saints shall be conformed, and made like
unto the glorious body of Jesus Christ.
The bodies of the saints, how vile soever now, shall at the resurrec-
tion be made and fashioned like imto tlie glorious body of Christ. The
apostle gives a particular account of this, 1 Cor. xv., which I may take
notice of in some particulars aflerward.
• This Sermon was preached the next Lord'i-day after the Doctor's iuterment.
446 A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN.
For the present, the great inquiry for the explaining of this truth is:
How the bodies of deceased saints shall be like to the glorious body of
Christ ?
1. Negatively.
(1.) Not by any substantial change.
The substance of their bodies shall not be changed, as one of the
ancients thouglit, by a mistake of the word fi€Ta<rxrifxaTia€t used here,
inferring that the bodies of the saints at the resurrection, shall not be of
the same subst^mce as they are now, but they shall then have ethereal
bodies : whereas both the words crxrjfui and fiop<f}rj denote quality, a
change in quality, not such a substantial change as they imagined.
(2.) They shall be like, not equal.
The words do import a resemblance, not an equality ; they shall not
be equally glorious with the body of Christ. The Lord of glory in all
things must have the pre-eminence ; as he was " anointed with the oil of
gladness above his fellows,'' so he sliall be exalted with greater glory.
But then,
2. Positively : How shall they be fashioned Hke unto his glorious
body ?
You must not expect an exact account of this ; it requires the tongue
of an angel, or of some translated saint, that hath seen, and been in-
vested with this glory, or hath had some full view of it. This is of the
number of those things we must believe though we see not, though we
know not; it is an object of faith, not of sight, and so is incompre-
lu'Dsible to us, who walk by faith, not by sight. " Eye hatli not seen,
nor ear licard, nor hath it entered into the heart of man, what things
God hath prepared for those that love hini." If this be true of what is
offerod us in the Gospel, much more of what is reserved in glory.
" Now arc we the sons of God," saith the apostle, " and it doth not
appear what we shall be ; but we know that when he shall appear, we
shall be like him, for wc shall see him as he is;" 1 John iii. 2. And
who can describe that which doth not appear ? Here " we see but as
in a glass darkly," we have but a dim sight, such a sight of the king-
dom of glory, {IS the ancient people of God had of the kingdom of the
Messiah: " Al^raham saw his day afar off, and rejoiced." The wisdom
of God hath drawn a veil before that glory, and he hath drawn it in
great wisdom If so be we had the full discovery of that glory that
shall be put ui)on the bodies of the saints (not to speak of that upon the
soul,) if we had the full discovery of it here upon earth, it woidd be as
hard to persuade the saints to be content to live on earth, as it is to
persuade the men of the world to die. As in judgment to them, so in
morcy to us, the veil still romaineth upon us ; but though the veil be
not quite withdrawn, yet the Lord is i)leased in the Scripture to lift up,
A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN. 447
as it were, a comer of the veil, that we may see some glimmerings of
that glory which hereafler we shall see face to face, of which I shall
give an account in some particulars.
The raised bodies of the saints shall be like the glorious body of
Christ in these six or seven respects.
(1.) In respect of perfection, the body of Christ is perfect, so shall
theirs l>e perfect, both in respect of parts and degrees.
Their bodies shall have integrality" of parts in exact proportion, there
shall be no defect of members, no, not of those that are now wanting;
those that could find no remedy for lameness, or blindness, or mutilation
on earth, shall find it in heaven : their bodies shall be raised in glory.
So the apostle tells us, 1 Cor. xv. 48, " It shall be a glorious body:"
but it would not be so glorious if these imperfections and defects were
not removed: and it shall have exact proportion too, there shall be no
distinction in lieaven between small and great ; as there shall be no
in&nt of days, so no decrepit old age, but all shall be reduced* to a
perfect stature, either to the stature of the first man Adam (for the re-
sarrection shall be as a new creation) or to the stature of the Lord from
heayen, as the apostle calls our Lord Jesus. There shall be a conform-
ation to the image of the heavenly, and so [it] shidl not want its pro-
portion. The word f»ofxf>rf in the text, signifies "outward form," and crx^fui
denotes " external figure." Now there could be no resemblance of the
body of Christ in external form aod figure, without such proportions.
(2.) The bodies of the saints shall be like the glorious body of Christ,
in respect of impassibleness.
The body of Christ is now impassible ; that is, it is not liable to any
flufierings, and so shall the bodies of the saints be ; they shall be secured
from all hurtful impressions from without, and all distempers from
within ; there shall be no hunger, nor thirst, no pain, no sickness, nor
sofiering whatsoever ; the body shall suifer no disturbance, no inconve-
nience from earthly melancholy, or from dull phlegm, or fiery choler, or
from the levity of a sanguine humour, but all shall be brought to such an
exact temperament, as shall place them above any sufferings imaginable.
The body will not be passible, nor liable to corruption, or sufTering ; for
that which is liable to suffering, is more or less liable to corruption, in
whole, or in part ; but the bodies of the saints will l>e incorruptible :
" It is sown in corruption, but is raised in incorruption :" 1 Cor. xv. 42 ;
their bodies shall be secured from whatever may blemish their glory, or
impair their perfection, or any way disorder the constitution of it.
(3.) The bodies of the saints shall be like the glorious body of Christ
in respect of immortality.
The body of Christ is immortal ; as the apostle expresses it, Rom.
• due cumplement. * restort-d.
448 A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN.
vi. 9, " Christ dieth no more, death hath no more dominion oyer him;"
so it shall be with the bodies of the saints, ^' mortality shall then put on
immortality/' as the apostle expresses it, 1 Cor. xv. 53; when the bodies
of the saints shall be raised, they shall commence, take the degree of
souls, that is, they shall be immortal ; they shall be more secured from
death in heaven, than our first parents, while innocent, were secure
from death in paradise ; there shall not only be a posse non moriy '' a
possibility not to die ;'' but a non posse mori, '^ an impossibility of dying ;**
and that not arising from the nature of the body, but from the decree
and purpose of God, from the victory of Christ, and from an immunity
from sin : *' Death shall then be swallowed up of victory ;" death shall
then lie under the feet of glorified ones, while they sing that song,
1 Cor. XV. 54 — 57, "Death is swallowed up in victory: O death,
where is thy sting ? O grave, where is thy victory ? The sting of
death is sin; the strength of sin is the law. But thanks be to God which
giveth us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ."
(4.) The bodies of the saints shall be like that glorious body of
Christ, in respect of agility ; that quickness, nimbleness, and wonderful
celerity of glorified bodies, an instance whereof we have in the ascent of
Christ's body from earth to heaven. The distance between the highest
heaven, and the earth, is computed by astronomers to be some hundred
millions of miles, so that if he finished that distance in a day, and we
have no reason to think it so long, his body must move some millions
of miles in an hour. But not to insist upon that, the bodies of the
saints shall move when, where, how, and as fast as the soul pleases,
without any re.luctancy, without any toil or trouble to the body. The
body shall be then immediately subject to the soul, as the soul shall be
subject to God : nor will this motion be any disturbance to them. For
what one of the ancients saith of the angels, shall be true of the bodies
of the saints ; " Wherever they move, they move not out of the blessed
presence, out of the inhappying" presence of Christ."
(5.) The bodies of the saints shall be like the glorious body of Christ
in respect of spirituality.
The body of Christ is now a spiritual body : not that it is changed into
the nature of a spirit ; Christ prevents that mistake, Luke xxiv. 39.
" Behold my hands and my feet, that it is I myself; handle me, and see,
for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as you see me have." The body is
not changed into the nature of a spirit, but it is said to be spiritual,
because it is elevated to the highest degree of perfection and excellency
that the body is capable of, brought as near to the angelical nature, as
is consistent with the essence of a body. So the bodies of the saints
shall be spiritual bodies, not changed into the nature of spirits, but they
« beatifying.
A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN. 4 40
shall be purged, defecated, and cleansed from all the dross, and niiid,
and fecnlcncy of an earthly temper, and their senses shall be refined to
heavenly, all their acts and motions shall be advanced to a spiritual per-
fection : there shall be none of those parts, none of those actions from
which the body is denominated a natural, or an animal body : '^ It is
sown a natural body, it is raised a spiritual body :" there will be no
need of meat, drink, or sleep. Our Lord Jesus Christ calls the raised
bodies, hrAyyf^iM, like to the angels in this respect, for in the resurrec-
tion, " they shall neither marry, nor are given in murritige, but ore like
the angels of God in heaven," Matt. xxii. 30.
(6.) The bodies of the saints shall be like the glorious body of Christ,
in respect of splendour and beauty.
He gave a glimpse of that glory to his disciples in his transfiguration ;
Matt. xvii. 1, 2. " He took some of his disciples into a high mountain
apart, and was transfigured before them : his face did shine as the sun,
and his raiment was white as the light f it was glistering, saith the
other evangelist ; so shall the bodies of the saints be, they shall shine
as the firmament and stars ; Dan. xii. 3. '^ They that are wise shall
shine as the brightness of the firmament, and they that turn many to
rightcoosness, as the stars for ever and ever ;" not only as the firma-
ment and stars, but as the sim ; Matt. xiii. 43. " Then shall the
righteous shine forth as the sun, in the kingdom of their Father." The
porest and most lovely complexion, the most exquisite beauty on earth,
18 but darkness and deformity to that which shall shine forth in the
glorified bodies of the saints : they shall shine as the sun, with a brighter
lustre than that of the sun, with such a splendour as shall never be
clouded, never be eclipsed, never obscured. If the glory of Solomon
did transport the qneen of Sheba, when she saw him, so that it is said,
" there was no more spirit left within her," 1 Kings x. 5, how ravishing
will the sight of those glorious bodies be, whose splendour, whose glory
shall as far exceed that of Solomon^s, as the glory of the sun exceeds that
of a lily ! If a little converse with God put such a glory upon Moses's
face, that the people were not able to behold it, [because] their eyes were
too weak ; what glory will sbiue forth in tbe bodies of the saints, of
those that converse with GckI for ever, who will see him face to face unto
all eternity ! " And we all with open face," saith the apostle, " behold-
ing the glory of the Lord, sis in a glass, are thereby changed from glory
to glory, as by the Spirit of the Lord." By this we may guess, indeed
we can do little more than guess as to these things, farther than the
Scripture leads us, but by this we may conjecture, how these bodies
that are now so vile, should have such a glory derived upon them. The
moon is of itself a dark, gross, i^pacuiis" l>ody, much like the earth, as it
• op«qn».
r\
450 A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN.
is now generally concluded, and capable of demonstxation ; but the sun
darting its beams upon it, makes it a lightsome and glorious planet ; so
the bodies of the saints, though vile in themselves, yet by the glory of
Christ darting on them, shall be made glorious bodies.
(7.) They shall be like him in respect of glorious dignities and
privil^es.
It is the glorious privil^e of Christ, that he sits on the right hand of
God, as Mediator, in respect of his human nature ; " The Lord said
unto my Lord, Sit thou on my right hand. Him hath God exalted to
be a prince. King of kings, and Lord of lords ;" and he hath glorious
regalities, ensigns of royalty ; he hath a throne, and a crown, and a
sceptre : " Thy throne, O Grod" (it is spoken of Christ, as Mediator)
'^ endures for ever ; the sceptre of thy kingdom, it is a right sceptre, a
sceptre of righteousness." And he shall exercise his royal power in a
glorious manner, in a judiciary way, when he shall descend corporally
to judge both the quick and the dead. Now the saints shall partake of
these glorious privileges, or of something like them : they shall stand at
the right hand of Christ : " Upon thy right hand did stand the queen in
gold of Ophir," Psal. xlv. 9. The bodies of the saints shall have pos-
session of a glorious kingdom, a kingdom of glory : '^ Fear not, little
flock, it is your Fatlier^s good pleasure to give you the kingdom.*' And
they have glorious ensigns of royalty ascribed to them. They have a
crown : " when the chief Shepherd shall appear, we shall receive a crown
of glory ;" yea, tlie Lord himself will be their crown, as the expression
is, Isa. xxviii. 5. '* In that day shall the Lord of hosts be for a crown
of glory and for a di.adeni of beauty to the residue of his people." How
glorious will it be for them, not only to be crowned by the Lord, but to
have the Lord himself to be their crown I And they shall partake with
him in the glory of judging quick and dead ; they shall sit with him
in his throne : " To him that overconieth will I give to sit with me on
my throne, as I also overcame, and am set down with my Father on his
throne." They shall join with Christ as assessors in that glorious act of
judgment ; they shall not only judge the world, but the angels : " Know
ye not," saith the apostle, " that we shall judge angels ?"
And so much for the explication of this truth.
I might improve it several ways.
Use 1. By the way oi" inference : If the bodies of the saints shall be so
glorious, what glory then will be put upon their souls I If the body,
the vile body shall be advanced to such a glory, what glory will be put
upon the soul, which is the prime receptalce of the image of God ! If
glory be the portion of the body, the soul will much more exceed in
glory.
Use 2. Let us here take notice of the love of Christ, the wonderful love
A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN. 451
of Christ, that he will take notice of the bodies of his people, of that which
18 so yile, bodies that are vile in themselves, and much more vile as they
are instruments of sin ; bodies that are vile while they Hve, but much
Tiler when they are dead ; noisome by putrefaction, or devoured by ver-
min, or dissolved into dust. WiU the King of glory take notice of such
vile things ? Can he think thoughts of love concerning objects that are
so unlovely ? Yes, thoughts of love indeed, to make things so vile to be
glorious, glorious like himself Was it not enough that he redeemed
men from wrath, delivered them from going into the pit of destruction ?
Was it not enough to make their souls glorious, but will he make their
bodies glorious too ? Was it not enough to make their bodies Hke the
Stan, or the sun, but to make them glorious like himself? Must his
own glory be the pattern of theirs ? Will nothing less satisfy the love
of Christ, but imparting to those vile bodies his own glory ? Oh, what
manner of love is this ! So dear are the saints to him, such love he
hath for them, as * the very vilest thing belonging to them shall partake
of his own glory, shall be made glorious like himself. As Mephi-
bosheth said to David : " What is thy servant that thou shouldest look
on such a dead dog as I am ?'^ With much more reason may we say,
and that with astonishment. What arc we, O Lord, that thou shouldst
look upon such vile dust, which is even trampled under the feet of the
beasts, that thou shouldst advance us to such a height of honour, that
ihoa shouldst crown us with glory, with such a glory, a glory like thine
own?
UBe 8. For inquiry : How shall we know whether we are of the
XLnmber of those whose vile bodies shall be fashioned like to the glorious
body of Christ ? There are sevend characters in this chapter by which
it may be known : 1 shall only name them.
(1.) Those that worship God in the spirit.
(2.) Those that rejoice in Christ Jesus.
(8.) Those whose conversation is in heaven. And,
(4.) Those that look for the Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ ; you
have these two last in tlic verse before my text, but 1 must not insist on
them.
Use 4. This should teach us to mix our grief for the loss of deceased
relatiyes (those that die in the Lord) with joy. Some sorrow is allowed.
They are reckoned among the worst of sinners, that are aaropyoi, with-
out natural affection. Stoical senselessness is inhuman, it is far from
being Christian, or evangelical. We may mourn for ourselves in refer-
ence to the great advantages that we lose by those we are bereaved of,
especially if they are spiritual advantages : we may mourn in reference
to the places where they lived, it portends evil to those places : " For
r
452 A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN.
the righteous are taken away from the evil to come.*' When those that
should stand in the gap are removed, there is wrath breaking in upon
that people without any remedy : we may mourn in reference to our-
selves, but in reference to them we have cause to rejoice. If we mourn,
it should not be as those without hope. Immoderate sorrow hath its rise
from self-love. WiU you count him a friend who grieves at your pre*
ferment ? The death of the saints is the highway to glory. Tlie apostle
calls death a seed-time, that is, a time of hope, not of mourning ; and a
time in reference to an expected harvest, is a time of rejoicing.
But we may mourn, we of this congregation have a particular cause
to do it. I shaU speak something of that excellent person that we have
lost: but what I shall say, as the time will permit me, is but little con-
cerning that great worthy. It was my unhappiness that I had so little and
late acquaintance with him, which makes me not competent for sudi
an undertaking; the account that is due to the world, requires a volume,
and a better hand than mine, which I hope it will meet with in time :
only let me touch some generals,' which may help us to a sense of our
loss, without which we are not like[ly] to make such an improvement of it,
as the Lord expects from those upon whom his hand is fallen so heavy.
A great light is fallen ; one of eminency for holiness, learning, parts,
and abilities ; a pastor, a scholar, a divine of the first magnitude ; holi-
ness gave a Divine lustre to his other accomplishments, it shined in his
whole course, and was diffused through his whole conversation. I need
not tell you of this that knew him, and observed that it was his great
design to promote holiness in the power, life, and exercise of it among
you. It was his great complaint that the power of it declined among
professors. It was his care and endeavour to prevent or cure spiritual
decays in his own flock. He was a burning and a shining light, and
you for a while rejoiced in his light : alas I that it was but for a while,
and that we cannot rejoice in it still !
Those practical discourses which he published to the world, did give
a taste that his spirit and temper was under the influence and power of
holiness. There are some creiitures that love to bark at the light,
instead of making a better use of it : he met with such, I mean some that
wrote against him, who thought themselves concerned to represent him
[as] odious to the world, but with great advantage to him, because they
could not do it but by groundless surmises and false suggestions, such
as showed the authors of them malicious, and rendered them ridiculous.
lie was master of all parts of learning requisite to an accomplished
divine ; those that understood him, and will be just, cannot deny him
the reputation and honour of a great scholar ; and those that detract
from him in this, seem to be led by a spirit of envy, that would not
' general cunKiderations.
A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN. 453
fuffer them willingly to see so great an ornament among those that are
of another persoasion. Indeed he had parts able to master anything
he applied himself unto, though lie restrained himself to those studies
which might render him most serviceable to Christ, and the souls of
men. He had extraordinary intellectuals,' a vast memory, a quick
apprehension, a clear and piercing judgment ; he was a passionate lover
of light and truth, of Divine truth especially ; he pursued it unweariedly,
through painiul and wasting studies, such as impaired his healtli and
strength, such as exposed him to those distempers with which he con-
flicted many years : and some may blame him for this as a sort of intem-
perance, but it is the most excusable of any, and looks like a voluntary
mar^rdom. However it showed he was ready to spend, and be spent,
for Christ : he did not bury his talent, with which he was richly fur-
nished, but still laid it out for the Lord who had intrusted him. He
preached while his strength and liberty would serve, then by discourse
and writing.
That he was an excellent preacher none will deny who knew him, and
knew what preaching was, and think it not the worse because it is
spiritual and evangelical. He had an admirable facility in discoursing
on may subject, pertinently and decently, and could better express him-
self extempore, than others with premeditation. He was never at a loss
for want of expression ; a happiness few can pretend to ; and this he
could show upon all occasions, in the presence of the highest persons in
the nation, and from the greatest to the meanest. He hereby showed
he had the command of his learning. His vast reading and experience
was hereby made useful, in resolving doubts, clearing what was obsciure,
advising in perplexed and intricate cases and breaches, or healing them
which sometimes seemed incurable. Not only we, but all his brethren
will have reason to bewail the loss of liim. His conversation was not
only advantageous in respect to his pleasantness and obligingness ; but
there was that in it which made it desirable to great persons, natives
and foreigners, and that by so many, that few could have what they
desired.
I need speak nothing of his writings, though that is another head
that I intimated ; they commend themselves to the world. If holiness,
learning, and a masculine unaffected style can commend anything, his
practical discourses cannot but find much acceptation with those who
are sensible of their soul concerns, and can relish that which is Divine,
and value that which is not common or trivial. His excellent Comment
upon the Hebrews gained him a name and esteem, not only at home,
but in foreign countries. When he had finished it (and it was a merci-
ful providence that he lived to finish it) ho said. Now his work was
• mental powers.
454 A FUNERAL SERMON ON DR. JOHN OWEN.
done, it was time for him to die. There were several other diKCOurset
that seem controversiul, and are so: our loss of him in this respect seems
to be irreparable, for auythiug that is in our present prospect. The doe
management of controversies requires so great abilities, that there is not one
among a hundred of our divines, are competently qualified for that ; and
the truths of the Gos|Kfl, which should be dearer to us than our outward
concerns, are like to be suppressed or adulterated, unless the Spirit of
truth stir up and empower some to assert and vindicate them. He had
a singular dexterity this way, for the managing of controversies ; and
those truths that he vindicated, were such as were most in danger by
the apostatising spirit of this age : some may think liis genius led him
much to study debates, but so far as I have observed, he did not affect
to be an aggressor, but still was on the defensive, and proceeded with
such temper, that he would rather oblige his adversary (if a lover of
truth) than exasperate him. He made it appear [that] he did not write
so much against any man's person, as for the truth: 1 heard one of them
declare, it would not trouble a man to be opposed in such a way as this
great doctor did treat his greatest antagonist. It is usual with persons
of extraordinary parts, to stniggle from the common road, and affect
novelty, though thereby they lose the best company ; as though they
could not appear eminent, unless they march alone. But this great
person did not afFtK^t singularity ; they were old truths that he endea-
voured to defend, those that were ti*ansmitted to us by our first
refonners, :md owned by the bet^t divines of the Church of England.
What the truth has lost by this, I cannot easily say.
Rut it falleth heaviest and most directly upon this congregation ; we
had a light in this candlestick, which did not only enlighten the room,
but gave light to others far and near : but it is put out ; we did not
sufficiently value it ; 1 wish 1 might not say, that our sins have put it
out. We had a special honour imd ornament, such iis other churches
would much prize ; but the cmwii is fallen fi-om our heads : yea, may I
not add, Woe unto us, for we have sinned I We have lost an excellent
pilot, and lost him when a lierce storm is coming u[)on us, when we have
most need of him. I diead the consequences, considering the weakness
of those that are left at the helm. H we are not sensible of it, it is
bt»cause our blindness is great. Let us beg of God, that he would pre-
vent wh«t this threatens us with, and that he would make up this loss,
or that it may be repaireil, or at least that the sad consequences of it
may be [)rev(»nted. And \v\ us pray in the last words of this dying
person to me : ** That the Lord would double his Spirit uj)on us, thai
he would not remember against us former inicjiuties ; but that his
tendfr-r nier(.i('> may speedily prevent us, for we aie brought very low."
WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO,
THAT THE INFLUENCE OF THE ORDINANCES MAY ABIDE
UPON THEM?-
1 Chron. xxix. 18.
" O LOBD OOD OF ABRAHAM, ISAAC, AND ISRAEL, OUR FATHERS I KEEP THIS
POR EVER IN THE IMAGINATION OF THE THOUGHTS OF THE HEART OF
TEnr PEOPLE, AND PREPARE THEIR HEART UNTO TIIEE."
In the preceding chapter we have David*s oration, or, if you will, his
seimon, the design of which was, to excite the people to a contribution
for the erecting of a temple, and promoting the public worship of God.
It begins ver. 2 of that chapter, and is continued to the 6th verse of this
chapter.
This sermon was effectual upon the auditory ; David had the happi-
ness, (which the best orators and most powerful preachers oflen want,)
not only viOavii Xcyciv, but iTfi6€iv ; he not only spoke what was in itself
persuasive, but did actually persuade his hearers to comply with his
design. The effect thereof is expressed, ver. 6, 7, 8 ; they offered, and
(which was the marrow and fatness of their offering) they offered will-
ingly. Though will-worship be the worst service of all other, yet those
that serve God willingly are the best worshippers ; and, therefore,
David in this sermon commends such service to his son, chap, xxviii,
ver. 9, " And thou Solomon, my son, know thou the God of thy father,
and serve him with a perfect heart, and with a willing mind." None
serve God with a perfect heart, but those who serve him vdth a willing
mind ; to such a temper were the people wrought by this powerful
exhortation, ver. 9 ; " with a perfect heart they offered willingly to the
Lord." Hereupon, David, much affected with his success in this affair,
• Tbli foniif the last discourse of the second volume of the " Morning Exercises.** The first
■trict was delhrered "sit Giles in the fields, May, 1659," and was edited by the Rev. Thomas Case,
neCor of that parish, to which he was just preferred. There are three other volumes usually
tatitled " Morning Exercises at Cripplegatc," but without adequate evidence. One series was
probabljr deHrered at Mr. Doolittle's meeting house, which had been recently built in Monkwell
•traet, in that parish, and the two others were most likely preached in Dr. Annesley's own
Bwetlng house, in Little St. Helen's place, Bi&hopsgatc street ; as he edited the volumes, and
lorarred the risk of their publication.
2g
456 WHAT MUST CURISTIANS DO.
("David the king also rejoiced with great joy,") his soul being now upon
the wing, he flies to God by prayer, and therewith concludes his sermon.
The prayer consists of j)etition and thanksgiving, both of them not con-
formed to any common model, but suiting the particular occasion now
before him. He blesseth God for makiug such an impression upon the
hearts of the people, as moved them to offer, and afler this sort to ofier,
so cheerfully, so generously, from ver. 10 to 18, and beseecheth God
still to keep their hearts in such a temper, to make this holy impression
durable and abiding, ver. 18, " O Lord God of Abraham, &c. keep this
for ever in the imaginations," &c. AVhere we have the enforcement of
the petition, and the matter of it. It is enforced from the covenant of
God, by virtue of which, he was the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel,
and had laid an obligement on himself, to have a gracious respect to
their posterity; hence this expression is frequently used, being no small
encouragement to the faithful, to pray for covenant mercies, and to pray
in faith.
The matter of the petition, that which he prays for, is, that the efiect
which his words had upon the people might be durable and continuing,
that the eflScacy thereof might abide upon their souls, and every part
thereof : that it might sink into the depths of their hearts, and stick &st
there : that it might pierce through their fancies and imaginations into
their mind and thoughts, and through their thoughts into their hearts
and afl!ections ; that the Lord would continue it there, and continue it
long there, even for ever.
David was apprehensive what a slippery and inconstant thing the
heart of man is, how like a deceitful bow, to which he elsewhere com-
pares it ; how apt to slacken on a sudden, when it hath been bended to
any good inclinations or resolutions, by the power of the word, or any
other ordinance ; what an unhappy womb it is, how ordinarily holy
motions miscarry Ix-fore the heart hath pone out its full time with them ;
what danger there was, lest their riglitfousness, which now made such
a flourishing appearance, might prove like the morning cloud, or the
early dew. And, tluirolbrc, having raised their hearts to so good a
posture, he takes the best course to fix them there. His words having
had a powerful influence upon their souls, he useth the best means to
render it durable and abiding. Hence observe,
Doctrine — The people of God should endoavonr to keep the influ-
ence of the ordinances abiding upon their souls.
I must not prosecute this doctrine in the usual method, but mention
it only, as leading us to tin; practical case at this time to be resolved.
A conscientious hearer observing what his duty is, will be presently
inquisitive how he may perform it: the duty is made known in the
observation ; the inquiry is in the case before us,
WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO. 407
What must be done that the influences of the ordinances may abide
upon ufl ? By the ordinances, we understand those principally which
are public, the word, sacraments, and prayer. The text and this exer-
foae lead ub to have a more special respect to the woni, which we shall
a little observe, but so as not to exclude the rest. By the influence of
the ordinances, is meant the effect they have upon us, while we are
employed in them ; their gracious or comforting efficacy, that which
tends to make our hearts and lives more holy or more comfortable ;
that whereby our souls are quickened, strengthened, restored, or re-
freshed. By its abiding on us, understand the continuance of this
efiect after the duty is done, that so the ordinances of God be not like
those human ordinances ( [which] the apostle speaks of) wliich perish in
the using, CoL ii. 20, 22. If you would have it stated clearly and more
at large, take it thus : AVhat course must we take, that the gracious and
comforting efficacy of public ordinances may not only reach us while
we are employed in them, but may continue on us aflerwards ; so as
we may walk under the sense and power thereof all along ?
To resolve this without further preamble, the course you must tiike
for this purpose, lies in the practice of some things, and the avoiding
of others. The things to be practised take notice of in these severals:"
1. Gret new hearts, and get them daily more and more renewed : an
old heart is a heart of stone, £zck. xi. 19, and the hardness of it is not
removed but by degrees. Now that which will sink deep into a tender
heart, a heart of flesh, £zek. xxxvi. 26, will glide off from an old heart
as water from a stone, without leaving any impression : and where
none is left none can continue. The good seed which fell on stony
ground, it sprang up indeed, but it continued not, '* it withered away
as soon as it sprang up," Luke viii. 6 ; but tliey which with an honest
and good heart heard the w^ord, they kept it, and l)rought forth fruit
with patience, (i. «., with perseverance,) ver. 15; the fruitful influences
of the word abode upon them : a good and honest heart not only hears
the word, but keeps it ; not only brings forth fruit, but persists so
doing. The more tender, humble, and spiritual the heart is, the more
spiritual fruit and advantage doth it reap from the ordinances, mid the
longer doth it continue in possession of those advantages ; the less the
soul is renewed, the more resistance dotli it offer to the ordinances ; and
the more they are resisted, the weaker is their efficacy ; and the less
their efficacy is, the less while doth it continue. A heart thoroughly
sanctified, is to the ordinances like tinder, which soon takes fire, and is
apt to keep it till it be forced out : whereas a carnal unniortified heart,
is like green wood, whose moistness giving check to the activity of the
' particulars.
2g2
^
458 WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO.
fire, is not soon kindled, and will soon go out, if it be not well looked
to. Naturalists observe, that transmutation is easy in symbolical
elements, such as agree in some prime qualities : water is more easily
turned into air than into fire. A holy and spiritual heart ivill be easily
wrought on by holy and spiritual ordinances, for here is an agreement
in qualities ; and the more agreement the less opposition, and the len
the opposition is, the more easily will it be mastered ; the power of the
ordinances will more easily both take place and keep possession. Holi-
ness makes the soul both receptive and retentive of holy impressions.
Make it but your great business to grow every day more holy ; and it
will not be so hard a matter, to have the ordinances work effectually on
you, or to have their eflicacy continue with you.
2. Labour to be much affected with the ordinances while you are
employed in them. Slight impressions will be soon worn out: and
weak infiuences will quickly spend themselves and vanish. If the ordi-
nances have but little effect upon you, while you are under them, it is
not like[ly] to last long : for that which is little is near to nothing, and
that which is so near to it, may soon come to nothing. It is not enough
that your hearts be a little warmed, but they must bum within you,
Luke xxiv. 32, while Christ is speaking to you, or you are speaking to
him ; if you would have that heavenly heat to be lasting. The good
seed miscarried upon one sort of ground in the parable, because it had
no deepness of earth, Matt. xiii. 5, 6 ; it quickly withered because it
took no deep root. If the ordinances pierce no further than the jsurface
of the soul, if the work of them be but superficial, if they do not pene-
trate into the depths of tlie heart, the efficacy of them is not like[ly] to
continue. Therefore, prepare your hearts before you draw near to God ;
get them so disposed as ** they may be capable of lasting influences. The
text directs us to this, "O Lord, keep tliis for ever in the imagination, &c.,
and prepare their heart unto thee." Then is the heart prepared to the
Lord when it is made tender, and sensible, and open. Bring tender
hearts to the ordinances, get thorn l)roken up beforehand; break up
your fallow ground, and sow not among thorns, Jer. iv. 8 ; IIos. x. 1 2.
A tender heart drinks in Divine influences ; they insinuate themselves
more easily into the intimate recesses of it. That which can make no
impression at all upon a flint, will sink deep into softened wax.
Ck)me with sensible hearts, apprehensive of your spiritual wants and
necessities ; burdened with your lusts and corruptions ; pained with
your inward distempers and foul grievances. I cannot commend to
you anything more eflectual, to make you capable of great and lasting
advantages. Such a quick sense of your spiritual condition will open
WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO. 459
your hearts and make them ready to receive so much from the ordi-
nances, as will not be soon spent. *' Open thy mouth wide, and I will
fill it,*^ Psalm Ixxxi. 10. Now it is desire that opens the heart, and
the stronger the desire is, the wider is it opened : then is the soul wide
open, when it pants and breathes afler God, when it hungers and
thirsts after holiness, as appears by equivalent promises, Psalm cvii. 9 ;
Matt. V, 6, " Blessed are they who hunger and thirst after righteous-
ness : for they shall be filled.** That which we get by holy duties, is
soon spent, because it is so little : and we get so Httle, because we
desire no more. We come to the ordinances tanquam canis ad Nilttm,
too like the Egyptian dog, which laps a little as he runs by the side of
Nilus, but stays not to drink : we take but a taste of them as in transitu^
too little, and too cursorily ; whenas" Christ invites us to eat and drink
abundantly. Cant. v. 1. Such cursory tastes may cheat you a little,
but they will not furnish you with strength for continual service : you
must feed and feed hungrily, and come with a strong appetite, tliat you
may be capacious of much ; a little will not serve you long.
3. Mind the ordinances after your use of them ; be much in medita-
tion if you would have the efficacy of ordinances to continue long. Be
often considering what you have heard, what you have prayed for,
what you have received and are obliged to by the sacraments. Much
of heaven and holiness is engraved on these ordinances, and the seal is
as it were set upon the heart, while you are under them : but after
consideration lays more weight on it, and impresseth it deeper, and so
makes the characters both more plain and more durable ; for the
deeper they are, the longer will it be ere they be defaced.
Most men lose their souls, and the best men lose great advantages for
their souls, for want of consideration. There is a quickening, a healing,
a comforting, a strengthening virtue, in the ordinances ; and this virtue
may fall upon your souls, while you are employed in them : but you
cannot expect it wDl stay with you, unless you fix it there ; and [there
is] no better way to &x it, than consideration. This will rouse it up when
it lies dormant and inactive ; this will put spirits into it, when it grows
weak and languid ; this will both diffuse and fasten it, yea it will
heighten and improve it. " My heart was hot within me, (saith David,
Psalm xxxix. 8,) while I was musing the fire burned.** The heart takes
fire at the mind, and it is musing or consideration that kindles it, and
keeps it in, and blows it up : those sparks which fall from heaven upon
your hearts, while you are hearing, or praying, &c., they will die, they
will go out, and come to nothing unless you do avaCumvpflv, 2 Tim. i. 6,
unless you blow thcni iq^ by meditation. " lie t>eiit forth his word and
4C0 WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO.
healed them," Psalm cvii. 20. The word hath a salve for every soul-
distemper, but that it may be effectual, the plaster must be laid on,
and kept on too, till the cure be wrought : the preacher may apply it,
and lay it upon the distempered part, but it will not be kept on without
meditation. " How sweet are thy words unto my taste," saith David,
Psalm cxix. 103. How came they to be still so sweet? why, they were
his meditation day and night, the delicious relish of them still con-
tinued, because he kept them still upon his palate, by ruminating and
musing on them.
The word of God in Scripture is as honey in the comb, there ia that
which is incomparably sweeter : now by meditation you squeeze out
this sweetness, and it will be still dropping comfort and sweet refi^esh-
mcnt upon your souls, while you are pressing it by consideration.
1 John ii. 14, "1 write unto you, young men, because ye are strong, and
the word of God abideth in you." If you would be strong and continue
so, the word of God must abide in you ; now how can it abide in you if
it have not leave to stay in that, which is but the portal of the soul, if
it abide not in your minds? You lose all for want of consideration;
both tlie gracious and comforting influences of the ordinances, slide
from you through this neglect. And no wonder it is so great a damage
to you, since it is so great a sin : you cast the word behind your backs,
and tlirow the ordinances at your heels, when you do not miud them
after you have done with them. And will the Lord encourage any with
a durable blessing, under such guilt? will not this provoke him rather
to curse yoiu* blessings and blast them in the bud ? Meditation is a
known duty, and commonly insisted on, and, therefore, you may be
tempted to slight it ; whereas indeed, upon this account, you should
tlie more regard it ; for, since it is a known duty, the n^lect of it is a
known sin ; now to say nothing how inconsistent it is either with grace
or comfort, to live in a known sin, how can you expect the efficacy of
ordinances should be continued, while you neglect the means which
the Lord hath appointed, and commend(?d to you, as most efiectual for
the continuance thereof? The blessing of the ordinances will not abide
ui>on him who continues in sin, especially when his sin is the neglect of
that medium which should fix the blessing upon him.
4. Let the efficacy of the ordinances be piu*sued presently into act[ion] ;
if they convince you of any neglected duty, fall immediately upon the
practice of it. If they make you more resolute against any carnal or
worldly lust, betake yourselves presently to the mortifying of it. If
they kindle any holy atTection to Christ or his people, give some real
expression thereof without delay. If they revive any languishing grace,
let it be fortlnvith exercised. This was David's practice. Psalm cxix. 60;
you will find this one of the best expedients for the fixing and securing
WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO. 461
of those good motions, which arc raised in your minds and hearts by
the ordinances. When the blossoms of a fruit-tree arc once knit,
though the Houriah thereof be gone, and you sec notliing but the bare
mdiment of the expected fruit, yet you think it inoi*e secured from the
injury of frosts and winds, than if it were still in the tiower ; good
motions, when they are once reduced into act [ion], are thereby, as it were,
knit, and brought to more consistency. They are then well past one of
their critical periods, where most miscarry, and so are more like[]y] to
liye, and continue with you. Besides, the act strengthens that good
motion and disposition which led to it, and so makes you more ready for
another act, and that disposeth to more acts, and those to better, and
repeated acts beget a habit, and this (as the philosopher tells us) is
Itoptftmnpw n, something that will stay by you. The hearts of the
people being raised by Hezekiali's zealous speech, 2 Chron. xxix., they
were kept up in that postiu^, till the work designed by him was iinished,
(till religion was restored and reformiKl:) and how ciime this to pass?
Why, the thing was done suddenly, ver. 36, he pursued the people's
good inclinations, and brought them into act suddenly: he struck while
the iron was hot. When your hearts are heated by the ordinances, set
immediately upon your work ; the pnmus impetus, "first onset," affords
a great advantage, if it be improvetl ; possibly in the vigour of it, you
may overcome those great diihculties and oppositions, which have been
too hard for you formerly, and may otherwise give you inipeilimeut here-
after; and this being mastei-ed,your progress will be easier, you may go on
towards heaven under the power of the ordinances, with less interruption
and fewer intercisions* of these Divine influences, James i. 22, 23, "But
be ye doers of the word, and not hearers only, deceiving your own selves :
for if any be a hearer of the word, and not a doer, (/. «., if he do it not
presently, as appears by what follows,) he is like to a man beholding
his natural face in a glass: for he beholdeth himself, and goeth his way,
and straightway forgetteth what manner of man he was." The glass
discovers what spots and suUages* are in his face, that he may wash
them off, or what is disordered a])out him, that he may correct and
compose it ; but if he do not this presently, if he put it ofl" till some
occurrence divert him from the thoughts and remembrance of it, his
looking in the mirror will prove but a loss of time, a vain ciu'iosity.
Your use of the ordinances is like[ly] to prove no better, if you practise
not what they lead you to without delay, it is like[ly] to be no other than
such a viewing of yourselves in a glass, a mere fruitless sjx^culation.
5. You must take much pains with your hearts, if you would have
them retain the virtue and ellicacy of the ordinances. The ellecL of
* inter nipt ions. * stains.
r\
462 WHAT MU8T CHRISTIANS DO.
them should be as a noil fastened in a sure place, but the heart is to
hard and knotty a piece that you cannot drive it in without numj
blows ; it ydW require all your strength to force it in far enough, and
all your care and watchfulness to keep it in when it is there. Thej
grossly mistake Christianity, who take it to be consistent with our
carnal ease and slothfulness, who place it in notions or opiniona, in'fidr
shows and a specious profession, in forms, gestures, or external observ-
ances, in conforming to this or that mode of worship or discipline. It
were well for the worid if one could be a Christian at such an eacj
rate ; but they that please themselves with such conceits, tliey err, not
knowing the Scriptures. The action of a Christian is, all along in the
New Testament, expressed by striving, wrestling, running, and combat-
ing, exercises wherein he that will not be worsted, must intend* all bis
spirits, stretch all his sinews, put forth all his strength ; he that is a
Christian indeed, he must n-aXateiv, "wrestle," £ph. vi. 12; dukny,
"follow on," Phil. iii. 12, 13, 14 ; Heb. xii. 14; aywtfc(rdat, "agonize,"
Luke xiii. 24 ; his daily course must be a combating as for victory, a
running as for a crown, a striving as for life. The power and Hfe of
holiness can neither be attained nor upheld without an effectual use of
the ordinances ; the ordinances will never be effectual to purpose,
unless the virtue of them abide upon the heart ; now it meets with such
reluctancy and opposition from the heart, (so far as it is unrenewed,)
that it can never l)e fastened there, without striving, and struggling,
and earnest contending ; it must be done in despite of our own ease,
and carnal humours, and natural inclination, and all the resistance of
the body of death. If you tliink this too much, you think much to
be Christians indeed, however you pretend to the name. Those that
are acquainted with their own hearts find it very hard to get them
raised to a spiritual and heavenly temper, very difficult to get them
pulled up (though they have the advantage of the most powerful orxii-
nances) to any good posture ; and when with much ado they are got
up, exceeding difficult to keep them there. Alas I we seem to be
forcing a weighty stone up a steep hill ; when with much toil we have
got it near the top, take but our hands off a little, leave it but to
itself, and down it runs further in a moment, than we can get it up
again in some hours. Our way to heaven Hes up the hill ; that which
is spiritual and heavenly is above us, the natursil bent and tendency
of our heiiits is downwards ; as there is no getting them up ^rithout
toil and pains, so wlu-n we liavo raised them a little, leave thorn hut
to themselves, grow but a little rfuiiss and negligent, and dvnvn they
run on a sudden, we shall quickly find them at the bottom of the
WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO. 468
hiU, in a carnal, lukewarm, earthly temper. When our hearts are
eflEectnally touched and raised, and moved in the use of ordinances,
there is no keeping them in a quick and lively motion, without striving,
and struggling, and, as it were, forcing them on with might and main.
The influence of the ordinances falling upon a slothful soul is quite lost
and merely thro¥m away upon it: Prov. xii. 27, " The slothful man
Toasteth not that which he took in himting." So he loseth all his
fiomer labour because he will not take a little more pains ; a slothful
sool loseth all the advantages he gets by following the ordinances, for
irant of care and industry to retain and improve what he hath gotten.
6. Comply with the Spirit of God. These influences, both as to the
rise and continuance of them, are from him. When you comply not
with him, you grieve the Spirit, and provoke him to withdraw ; and
when he withdraws, these influences will be discontinued. If you
detain the truth in unrighteousness, if you confine it to your minds, so as*
the power thereof descends not upon your hearts and affections, comes
not forth in your lives and actions, you do xarcxciv, imprison the truth ;
and that is a great aflront to the Spirit of truth. If when the Spirit of
God calls you to take up the cross, to leave all to follow Christ con-
tentedly and cheerfully in a low, reproached, afflicted condition ; or if,
when he calls you up to a higher degree of self-denial, mortification,
and holiness, you hang back, or tiun aside, and refuse to follow his
conduct, this grieves the Spirit of holiness. If you decline his institu-
tions for other devices, shrink back from the work you are engaged
to, when it grows hazardous ; strain your consciences to secure your
outward enjoyments, will not be influenced by him, further than is
consistent widi your ease, credit, safety, and worldly interest, you dis-
honour the Spirit of wisdom. This provokes the blessed Spirit to with-
draw ; and when the fire is gone, the heat will not long continue. If
you refuse to continue under the influences of the Spirit in some things,
it is righteous with him not to continue them upon you in others. If you
fear the displeasure of man more than the grieving of him, if you lean
more to the hopes of this life, than his supports, and consult with flesh
and blood, instead of being directed by the wisdom which is from above,
it wiU be no wonder if he give you over to your own conduct, and
intermitting his own, leave you under the influences of yoiu" carnal
fears and worldly hopes.
7. Be frequent in the use of ordinances ; good impressions do most
usually wear off in the intervals of holy duties, and the longer these
are, the more danger there is ; therefore make these interims as short as
may be by quick returns to the ordinances. It is observed, that places
• that.
404 WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO.
uader the line are not so hot as some climateB at a further distanoe
from it ; and this reason is given for it, [that] those under the equinoc-
tial, though they have the sun more vertical^ amd the beams, falling per-
pendicularly, cause a more bitense heat ; yet the nights being of equal
length with tlie days, the coolness of those long nights doth mare allay
the heat than where the nights are shorter. Long intermiasiona of holy
duties are like long nights, you may find them by experience to be
great coolers ; if you live imdcr more powerful ordinances than some
others, yet if they be more frequent and diligent in the use of what
they have, they are like[ly] to have more spiritual warmth than you, and
that with less allay and intermission. Besides, when the advantage you
have got by one ordinance is declining and wearing off, the use of the
same, or of some other, may revive and recover it, if you take it speedily
before it be too far gone. Further, a slight impression, such as is not
like[ly] to last long, may be re-enforced for a longer continuance, if yon
lay yourselves quickly under the instrument that first made it. When
Elijah had once tasted of the provision the Lord made for him in the
wilderness, he laid him down, saith the text, as having enough ; bat
the angel calls him to it again ; for, saith he, " the journey is too great
for tliee,*^ 1 Kings six. 6, 7. Hereupon he arose once more, and did
eat and dnnk, and '^went in the strength of that meat forty days and
forty nights,'' ver. 8. Once tiisting will not serve your turn, a liillo will
not be enough, so long a journey as yours is will fipt'ud much ; notliing
but a frequent, an often rejHiatwl use of the ordinances will funiisli you
with such strength as will last you many days.
8. Finally, Look up to God for the continuance of this influence;
pray, and pray in faith. Seek him and depend on him for it ; he will
be found of those that seek him, Matt. vii. 7. You have his pn^mise
for it, and dependence on him obligeth him too ; " the expectation of
the poor shall not perish," Psalm ix. 18: it is not for his honour to fail
those whom ho hath encouraged to rely on him ; an ingenuous man will
not do it, much less the faithful God. This coui-se David takes in the
text: he prays and encourageth his faith while he is praying by that
interest which the faithful have in the Lord by virtue of the covenant,
" O Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, our fathers, ket»p this i'*M
ever," &c. Yea the Lord himself leads us to this, Deut. v. 24, 27, 29.
The people were much a<fectoil,in that they had heard the Lord's voice,
vcr. 24, this brought them up to a noble resolution, ver. 27, ** Spt'uk
thou unto us, all that the Lord our God shall s|)eak unto thee ; and ufr
will hear it and do it." Hereupon the Lord thus exj»rotiseth himself^
ver. 29, ** that there were such a lu^art in them, that ihey woul<l fear
me and keep my commandmeiits always," iV:c. What jrreator encour-
agement can we have to desire this of God, than that he expivstvlli
WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO. 465
himself desirous we should have it? Faith is the main strength of
prayer, and the great supports of faith are these two, that he is able,
and that he is willing. These are to faith like the two pillars of the
temple, 1 Kings vii. 21, and the names of them (there expressed) are
rexj apposite. ^^ He set up the right pillar, and called the name thereof
Jachin, t. e. He will establish, he is willing, and he set up the last pillar,
and called the name thereof Boaz, t. e. In him is strength, he is able.**
Now fiuth hath both these pillars to support it in this business. That
the Lord is able to continue his influences, jou will not question, I hope.
"He is able to do exceeding abundantly above all we ask or think,
according to the power which worketli in us," Eph. iii. 20. And that he
ia willing, he puts it out of question, when he useth such an expression,
as amongst men signifies a passionate desire. " O that there were such
a heart in them," &c. Now (saith the philosopher) cay ns BtXjj koi dwr/Ttu,
&c. that which one is both able and willing to do, shall be done. Both
reason and faith see ground enough to conclude this. Pray then, and
pray believing, for as the Lord is able to do it, so it is according to his
will ; and whatsoever you ask according to his will, believing, it shall
be done, Matt. xxi. 22.
Thus much for what you arc to practise : there are some things to be
avoided, if you would have the influence of the ordinances to be lasting.
These we shall comprise in four particulars.
First, Take heed you perform not holy duties negligently. A heartless,
formal, n^ligent attendance on tlie orrlinances, will be so far from
procuring a durable blessing, that it will fix a curse upon you, Jer.
xlviii. 10, " Cursed be he that doth the work of die Lord negligently ;"
see Mai. i. 8, 14. If you invert the apostle's advice, 1 Cor. vii. 29, and
deal with the things of God, as you should do with those of the world ;
if you pray as though you prayed not, and hear as though you heard
not, and use the ordinances as though you did not use them : they will
be no otherwise effectual, than if there were no efficacy in them, it will
continue on you as though it continued not; like that of the sun on a
winter day, which thaws the earth a little at noon, but so as it is harder
frozen up the next night. Therefore let your hearts be engaged in
every holy duty, Jer. xxx. 21, " Who is this that engaged his heart to
approach unto me ?" You must hear as for life, Dcut. xxxii. 46, 47,
" Set your hearts unto all the words which 1 testify among you this
day, &c. For it is not a vain thing for you, because it is your life,"
&c. : you must wrestle in prayer, your hearts in this duty should be
as it were in a conflict, in an agony, (Tvvaya>viaa(rO€Uj is the apostle's
%rord, Rom. xv. 13, " Now I beseech you, brethren, for the Lord Jesus
Christ's sake, and for the love of the Spirit, that ye strive together with
me in your prayers to God for me." Your prayers should be such as
406 WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO.
the Other apostle describes, James v. 16, '' The effectual fervent prayer
of a righteous man availeth much." The word rendered effectual fervent,
is €¥€pyovfifvri. Now €Vfpyovfuvos is one possessed with a spirit, and acted
[upon] by it. If the word here used look that way, then suitable to the
matter to which it is applied, it imports a possession in a good sense.
And devoir eWpyov/Acvi; will be a prayer full of the Holy Ghost, whereiA
that blessed Spirit is operative, exerting its force and *'enei^." Such
a prayer as shows the soul to be possessed of the Holy Spirit and acted
[upon] by it, so as all the powers of that soul are set a work, and put
upon a motion towards God effectually ; such a prayer avails much,
procures great advantages, and [those] of long continuance.
Generally, in all holy ordinances your souls should stretch out them-
selves to reach tlie Lord, tlicy should spring up to him in acts of love
and desire, and clasp about hiih with delight and complacence, and
lay hold on him with a humble and filial confidence, and stir up them-
selves to lay hold on him. AVe do all fade as a leaf, saith the church,
Isaiah Ixiv. 6, (both their persons and their righteousness did so;) and
the reason thereof follows, vcr. 7, " There is none that stirreth up himself
to take hold on thee.''
Secondly, Beware of the world, meddle not with it more than needs
must ; and when it is needful, engage not therein but with fear, caution,
and vigilance. Carry yourselves amongst worldly objects and employ-
ments as though you were among cheats and thieves; they have llic
art to pick yoiu* hearts slily, and to rob them of that which is more
precious than gold, when you little think of it.
Let not your minds and hearts plunge themselves in the world :
nothing sooner, nothing oftener, extinguisheth Divine iulluenoe.s thaii
this puddle. Tlic cares, and delights, and enij)loyments of the world,
when they are innnoderate or unseasonable, ** they choke the wonl,"
Matt. xiii. 22; they stifle the issue of holy ordinances, so as it becomes
like the untimely birth of a woman.
AVhen your hearts are warmed in holy duties, you should be as
cautious and wary how you venture into tlie world, as you are of
going into the frosty air, when you are all in a sweat. AVhat is kindled
by tlie word or prayer, &c., how quickly is it pufled out l>y the world,
when you rush into it unwarily ! it refjuiros as umch care to keep it in,
as to keep a candle in, wlien 30U would cnny it through the open air
in a rainy, bhistering night. The fartlier you are above the world
the longer you may retain any s[)iritual iiiijiressions. (^eogra]>hers
write of some mouiitaiiis wln^se tops are al.ove the middle n^ii»n cl
the air ; and tlieie, lines and figures l.»eiiig drawn in the tluat, have
l>een found (say they) in the same tuim and ordiT, untuuched, undc-
faced a lung time after : and the nu.^un ib, bccau>e they are aK'Vi-
WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO. 467
those winds, and showers, and storms which soon wear out and efface
any such draughts in this lower region. The lower jour minds and
hearts and conversations are, the more in the hurry of this boisterous
world, the less will anytliing that is heavenly and spiritual abide upon
them. Let the soul be brought into never so good order, by the help
of holy duties ; yet a little imwary engaging in earthly business, will
raffle, disturb, and quite discompose it.
When yoiu: souls are, by the power of the ordinances, set on motion
towards Christ and heaven ; if you would hold on in a continued course,
you must beware of worldlincss, and keep free, as much as may be,
firom earthly incumbrances and entanglements ; " Let us lay aside every
weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset us, and let us run with
patience the race that is set before us,'' Heb. xii. 1. Let us persevere
and hold out in that gracious and heavenly course, which the Grospel
hath put us on : but that this may be done, one great impediment must
be removed ; " the sin that doth so easily beset us," must be shaken off.
Now that sin, as some expositors conceive, is worldliness, and it is
probable, for nwpiaraais being a circumstance, ayuapria €virfpi<rraro^^ if we
render it literally, is the sin that hath goodly circumstances. And no
sin sets off itself with more goo<lly circumstances than worldliness ; no
sin hath more specious pleas and pretences to excuse, vindicate, and
justify itself ; no sin hath more fig-leaves to cover its nakedness, and
to shroud it from discovery and conviction, than worldliness. This
must be shaken off, it is the great defacer of heavenly impressions, the
chief interrupter of holy motions : if you would hold on, when the
impetus which is impressed on you by any ordinance hath set you
agoing, beware of the world, beware of worldliness.
Thirdly, Take heed of any inordinancy in affection, inclination, or
design ; such inordinances give the heart a strong bias, holy duties
check it but a little, give it but, as it were, a small rub ; when this is
once passed over, it will hold on in that course to which it is most
swayed. The ministry of John Baptist had some influence upon
Herod, " he heard John gladly, and did many things," Mark vi. 20; but
sensuality being predominant, those better inclinations were quite
overpowered. The word had some effect upon Simon Magus, " he
believed," Acts viii. 13, and being taken for a believer, was baptized,
and afterwards " continued with Philip," &c. ; but a strong affectation
of vain-glory suppressed those better motions, and the worst got upper-
most. Take heed of any inordinancy as to lawful things, your rela-
^ons, studies, ordinary callings, &c. ; this will not suffer you to come so
often to holy duties, to stay so long in them, or to be so intent upon
them, as is requisite for the deep impressing of their efficacy ; and after
they are done, this will hurry your souls from under those thoughts
r^
408 WHAT MUST CIIAISTIANS DO.
and exercises, which should fix and settle their virtue and infhienGe
upon your minds and hearts. Natural bodies follow the tendency of
that element which is predominant in them; a stone moves downwards,
it would be at the centre ; that which stops it, offers it violenoe, and,
when the force is removed, down it falls freely. Just thus doth the
heart follow the tendency of these inordinances, if it meet with a stop in
an ordinance, that is but an ungrateful violence to it ; it wiU atrugglfl
to break through it, ^-ill be restless till the force be removed, till the
power of the ordinance be sliaken off, which checks an inclination
natural and acceptable to it, and what hopes [are there] in thia case,
that the efficacy of any holy duty will long continue ?
Fourthly, Rest not in the best performance of any duty, nor in any
assistances you find therein, though they be special and more tiian
ordinary. If this satisfy and exalt you, you will be apt to grow secure
and careless, not looking to tlie improvement of ordinances when onoe
they are over, and that is the way to lose aU. We are apt to take the
most dangerous colds, when we are in the greatest heats. And it is
observed that some professors have had the foulest falls, afler they have
been most elevated in holy employments. The resting upon the opus
operatunij the mere outward performance of a duty, when the heart is
not engaged therein, is an open pit, which none fall into save those that
are blind ; but the resting upon the opus operantis, a duty affectionately
pt'iformed, is a more secret, and so a moi*e dangerous snare. He that
makes account he hath done enough, because he hath done well, may
be apt to think he is not obliged to look further after it : and so the
continued inllucnco of the duty upon his heart and life, which is indeed
the principal advantage of it, may be neglected, and consequently lost
for want of looking to.
To conclude, make not the ordinances your end, but use them as the
means to attain it. They arc not enjoineti us for themselves, but in
order to something more desirable, their end is something further than
tlujir use. Take heed you place not all your religion in hearing, pray-
ing, communicating, &c., neither count yourselves religious enough,
because you are much and often in these duties. This is to make them
your end, and then you will rest therein, without proceeding funher
(for the motion of the agent is terminated in his end:) and so you will
stay short of that for which they were principally intended, namely, the
keeping of your hearts and minds in a s(?ltled posture of holiness and
righteousness; and neglect that by which this main end of the ordi-
nances is only to l)e attained, namely, tlie continuing of their intlueme
upon you.
So much for the case propounded, which J have endeavonn^d to
resolve (as the nature of it requires) jiractically: and therefore as there
^-^
WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO. 469
is no time for, so there will be less need of application. But that I
may not dismiss you without something of this nature, having laid your
duty before you in the observation, and showed you how it may be
performed in satisfying the case, let me now press you to the perform-
ance of it by one consideration, which will have the force of a motive,
where there is any sense of soul-concernments.
If the efficacy of the ordinances abide not on you, you cannot be
fruitful under them, at least you cannot " bring forth fruit unto perfec-
tion," (as the expression is, Luke viii. 14:) you may bring forth buds,
or leaves, or blossoms, &c., but if their influence continue not, that
which you bring forth will never come to ripeness and perfection : it
will be crude and sour at best, and sour grapes are as bad as no fruit
in the Lord's account ; and unfruitfulness will provoke the Lord to
deprive you of the Gospel and ordinances, Isaiah v. 2, 5, 6. " Ho
looked that it should bring forth grapes, and it brought forth wild
grapes. . . . And now go to, I will tell you what I will do to my vine-
yard, I will take away the hedge thereof, ... I will lay it waste, that
it shall not be pruned nor digged. ... I will also command the clouds
that they rain no rain upon it." The meaning of this parable (so far
as concerns our purpose) is expressed by another threatening, denounced
for the same sin. Matt. xxi. 43, " The kingdom of God (i.e. the Gospel
of the kingdom) shall be taken from you, and given to a people bringing
forth the fruits thereof." And Christ's threatening of Ephesus amounts
to as much. Rev. ii. 4, 5, ** Nevertheless 1 have something against thee,
because thou hast left thy first love." The first impressions of the
Gospel were worn off and vanished. And what follows? " I will come
against thee quickly, and remove thy candlestick out of its place, unless
thou repent." So that this sin will pull up yoiu* hedge, and break
down your wall, level all your securities; and so lay you open to the
boar of the wood, and the wild beasts of the field : such as instead of
digging and pruning you, will devour and lay you waste, and Sharon
will become a desert.. This sin will provoke Christ to let the stars fall
out of his right hand: so as you will be left to perish for want of
vision. This sin will provoke the Lord to take the Gospel of the king-
dom from you; and leave you under the hellish influences of the prince
of darkness. This sin will overturn your candlesticks, and extinguish
your lights, and leave you nothing but the snuffs. This sin will deliver
your strength into captivity, and yoiu* glory into the enemy's hand.
This sin will smite the shepherds and scatter the flocks, and lay the
heritage of God desolate. This sin will cause your sun to set at noon,
and turn the day of your gracious visitation, into a sad and dismal
night. This sin will turn the place which hath been a valley of
vision, into a seat of darkness and a " valley of the shadow of death."
470 WHAT MUST CHRISTIANS DO.
If then you would avoid a judgment, which strikes not only at your
estates and lives, but at your souls : if you would prevent that dreadful
stroke, which may not only reach yourselves, but your posterity, yoiu:
children and children's children; if you would not have them and your-
selves, and thousands and millions with you, bereaved of the Grospel,
and the means of grace and life ; take all care and pains that the influ-
ences of the ordinances do not slide from you, that they be not as water
spilt upon the ground. Be faithful and diligent in the use of the fore-
mentioned directions, and all other means which may be effectual to fix
them. And if hereby your hearts are wrought up to such a resolution,
'' the Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, keep this for ever in the
imagination of the thoughts of your hearts.**
THE
DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION
IS DANGEROUSLY CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH/
Romans iii. 24.
" BEING JUSTIFIED FREELY BY HIS GRACE THROUGH THE REDEMPTION THAT 19
IN CHRIST JESUS/*
The apostle, in these words and the following, gives an exact account
of the doctrine of justification, dictated to him by the Spirit of truth.
And this will be the best ground we can proceed on, to discover the
errors by which it is corrupted. That is our present business, to which
I hasten ; only first opening the words by a brief touch upon them.
. Being justified, — To be justified, is to be freely accepted of God as
righteous, so as to have pardon and title to life upon the account of
Christ's righteousness. We cannot be accepted as righteous^ till we be
acquitted from guilt. The apostle describes justification by remission of
sins. (Rom. iv. 5, 6.) And being accepted as righteous, we are accepted
to life : the apostle calls it "justification of life." (Rom. v. 17, 18, 21.)
This is upon the aocoimt of Christ^s righteousness. We cannot be justi-
fied upon our own account ; for so we are condenmed, and cannot but be
so : nor upon other accoimt but Christ and his righteousness ; for there
is no justification without righteousness, and none sufiicient but that of
• Tlw fomrth coane of '* Morning Exerdset " in the order of time» thou|^ plaeed laat in Mr.
Niehids' onifbnn edition, it entitled, " The Morning Exercise against Popery : or, the Prindpal
:uxton of the Church of Rome detected and confuted, in a Morning Lecture preached lately in
S ivithwark, by Mevtral MinieterB of the Gospel in or near London, moclxxt." This course origin*
eted with Mr. Nathaniel Vincent, one of the ejected ministers, 1662, who had a large congrogSr
tun at a meeting-house near the Maese, or Maze, in the parish of St Olare, Southwark, where the
discoones were deliTcred. Mr. Vincent edited the volume, and in his address ** To the Reader,"
he says, " I exceedingly rejoice that mfpuipit was so much honoured by my fathers and brethren
when they preached in it, and that tret such a project against popery eam§ into my mind." This
dJacourse <m Justification, by Mr. Clarkson, is the twelfth in the numerical order, but is the
^fUtmik in the logical arrangement, as is shown by Mr. Nichols f^om the '* Table of Theses."—
Morning Exerdset, toI. t. pp. 542-^46.
2 H
472 THE DOCTBINE OF JUSTIFICATION
Christ ; wHich the apostle includes in " the redemption that is in Christ
Jesus."
Freely by his grace. — The Lord justifies by his grace, and this acts
freely. That which moves him is called, in Titus iii. 4, xp^trr^njs
Koi <l>iKa»6p^ia, " kindness and love ;" which in verse 7 is " grace :"
" That being justified," rf Utlvw x«f>«"> " hy his grace." So justifica-
tion is rh xofMcr/Mi, " the firee gift f (Rom. v. 16 ;) ij tnp€a h xdpvn^
" the gift by grace." (verse 15.) This grace, as it is free mercy, so it
acts like itself, h&p€a»^ '^ freely ;" (the word used in Matt. x. 8 : ^»p€a»
tXa^€y " Freely ye have received" it ;) he gives it freely to those who
have no merit to deserve it : there is none in us ; what there was, was in
Christ. It is
Through the redemption, — Redemption is deliverance by a price, or
valuable consideration. This price was the blood of Christ, (Rom. iii.
25 ; V. 9 ; Eph. i. 6, 7,) his death, (Rom. viii. 33, 34,) his obedience,
(Rom. V. 19,) his righteousness, (verse 18.)
We may view the text distinctly in three parts : —
I. BeUevera are ^^ jusHfied,^^
II. " Freely by his grace:'
in. " Through the redemption that is in Christ,^
Against each of these the Papists have advanced several errors of
pernicious consequence, and thereby dangerously corrupted the whole
doctrine of justification.
I. That a sinner may be saved, the Scriptures declare that he must be
both justified and sanctified : the Romanists, as if one of those were but
requisite, call that "justification," which in Scripture is " sanctifica-
tion ;" and that which in Scripture is "justification," they admit not, as
distinct from inherent righteousness.
The apostle Paul, who most insists upon the doctrine of justification,
delivers these two as distinct things. (1 Cor. vi. 11, and elsewhere.) He
ascribes justification commonly to the blood of Christ ; (as in the text,
and Rom. v. 8, 9 ;) sanctification to the Spirit of Christ. (Titus iii. 5.)
However, the Papists* promiscuous use of the words might be tole-
rated, if they did not confound the things, and contend that we are
formally justified by that which is the form and essence of sanctification,
namely, inherent righteousness. The danger is that which the apostle
would have the Jews avoid, when he expresseth his hearty desire that
they might be saved : " For they being ignorant of Grod's righteousness,
and going about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted
themselves unto the righteousness of God." (Rom. x. 3.) The Papists
trust to their own righteousness for acceptance and life, and will be
justified in the sight of God by that which indeed is imperfect and cul-
pable, and, so, liable to be condemned ; and being convinced that they
IS DAN6ER0USLT CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 473
cannot be justified by an imperfect righteousness, therefore they will have
their inherent righteousness to be perfect : not so perfect as it will be in
heaven ;• but so as to be free from sin, and to answer the demands of
the law,* since they know, otherwise, it would not justify them. And
this fancy of a sinless perfection runs them into many absurd and perni-
cious conceits.
First. For they are hereby obliged to maintain, that no corruption in
their natures afler baptism, no aversion frt)m Grod, no inclination to evil,
though habitual and fixed, has anything of sin in it ; no, nor any
vicious habits acquired by frequent acts of sin :^ all is sinless that is in
the soul when grace or charity is once therein. And so there is no need
of mortification, no possibility of it ; for there is nothing of sin in them
to be mortified, no habit or disposition, natural or accessary, upon which
the charge of sin can be truly fixed. And as they leave no need of, no
place for mortification, so after they have discarded the Scripture
justification, to make way for a sanctification to justify them, they deal
no better with that neither ; Whether it be taken for the first rise of
holiness, which is properly r^eneration ; or for the growth and increase
of it, which is the sanctification that the Scripture calls for commonly
under this notion ; — ^they will have it to be a second justification. As for
the first sanctification, by their principles, it excludes all sin, and is, so
far, perfect, or nothing ; and so indeed is a mere chimera, such a thing
as Grod never gave, never promised, as no mere man on earth ever had.
(1 John i. 8.) Tet this and nothing else must justify them, and make
them worthy of eternal life : and thus they will be justified and saved by
a mere fancy, or nothing.
As for growth and increase in holiness, which is the sanctification that
the Scripture makes so necessary, and calls for vrith so much impor-
tunity, this they make superfluous and unnecessary. No man needs
design or endeavour it ; for what needs he look aft;er more of that which
he hath already in perfection ? They have it in such perfection, as [that]
• Quod dicebamos, Justitiam et charitatem in h&c vitA non esse perfectam, comparatlone dun-
taxat ad illam patriss reputandum est. Dominicos a Soto De Nat. et Grat. lib. iii. cap. It. p. 134.
• The eotineil of Trent calls it Justitiam candidam et immaculatam, [*' white and spotless
justice."] Seas. t. cap. Ixrii. In the Trent catechism it is dlTina qualitas in anim& inharens,
que animanim restrarum omnes maculas delet, " A divine quality, inherent in the soul, which
takes away all stains and spoU flrom your souls.** £a (charitas) siquidem est Terissima, plenissima,
peiftetiasima justitia, " Since it (grace) is a most true, fUll, and perfect righteousness." Bellar-
minus De Justif. lib. ii. cap. xtL p. 806.
• Habitus Justitiae contrarius est habitui ii\Justitis ; quia non est peccatum, sed vitium, ex malls
aetibus contractum ; quale etiam in Justificatis reperiri potest, '* A habit contrary to righteousness
Is a habit of unrighteouxness : for it is not a sin, but a Tioe, contracted ft-om evfl acts ; such aa
may be found even hi Justified persons." Ibid. p. 805. Dispositio vel habitus acquisitus vitlum
est, non peccatum, " A disposition or acquired habit is a vice, not a sin." De Amiss. Orat. lib. v.
eap. xiz. p. 337. Omnes siquidem leges precipiunt vel prohibent actus, non habitus, " Since all
^ws command or prohibit acts, not habiU." Melchior Canus De Poenit. p. 870.
2h2
THE DOCTRINE Of JUSTIFICATION
there in no culpable clefect in it," It ia no dn to have no more ; (eke it
would not be sufficient to their jusdficatton ;) and what aecessity ia there
to labour for that which it ts no sin to want ? Their dt>ctrine of justifi-
cation by a. righteous nesa of their own inculpably perfect, obliges them to
hoIdi that what grace they receive at fir^t^ though in the very lowest
degree, is all that God eommaiads and makes necessary- If he com-
manded more, the want of more would be culpable. So that eveiy
degree of holiness or charity above the least of alJ^ is only Buh comiUa^
" mere matter of counsel ;*^* which they nmy neglect without oontract-
ing so much as the guilt of a venial fault.''
Thus all progress in holiness ia hereby superseded ; after the fii^ step
they sin not^ though they never make another. And aU the degrees of
holiness above the lowest are unneccissary : they may be without aU of
them, safely and inoulpably. In short : if the want of all other degrees
but the least of all, be a sin ; if the lowest degree of aU be not righteouB-
ness in perfection ; by their principles^ they are not justified, and cannot
be saved. And so the main stress of their salvation lies upon a gross
and palpable delusion, that such a righteousness is perfect aa is furthest
of all from porfl-NMion. fmd m :* diioTci' u<^xt to nothini?.
Secondly. They seem to inclode remiasion of ana in justification ; but
it is not that pardon which the Gospel offers, but another thing under the
disguise of the same word ; and particularly, such as lies cross to every
part of the text. Their pardon is not an act of God, absolving a guilty
person upon the account of satisfaction given ; but an act or conse-
quent of infused grace or charity within us, abolishing sin, and not
otherwise taking away the guilt but by taking away the being of it.'
The best account I can give of it, in brief, is this, collected out of
their chief authors. They observe in sin the £a,\At and the guilt : and
the guilt, either as it is the desert of sin, and the offender worthy of
punishment ; or as it is an obligation to punishment, and the sinner
bound to suffer it The former is, with them, reatus culpce ; the latter,
• Nulla enhn est charitas ilmpUcIter imperfecta: rafflcit autem quillbet gradus charitatia, ut
quU servet verbum, id est, prscepta, Domini, ** For no graee ia timpljr imperfect: bat any degree
of grace is sufficient for any one, in order to hia keeping the word, that ia, the precepts, of the
Lord." Bellarminua De Purgat lib. nii. cap. iii. p. 1381.
• Si non pecco (ex aententiA 8. Thomas) ai araem Deum nid ono gradu amoria, cert^ non teneor
in rlgore ampliiia amare : implicat enim contradicdonem, qu6d non peocem* non fiwiendo quod
fkcere teneor : erg6, ai addam alteram gradum amoria, amo pltis quAm teneor, atque eo modo fatSo
actum aupererogationia et conailiL Idem De Monach. lib. it cap. xiil. p. 1162.
' Nee ullae (legca) divinar conauItoriaB etfam ad Tcniale ohilgent. Navarri Manuale, cap. xxiiL
n. xllx. p. 564 ; et cap. xxi. n. xliii. ; Sylvestri Summa, in verb. Inobedientia, aect. 11.
• Charitas culpam delet per actum suum proprium : poenam autem toUit per opera aatiafaetona
quae ipsa charitaa imperat, " Grace destroys the guilt by its own proper act : but it removes the
punishment by the works of satisfsction which grace itself commands.'* Ballarmimu De Pnigat.
lib. ii. cap. iii. p. 1381.
IS DANGEROUSLY CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 475
ruxtus pcBna f and all this is taken away by charity, or infused grace.
The fault in sin is the aversion , or the soul's turning away &om God :
but charity, or inherent grace, brings it back again, and joins it to him ;
and thereby the fault is remitted.* Now the fault being gone by virtue
of inherent grace, the guilt must vanish too : for where there is no fault,
there is no desert of punishment ; and where there is no desert of it,
there can be no obligation to it. So that, infused grace having left sin
no being, by necessary consequence the guilt is taken away together with
it.* Accordingly Bellarmine shows particularly how this charity takes
away all that belongs to sin, — the aversion from God, the stain of sin, the
desert of punishment, and the obligation to it. And the sum of all is
this : The formal effect of habitual charity is the abolishing of sin : *
and, with him and others, remission of sins, and infusion of grace, are
but one and the same motion; whereof these are the two terms; as it is
in the diffusion of light, and the dispelling of darkness.'
So that this doctrine leaves sinners no hope of pardon in this life, or
for ever: for hereby sin is not pardoned, till by inherent charity it be
quite expelled, which is not in this life ; or till the sinner be rendered
not worthy of punishment, merely by virtue of such charity, which will
never be.
However, those who understand what pardon is, by the light of Scrip-
ture, will soon discover that this is not the gospel-pardon. To go no
farther than the text, it clashes, as I said, with every part of it. For, First,
by their accoimt, pardon is by a physical or super-physical act of charity
within us ; whereas the first word in the text, diicatov/Acvot, shows that
pardon in justification is a judicial act of God toward us. The perpe-
tual use of the word in Scripture assures us of this : it implies a judicial
proceeding ; and is set opposite to condemning or accusing. For a judge
to acquit one at the bar, accused in order to condemnation, is not to
qualify him ; (that would be to prevent misdemeanours for the future ;)
but to discharge him from what he is accused of, as past : nor can they
give any instances in Scripture of such use of the word as will bear their
• Reatus culpae, qui ett dignitai odii, indigniUt gratis, et meritum poenar: leatot iKBnaB;~id
ett, ordinatio live obligatio ad luendam poenam. Idem De Amiu. Orat. lib. t. cap. xix. p. 837.
' Quando per gratfam remittitur culpa, tollitur aTersio animae a Deo, in quantum per gratiam
anima Deo conjungitur. Aquinan, Tertia, Quest. Ixxxv. art. iv. Ide6 ex hoe dJdtur culpa mor-
talii remlui, qu6d per gratlam tollitur aTersio mentis a Deo. Idem, ad Primam, artic. iv. Quatt.
Ixxxv.
* Per consequens simul tollitur reatus poenae. Idem, ibid. Non possunt non tolli, si donum
illud praecesserit, says Bellarmine of the guilt and offence of sin, " They cannot be otherwise than
t^en away, if that gift has preceded." De Justiflc. lib. xii. cap. xvi. p. 806.
* Habemus primum efiectum formalem Justitlae, id est, rhatitatis habitualis, diriniti^ infusa
esse, de medio tollere ac delete peecatum. Idem, ibid.
• Idem, ibid. lib. 11. cap. li. p. 766 ; ard Soto (after /quinas) De Nat. et Grat. lib. ii. cap. xriii.
p. 110.
A
476 THE DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION
notion. Indeed, it is against the usage of the world and common sense,
that a man should be said to pardon one, by enduing him with good
qualities. Secondly. The pardon in justification is free ; a gift of xmde-
served grace, as the next words express it. But their pardon is not free,
neither in itself, nor in that which they make the rise of it, — inherent
charity. They deface the freeness of it in both, by a conceit of their
own merit ; and so transform it into another thing than the pardon of
the Gospel is ; which shall be made apparent when we come to the second
part of the text. Thirdly. The gospel-pardon b entirely through the
redemption that is in Christy as the next words represent it ; but their
pardon excludes this redemption, or leaves it but a minute and remote
influence into' it, if any at aU.
The Lord, by Christ's undertaking, is moved to show mercy to sin-
ners : he shows it by infusing charity into their hearts. This takes away
the fault or being of sin ; and, that being gone, the desert of punishment
vanisheth, and, by consequence, the obligation to it. So we must pass
several stages before we can discover what the redemption of Christ hath
to do in the pardon of a sinner ; and when we have gone so &rj may be
at a loss too, as they order the matter. But that vdll better be showed
in the last proposal.
Moreover, though they will have their pardon do more than mere
remission can do, yet they make it &11 short of that which is most pro-
per for pardon to do. It quite dissolves not the obligation to punish-
ment ; but leaves the sinner, when he is said to be pardoned, to suffer, as
if he were condemned. He must, for all his pardon, be damned to a
temporary hell ; (for such is their purgatory ;) and there he must be
punished in the severest manner and measure : with the greatest suffering
of all, as to losSf — ^the want of the vision and fruition of God ; and the
most exquisite tortures, as to sensef — such as are equivalent to the tor-
ments of hell f and all this, it may be, for a hundred or a thousand
years, tiiey know not how long. All the pardoning mercies of God, and
• upon.
• Poena damni est maxima pocnarum. Omnia qui in purgatorio degit, cruciatur saltern hdc popni
damni, quae est omnium maxima, " The punishment of loss is the greatest of all punishments.
Eyery one who dwells in purgatory is tormented at least with this punishment of loss, which is the
greatest of all." Aquinas in Quartum, Dist. xx. xli. art. ii. Si ibi est verus ignis, erit omnin6 acer-
rimus; ciim ad hoc solimi sit institutus, ut sit instrumentum justitiae Dirinae : si non sit ignis Terns,
erit altquid horrlbilius, quale Deus parare potuit, qui potentiam suam in hoc ostendere voluit, " If
there be in purgatory a real fire, it will assuredly be most fierce and sharp ; since it was ordained
solely to the end that it might be an instrument of the Divine justice: if there be not a real fire,
there will be some punishment yet more horrible ; such as God can prepare, who wills in this
to show his power." Vide Bellarminum De Purgat. lib. ii. cap. xiv. p. 1400.
• Nam, ut rectd explicat cardinalis Cajetanus, poena ilia quse luenda restat post culpae remission
nem est iUa ip»a poena aensfis quam in gehenn& pati debuisset peccator, remot& soltim aetemitate.
** For, as cardinal CiO^^an rightly expounds it, that punishment which remains to be endured after
the remission of guilt, is the very same punishment of sense which the sinner ought to have
anffered in hell, eternity alone being excluded Arom the account." Idem De Foenit.
IS DANGEROUSLY CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 477
the redemption of Christ, cannot secure him from this." Surely this
pardon looks nothing so like remission as condemnation.
Thirdly. What we said last, respects those sins which they call
" mortal ;" but there is with them another sort of sins which go under
the notion of " venials," and which in number exceed the other vastly
and incomparably. And these sins, by their doctrine, are not pardoned,
or need no pardon ; and so justification, the free grace of Grod, and the
redemption of Christ, are excluded hereby, as needless, and unconcerned
in them.
The pardon in justification fi-ees the sinner from eternal pimishment ;
but they teach, that these sins (all of them together) deserve not eternal
punishment : God cannot justly inflict it for them ; it is not due to
them. If the guilt of all the sins in the world of this sort were
charged upon one man, or if there were no covenant or promise of God
for pardon, says their great cardinal, (that is, if there were no Gospel, no
Christ,) yet a sinner could not be punished for them eternally :* so that
there is no place for, no need of, the pardon of the Gospel as to these
sins. Then for the temporal pimishment of them, the sinner either mu8t
or may suffer it himself, and so satisfy for it : if he may satisfy for it,
there is no need. of pardon ; if he c2o satisfy for it, there is no place for
pardon. He that suffers what punishment the law will have inflicted for
his offence, neither is nor can be said to be pardoned.*^ So that plainly,
by their doctrine, venial sins have not, or need not, pardon of any sort,
either in respect of eternal or temporal punishment.
And yet these venial sins, which need no pardon, are many of them,
for their quality, great and heinous ; for their numberj far the greatest
of all.
A8 to their quality, their casuists, who are dictators in this business,
make what sins they list to be venial. Whereas, by their common
reckoning, there are seven mortal sins ; even divers of these, by their
handling, are shrunk into small faults. They make covetousness and
• The pope (turelj hU hoUness has no mercy left him) can do it when he liat: Si qusratur
utriim pouit ipoliare purgatorium pro libito >uo, dico qu6d non Toluntate >uA preds^, ted mediante
illo inflnito theeauro, '* If it be asked whether the pope can detpoil purgatory at his pleasure. I
answer that he cannot do so by his own will precisely, but by means of that infinite treasury.**
SylTcstri Summa, in Terb. Papa, Quaest. vi But he is wise, however; and considers, [that] if
he should spoil purgatory, he would spoil something else, which is more regarded at Rome than
another world.
• Negamus posse Deum Justi punire peccatxim quodlibet, etiam veniale, poenft omnium graris-
simA. quse est mors aetema. Bellarminus De Amiss. Orat. lib. i. cap. xiv. p. 92. Etiamsi omnia
peccaU Tcnialia simul colligerentur in unum, nunquam cfficerent id quod facit unum lethale.
Idem, ibid. cap. xiii. p. 91. Etiamsi nullum esset pactum Dei nobiscum de remlssione poenas
adhue, tamen perspicuura esset, peccatum veniale ex 8u& naturft non inducere reatum pcenaa sem*
piterme. Idem, ibid. cap. x. iv. p. 95.
• Non enim remittitur quod totaliter punitur. Bellarminus De Purgat. lib. i. cap. tU. p. 1859.
478 THE DOCTBINE OF JUSTIFTCATtON
prodigality too,* ambition * vain-gloi^,'^ glutton j/ and dnmkeraiess,'
(if It do but h^ bmtify & maii») the negleet of the public worahip of
God/ of all worship indeed which can be truly called sOj aud the
neglect o£ charity and mercy to men/ e^ccepl in such cases which rarely
or never fell out» — also common swearing,* great irrerereDce to the
Dirine Majesty,' abhorring of divine thiaga,* yea, divers sorta of blas-
phemy' and perjury," murder," with others of like nature, — to be but
yenial faults. They assign several ways wherein the highest impieties
against God, and greatest outi^es to men, may pass under thb geoUe
notion, and so need no pardon. This might be clearly showed out of
the writings of the leadiDg men amongst them, of several orderB, and
guch as have the chief conduct of their consciences, though the Jesuits
were leil out j but it requires a Jai^ dieoourse, and I must not here
digress a iittle.
And m these sort of sins are great otherwise, so that they ate tki
p'eatut of ail for number , is no quesrtion. Their church enjoins but con-
feffsion once a year ; and presumes that any wicked person may give an
account, in a little while, to his confessor of the mortal sins he commits
in a whole year ; but of veuial diis no account can be given, being so
numerous^ that they are beyond remembrance or uotioe. So that hy
their doctrine there are very few sins, in comparison, that need pardon ;
and 80, few that need either the free grace of God, or the redemption
that is in Jesus Christ. These corruptions are dangerous and evidently
damnable. I have insisted the longer thereon, because in this point,
about pardon, the Romanists are conceived to come nearer the truth and
us than I fear they do indeed.
n. Proceed we now to the second part of the text, " Freely by his
grace.** When the Lord justifies a sinner, he does it most freely : it is
an act of mere grace ; it is no way due to us before he vouchsafe it. He
owes it not, but gives it, when he is no way pre-engaged by any desert in
us : merit in us is utterly inconsistent widi this gracious act. These two
are opposite in their nature ; and the apostle plainly expresses the oppo-
sition in Rom. xi. 6, and iv. 4. If it be due by virtue of any act or
work of ours, it is debt ; if it be debt, it is not grace, the grace of God
• AquliiM, SecandA Seeunds, Qa»tt. exvifl. art. It. ; NaTuri EncMr. cap. xziS. n. xrlii.
• Ci^etani Samnw, In ▼»%. Ambitio.
• Aquinas, fldd. Qtueft. czxxii. art. UL
' Ci^etancu, ibid, in verb. Oula, et Emnndltla.
• NaTamu, ibid. cap. xiU. n. ii. ; et cap. xzi. n. L
/ Ci^etanas, ibid, in verb. EleemMjma. t Idem, eap. xxiv. n. y.
• Lopes, Inttniet. Cone. cap. zlii. p. S27 ; et SylTeitil Sumna, In rerb. Juramentum, \L 4S.
• Jacob de Graff; Dedi. Aor. lib. ti. cap. lii. n. z.
» Sylveeter, ibid, in verb. MaUtia, p. ITO.
' Idem, Ibid. In verb. Bla»phemia, Qu«ft. ML 4.
• Dominioua a Soto De Jutt. et Jar. lib. TiiL Quast iL art. UL pp. 269. 270.
• Idwn, ibid. lib. ▼. Qxufu L art. viii.
n
IS DANGEROUSLY CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 479
herein is no grace : " If by grace, then it is no more of works : otherwise
grace is no more grace. But if it be of works, then it is no more grace :
otherwise work is no more work." " Now to him that worketh is the
reward not reckoned of grace, but of debt." The apostle's discourse
cannot be answered vdth reason, nor evaded vdth any conscience :^ and
yet the Papists will presumptuously crowd merits of all sorts into justifi-
cation. And by this means, too, they corrupt this doctrine dangerously
and intolerably. They do it against all evidence of Scripture ; they do it
to the foul defacing of the glory of free grace, and the redemption of
Christ ; they do it vnth great hazard to their own souls. For if they
will not be justified freely, if they will stay till they deserve it, they are
likely to be condemned. Yet they will venture and stick not to ascribe
all that they include in their several justifications to some sort of merit :
— ^inherent grace, and pardon of sin, to congruous merit ; title to glory,
and increase of grace, (which they make a second justification,) to merit
of condignity.
Inherent, which they call ''justifying*' grace, and count it (after the
council of Trent ^) unanimously the formal cause of justification, by their
doctrine, falls under merit. They mince it, indeed, calling it " merit of
congruity ;" but it is big enough, how small soever they would have it
seem, to bid defiance to the grace of God in the text.
There are some preparatory works which, they say, must go before
justification,^ (as, dogmatical faith, some sorrow for sin, fear, hope, &c.,)
to which justifying grace is due in congruity, though not in justice ; and
this dueness they express in the definition of '' congruous merit." '' It
is,** says Navarrus, (afler Aquinas, and their common gloss,) '' a good
human act of one without the grace of God, to which spiritual or tem-
poral reward is in some respect and congruity due.** Now if justifying
grace be due on our account, before the Lord vouchsafe it, he gives it not
j&eely, but only pays what he owes, and is before obliged by us to let us
have ; and Bellarmine says, this merit is not founded on the promise of
God, but in the worth and dignity of the work. •
This sort of merit is generally owned by the Romanists. Soto tells
• Nee euet gratia, ti non daretur gratuita, sad debita redderetur, " Nor would it be graee, if It
mn not bestowed gratuitously, but were rendered as due.** Augustini Epist. cr. Aquinas him-
self [says] : Manifestum est qu6d onine meritum repugnat gratia^, quia, nt apostolus, Rom.
" It is clear that all merit is repugnant to grace, because, as the apostle says, Rom. xL," tte. Prima
SecnndflP, Quaest. iv. art. Ivi.
• Sess. vi. cap. vii. ' Vide Concil. Trident. Sees. yI. cap. vi.
' Est actus humanus bonus foetus ab aliquo extra gratiam Dei existente, cui de quAdam con-
gruitate et secundiim quid debetur aliqua merces spiritualis vel temporalis, ut sentit glossa.
Enchirid. Praslud. ▼«. n. HL p. 40.
• Quod objiciebatur. meritum de congruo non fundari in dignitate operis sed soI& promlssione
Dei; respondemus, contrarium esscTerum. And a little after: Nos existimarous potiiis ftudarl
meritum;de congruo in aliquA digniUte operis, quAm inpromlssione. De Justiiie. lib. i. ci^. xxi.
p. 753.
480 THE DOCTBINK OP JCSTIFICATIOM
110^' it it asserted hj Scotns, Duraadiis, Adriazi, and, m a maimer, all the
school -doctors whom ihey call *' Nomlnak ;" and tliis is one diTosvon of
their Bchools. He says also,* that Aquinae, the leader of the other divi-
iioQ, following the common opitiioiip aJEims it likewbe { though he wouH
have us think that he afterwards retnicted it. But EeUarmine, not
acknowledging any such retractation, together with Aquinas, reckons up
to UJi by name the chief of th<* pchoolmim m of this persuasioiL*^
It b true, there is some difference among them about the n^me;
same would not have it called ^^ congruoiis merit ;'* but all^ as Bel-
laxmiue,' Vega,' and after him Sancta Clam/ lella ua, agree in the
thing. And it ia the things not the word^ that is so injurious to the
grace of God, and wherein the corruption and the danger lie; and
therein thejr conspire,
I need bring no particular testimonies to show, that by their doctrine
pardon of sins falls undej this sort of merit: for pardon and inherent grace
are b/ them inyolyed together, and made one and the same motion. And
1 have stayed the longer on that which is evidence for both, becau^ some
question, whether this congruous merit be commonly owned by their
writers. I think it might as well be questioned whether the proper
merit of oondignity be their common doctrine ; for there are some
ami^Ticr Hi em who dislike this, and searcely more the ctheTi bo iar a» I
can compute the numbers.
As for the other particulars, title to glory, included in the Jirst^ and
increase of grace, which they call a second justification, the council of
Trent has made it an article of their faith, that good works are truly
meritorious of both ; and denounceth those accursed who deny it : and
their writers unanimously since understand it to be merit of oondignity,
as Aquinas expressed it before.^ So that these things are due from
God upon the account of their good works in strict justice, and not
• De Natui& et Gratift, lib. iL cap. ilL p. 65 ; et Medina, in Priniain Seemidae, Qoant. dx.
• Cilm S. Thomas, (Secunda Sent Ditt. zxrii. xxriii.) opinionan communem inseqantns, affii^
maaset turn qu6d homo ex naturalibus poaaet se disponere ad gratiam, tmn qu6d diipotitio iUa esMC
merlmm de congnio. Soto, Ibid. p. 66.
• Magiater Sententlarum, [" the Master of the Sentenc^,*^ St. Thomas, Bonarentnre, Sootns,
Durandoa, Gabriel, and others. De PoenitentiA, lib. ii. cap. zii. p. 946. Bancta Clan tells us, it is
oert^ eommunis et reoepta sententia scliolarum, *' It is certainly the common and received opinioa
of the schools." De Natnrft et Grat. problem xxi. p. 125.
' Quod attinet ad eatholicoe, qusestio videtur esse fer6 de solo nomine meriti, &c. De Justif.
Ub. i. cap. xxL p. 752.
• Recti advertit Vega de re, Non est inter doctores catholicos qusstio.
/ Itaque de nomine soliim est qusestio, an ea debeant vocaii meritum de congruo. Sancta Clara,
ibid. p. 129.
g Qntan Justus homo -per opera sua bona, quatenus movente Deo focta sunt, Titam vtemam de
condigno mereatur, ipsum etiam gratise et charitatis angmentum mereri dlcendum est, ** Since a
just man, by his own good works, so for as they have been done by divine impuke. procures etenial
life through merit of condign ity, it must also be said that he merits an increase of giaee sod
charity." Prima Secundse, Qusest. cxiv. art. IxxztI.
IS DANGEROUSLY CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 481
alone iu congriiity. It is not my business to argue against their
doctrine of merit ; only let me suggest this which the text leads me to.
Their opinion of merit makes the special grace and mercy of God
needless. For if a man by what he doeth can make heaven due from
God in point of justice, he needs not his mercy to save him ; so long as
he is sure the Lord will not be unjust, he is not concerned to r^ard
whether or not he be gracious and mercifuL As in a like case, when a
man's cause requires nothing but justice, if he be sure the judge will do
him justice, there is no need at all to be beholden to him for his mercy.
Thus grace and mercy being excluded as needless and superfluous, all
obligements' to love and gratitude, to all ingenuous obedience and
worship, are taken off, and all sense of religion likely to be razed out
of the souls of men. I may forbear telling you that this is of dangerous
tendency.
III. Gome we to the third part of the text The justification of a
sinner is '' through the redemption that is in Jesus Christ." That
doctrine quite overthrows the justification of a sinner which removes from
it this redemption : but so doth the Popish doctrine, and thereby tends
to make Christ of none effect. For without that redemption, he is not,
he cannot be, the Saviour of any man. Their errors here strike deep,
and tend to undermine the foundation of Christianity. Let me give you
an account hereof in respect of the satisfaction^ the merits and the appli-^
cation of this redemption.
1. The satisfaction of Christ is unnecessary, by their doctrine ; there is
no need of it for the justifying of a sinner ; he may he pardoned and
freed from eternal punishment without it. — For if the pardon of sin be the
abolishing and utter extinguishing of it, as they teach ,^ and [if] it be by
infused grace or charity that sin is thus abolished ; (as darkness by the
approach of light, and one contrary by natural consequence at the
presence of another ; which is their doctrine,'^ if I understand it ;) then
there was no more requisite to free a sinner from guilt and liableness to
eternal punishment, but only that Christ should purchase for him
habitual grace. Now, to purchase this, his merit would serve, and there
would be no need of satisfaction.' And there are those who seem to
acknowledge the former, when they deny the latter.
• Obligations.
* Beliarminos De Juatif. lib. ii. cap. vii. p. 783, initio. Dicere Deum peceata rvmitteie, non
tamen prorsds tollere, homlnit est vocem remission is ignorantis. Soto De Nat. et Grat. lib. U.
cap. xix. p. HI. 0mnin5 idem pland valet, peceata esse tecta, atque sublata esse et nulla pronti
relicta. Pererius in Rom. It. Disput. iii. Admonemus (peceata) dimitti esse, non soliim non im-
putari, non soliim non puniri ; sed penitiis etiam tolll, penitiis celari. Maldonatui in Matt. ri. 12.
p. 145.
' Quo fit at gratia gratum faciens ex diametro opponitur peccato, atque aded foimaliter per
modum contrarietatis expellat ipsum ; ut author est 8. Thomas, Prima Secunds, Qu«st. czUl.
art. ii. ; Soto, ibid. p. 109 ; Bellarminus, ibid. cap. ii. p. 766.
' Aliqnod moritum eat tine satiafaetione et e contrario, " 1 here is some merit without satisfac-
tion, and on the contrary." Idem De Purgat. Ub. i. cap. x. p. 1.^70.
482 THE DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION
Then as to the temporal pumehment^ they leave no place at all for
Christ's satisfiiction ; this is quite excluded here, thon^ this punish-
ment be no less in their account than the tomientB of hell, eternity
excepted : the sinner must or may satisfy for himself; and therefon
Christ did not satisfy. Otherwise, the Ixnd would take payment twice
for one debt, and require double satisfaction for erezy sin, and punish it
libra demeiihmy '' more than it deserves," which would be cruelty ; yea,
he would not be satisfied when he had satisfaction, which would be
unreasonable. Nor is this my inference only ; they do as good as
acknowledge it. For they grant that Christ did not satisfy for temporal
punishment, but mediately, by procuring grace for sinners, diat they
might satisfy for themselves.* And if he satisfied no otherwise, he
satisfied not at all ; no more than I can be said to travel a hundred
miles, when I do not stir out of doors, because I help another to a
horse, who performs such a journey.
Thus by their doctrine of justification and pardcm, the redemption of
Christ, as to satisfaction made thereby, is reduced in a manner to
nothing. For venial sins, to which, they say, temporal punishment only
is due, they cannot with any reason pretend that satisfiiction by him is
necessary. For mortal sins, (a small parcel of the infinite multitude,
venials considered,) habitual grace (which Christ might merit, though he
did not satisfy) is sufficient to abolish fault and guilt, and so to procure
remission as to eternal suffering.
Or if habitual grace were not sufficient for this, yet still they make
the redemption of Christ insufficient, and so no satisfaction. For not-
withstanding all that he bath done and suffered, the Lord is not appeal
to those that believe ; he will punish, he will inffict the torment of hell,
for a time at least ; how long, none of them can tell ; but, without
question, they say, till his justice be satisfied, till that be done by them-
selves or others, which Christ alone can do ; and that will be long
indeed, and not end but with eternity. So that it is plain by their
principles, that the Lord is not yet satisfied by the redemption of
Christ : it was not as much as justice required, it was not enough, and
so could not be satisfaction. And therefore Bellarmine concludes,
suitably enough to their principles, tiiat, of the several opinions which
are amongst them concerning Christ's satisfaction and man's, " this is
the most probable, — that there is no actual satisfaction but one only,
and this is ours."*
• S«tia(kott mediate pro popna etiam temporali, quatenut gratiam pnebet per quam ipsi not
Domino satiaCftcimtu. Bellarroinus De PoenitentlA, lib. iv. cap. xv. p. 1076 ; rt De Purgat. lib. i
cap. z : Non qu6d immediate ipsa ^ua satisfactio toilet poenani temporalem nobb debitam, acd
qu6d mediate e&m toUat; quatenus, videlicet, ab e& gratiam habemna, sine quft nihil valeret noatit
aailsfhctio. p. 13C9.
* Tertiu* tamen roodoa videtur probabilior,— qu^Kl una tantiim sit actualia aatiaArtio, et ea tir
nostra. De Purgat. lib. i. cap. x. p. 1069.
x^^
18 DANGEROUSLY CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 488
2. The merit of this redemption is also by their doctrine made unne-
oeascury for the purchasing of eternal life, to which we are aecepted in
justification, — ^For they teach that men may (and must, if they will
have it) merit it for themselves. Now there is no need of the merit of
redemption, if men can and do merit heaven : for merit is the worth of
what it is said to deserve ; it must be, by their computation, equal or
proportionable in value to it.« Now if Christ bring the worth of
heaven, and we must bring the worth of it too, the Lord lets none have
heaven till he have double the value of it, till he receive twice as much
for it as it is worth. So that heaven, upon this account, will be a very
hard bargain, however the Lord declares it to be a gift.
There is no avoiding this, but either by making the merit of Christ
needless, or the merits of men. The Papists in this case choose rather
to make the merit of redemption unnecessary. And indeed, when they
think it advisable to speak out, they say expressly, that there is no need
of the merit of Christ, that we may get eternal life. Thus Yasquez, one
of their most eminent writers. " Seeing the merits of a just man,"
saith he, " do condignly merit eternal life, as an equal recompence and
reward ; there is no need that any other condign merit, such as is the
merit of Christ, should intervene, that eternal life may be had."* But
how then must we understand them, when they tell us that Christ did
merit eternal life for us ? They inform us by their doctrine of satisfac-
tion, — as Christ satisfied for the temporal punishment due to sin medi-
ately, by procuring grace to satisfy for it ourselves ; so he purchased life
for us mediately, in that he was worthy to obtain grace for us, whereby
we merit life ourselves.*^ But by this account he did not merit life for
us at all, no more than he can be said to confess or repent of our sins,
because he obtained grace for us to confess and repent thereof ourselves.
This is but to own the merit of redemption as Pelagius owned the grace
of God, when he said [that] it was grace for Him to form us with wills
able to act sufficiently, and perform the office of grace, without it.'
■ In opere bono ex gratU proeedente sit queedam proportio et sequalitas ad premium vlt» stonue.
Bellarminua De Justific. lib. t. cap. xvii. iEqualem valorem condignitatia habent. Vaaqoei.
' Ctim opera Justi mereantur vitam aeternam tanquam lequalem mercedem et prsmium, non
opus ett interrentu alterius meriti condigni, quale est meritum Christi, ut els reddatur vita sterna,
lu Primam Secundae, Quiest. cxiv. Disput. ccxxiL cap. iii. n. xzx.
« Nunquam petimus a Deo per merita Christi ut nostris dignis operibus et meritorlia reddatur
mereet ctema vitc ; sed ut per Christum detur nobis gratia, qu& possemus dignft banc mercedem
promererL Idem, ibid. They use this illustration :— A fkrm being given to a son, he may, by the
commodities reaped out of that farm, buy anything that it shall please his fother to set to sale.
Dr. Bishop in Abbot " Of Merits," p. 640.
•^ The Pelagians said, (as Augustine represents them,) Posse sufficere naturam humanam, quss
coDdita est cum libero arbltrio ; eamque esse Dei gratiam, quia sic conditi sumus, ut hoc volunute
possimus. De Gestis, contra Pelag. cap. xxxt. And Jerome : lU Dei gratiam ponunt, ut non, per
singula opera, ejus nitamur et regamur auxllio ; sed ad liberum referunt arbitrium ; ut In eo Deo
referendae sint grat:», qu&d tales nos condiderit» qui nostro arbitrio possimus et eligere bona et
i#4 THE BOCTBrNE OF JtT9TrFICATtON
!itsftl<lc0, secCHidlj, iheir principlea do not allow tbem to my, that we
hAvd ialierent gmc^ by ibe mmt of Christ. And that bciug with them
the formal cause of j iistificatioa, if it was not procured for ui br hi»
nKlemptiQiiy this is quite es;cluded from hmtg mterested tn juMifying ne.
And indeed ail the interest of Christ'« redemption in onr justiii cation,
and salivation too, is reduced by theni to thi* one pointy — Mb pnrcliaaiDg
inherent grxnce for ujs, as appears bj the premises* So that if this be
diaclaimad, there wLIJ be nothing ascribed to Christ.
Nov it cannot be expected, that while they profess themseirefi Chris-
tians^ they should, in plain terms, make Christ a cipher ; but tliey do it
by consequence too plainly. The other principles render Christ's
ineritiiig inherent grace for us to be needless : and surely he wonid not
do and snffet so much for a needless thing. By their doctrioe of cim-
gruous merit, a man destitute of inherent (or, as they call it, " jnstiiy-
ing**) grace may do that which will make it due to him from God<
Now that which ti man can make due to himself needs not at all tlie
merit of Christ to make it due. The Lovd will oeitainly let him hare
his due without the mediatioD of any other merit
Yea, if we should bate the word *^ merit,** a&d dehUum^ or ^ dueness"
too, as Soto would have it, yet if a man can do that upon whkh justify-
ing grace will necessarily and infallibly follow, diere is no need that Chrbt
shovJd purchase it ; for it is altogether lumecessary that Christ should
merit that for us which we can make sure to ourselves, so as to have it
necessarily and infallibly. Now that a man can do thus much, to make
such grace sure to him, the Dominicans (the best Mends that the grace
of God can find amongst the Ronumists) do afiEirm. Dominicus a Soto,
a principal and the leading man amongst them, asserts it, and that upon
the express testimony of Aquinas, whose conduct they are wont in their
divinity to follow as *' angelical f ^ '^ Chit of necessity, not that of con-
straint, but that of infallibility, grace is given to him that prepares him-
self for it by some help of God/'* They hold, that when a man doth
Tltare mala : et non Intelligunt, ittadicentes, qu6d pcroi coram intolersbflem blaspbemiaro diabolof
•ibllet, " Tbej to define tbe grace of Ood, aa that, in each of oar worka, we do not depend upon,
nor are we governed by, ita aid : but they refer them to free-will : so that therefore thank* are to
be returned to Ood, because he hat lo made ui, that we can by our own wQl both chooee the good«
and avoid the evil : and, whilst uttering these sentiments, they do not perceiTe that tbe devil, by
their mouth, is hissing forth intolerable blasphemy.** Ad Cteslphontem, p. 253.
■ Qu6d ex necessitate, non quidcm coactionis, sed tamen inCsllibilitatis, detur gratia se per anxi-
lium Dei praeparanti. De Nat. et Grat. lib. ili. cap. xiii. p. 165. And this divine assistance, others
of them say, a graceless person may merit : Profect6 long6 probabiliiis diceretur, per opera bona
moralia, qulbus aliqois ante acceptam gratiam fiuieret quod moraliter potest, eatenus primam gia-
tiam ex congrao ilium mereri, quatenus conveniens et congmum est ut, eilm talis ftcit quantum
in illo statu moraliter potest, Deus etiam prsestet id quod suarum est partium ; hoc est, ei homiai
auxilia actualia augeat, quibus adjutus poesit fsciliCis gratiam consequi, atque ade6 conaequatur, si
aibi non desit, " With much more probability, indeed, might it be said that, by the moral good
works in which, before the reception of grace, any one exercise what moral power he possesses, he
merits through congrnity primary grace, since it Is fitting and eongraous that— when, being such
TS DAN0ER0U8LY CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 485
his endeavour, God will not deny him grace ; (there is their congruous
merit ;)« and think they salve all, by s&jing [that] this endeavour must
be from Divine assistance. But Pelagius acknowledged that, no less than
they ; and Augustine, with other his opposers, take notice of it : yet
because he would have grace to be given according to merits, (though by
merits was imderstood, not that which deserved it, but anything done by
a sinner in respect of which grace is given, as Bellarmine coufesseth,)^
they condemned him, as evacuating the redemption of Christ, and the
grace of God.
In fine : if a man by their principles could not merit justifying grace
for himself, yet stiU, by their doctrine, there would be no need of ChrisVs
merits]; for they teach that any other just man may merit it for him de
congruoj [" with merit of congruity,"]*^ and do so much on his behalf as
[that] it would be indecent* and incongruous to the bounty of God to
deny him grace. And this is enough to make him sure of it infallibly ;
seeing the Lord is as far from acting undecently' or incongruously, as he
is from dealing xmjustly.
I need not tell you, these errors are dangerous ; unless you need be
told, that there is danger in making Christ signify little or nothing in
the justifying of sinners.
8. The last thing propounded is the application of this redemption^
that is, of the blood of Christ, or his obedience, or his righteousness; for
those are used by the apostle as terms of the same import. If we be
accepted as righteous, it must be upon the account of some righteousness.
We have none of our own that can acquit us before the Lord^s tribunal :
that of ours wiU neither satisfy for what is past, nor serve us for the
future ; it cannot of itself be a good title to life, which has in it just
groimd for condemnation. The righteousness of Christ is all-sufficient for
at he U, he does as much as in that state he morally can— God also should perfionn iU« part; that
is, increase to that man his actual aids, by the assistance of which he may be enabled the more easily
to acquire grace, and so may actually acquire it, if he be not wanting to himself.'' Oregoril De
Valentia liber de Orat. Divin. pars iv. cap. ult.
« Peccator per bona opera facta extra cbaritatem meretur de congruo primam gratiam : fbi eat
enim qiuedam congruitas, quia (kcit quod in se est. Bonaventura in Secundam, Ditt. xxTitf.
n. xxxix.
« Gratiam autem secundilm meriu nostra dari intelligunt patres, ciim aliquid fit propriis viribus,
ratione cujus detur gratia, etiamsi non sit ilium meritum de condlgno. De GratiA et libero Arbl-
trio, lib. ri. cap. v. p. 659.
« Merito congrui potest aliquis alteri mereri primam gratiam. Aquinas, Prima Secundss, Quaest.
cxiT.art. Bellannine will have this past all doubt: Sicut certum est, non posse untmi alteri ex
condigno gratiam promeriri; ita non dubium est, posse id ex congruo fieri. De Jiutificat. lib. y.
cap. xxi. p. 969. Bonaventure will have this to be meritum digni [" merit of worthiness"]. In
Primam, Dist. xli. n. vili. Est dignitas cum indlgnitate, sicut ciim vir Justus meretur peccatorl
primam gratiam : dignitas enim ex parte viri Justi, " There is worthiness with unworthinesa,
as when a Just man merits primary grace for a sinner : for the worthiness is on the part of the
Just man" In Sccundara, Dial, xxvil. n. xxxix.
'unseemly. « unbecomingly.
/\
486 THE DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION
all the exigencies of our condition. But, that it maj be our ju8tificalio&,
it must be our righteousness, (Rom. v. 18:) and how can that be? We
need no other man to tell us than Bellarmine himself. ** The sin of
Adam/* says he, '' is communicated in such a manner as that which is
past can be communicated ; that is, by imputation."* If the cardinal
had not been a mere servant to his hypothesis, he would have followed
this so far as the reason of it leads him ; and then it would have brought
him to acknowledge no less of the righteousness of the Second Adam
than of the sin of the first : both are past ; and [there is] no other way
to communicate what is past but by imputation.
This imputation is it which they will deny, and yet cannot but con-
fess. And in their great champion we may see manifestly the evidence
of truth struggling with the power of interest and prejudice ; and pre-
vailing so far as to force from him three or four acknowledgments of this
imputation, in that dispute where he sets himself with all his might to
oppose it.*
There are these severals*^ considerable,^ about the imputing [of] this
righteousness : First, substitution : Christ satisfied in our stead ; that is,
he tendered that which was due from us. Secondly, €u:cqptance : the
Father accepted what Christ performed in our stead as performed on our
behalf. Thirdly, participation : we have the fruits and advantages of
his undertaking no less than if we ourselves had satisfied. Now the first
of these the Romanists assert ; the third they acknowledge ; and the
second they cannot deny, unless they will deny that the Father accepted
Christ's perfect performance on the behalf of those for whom he under-
took it by his own appointment. And as this performance, so stated, is
that we mean by *' Christ's righteousness f so this acceptance, as declared
in the Gospel in reference to those that believe, includes all that we
mean by " imputation." Nor need we contend for more than they cannot,
ivithout something like blasphemy, deny ; namely, God's acceptance of
Christ's satisfaction.
Then doth God impute the righteousness of Christ to a believer, when
he accepts what Christ performed for him, as if he had performed it ;
as we say, then a creditor imputes the payment of the debt to the debtor,
when he accepts of what the surety pays for him, as if himself had paid
■ Nobis ver6 communicatur per generationern eo modo quo communicari potett id quod trantiit;
nimiri^m, per imputationem. De Amiss. Grat. lib. v. cap. xvii. p. 332.
* £t hoc modo non esset absurd um, siquis nobis diceret, nobis imputari Christi Justitiam et
merlta, cdm nobis donentur et applicentur, ac si nos ip;;i Deo satisfecissemus, " And in this man-
ner it would not be absurd, if any one should say to us that the righteousness and merits of ChzM
are imputed to us, since they are bestowed upon and applied to us Just as if we ourselyet had satis-
fled God." De Justific. Ub. iL cap. xvii. p. 785 : Ss. Quarto refellitur. Et c^>. x. pp. 79S, 794 : St.
Respondeo et Ss. Hae igitur falsa, ftc.
• Particulars . * worthy consideration.
IB DANGEROUSLY CORRUPTED TN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 487
it There is ground enough in Scripture to use this for illustration at
least ; (Heb. vii. 22 ; Matt. vi. 12 ;) and by the light hereof, a mean
capacity may see a clear answer to the greatest objections made by the
Papists against Christ's righteousness imputed."
Objection i. " If Christ's righteousness be truly imputed unto us,
then we might be called and accounted * redeemers of the world.' "
Answeb. He might as reasonably say, *' The debtor may be called
and accoimted the surety, because the surety's payment is accepted for
him."
Object, n. " K Christ's righteousness be imputed to us as if it were
ours, then we ought to be accounted as righteous as Christ."
Answer. He might as well argue, [that] the debtor is as rich as the
surety, because the surety pays his debt.
Object, ni. " If by the righteousness of Christ imputed to us, we
may be said to be truly righteous ; then Christ, by our unrighteousness
imputed to him, may be truly called * sinner.' "
Answer. Which is just as if he should say, '' If the acceptance of the
surety's payment acquit the debtor, then the surety, because the debt is
charged on him, though he contracted it not, is as bad a husband and as
much a bankrupt as the debtor."
I need bring no particular arguments for this. All the Scriptures,
where there is mention of Christ's dying for us, his sufferings, cleansing
us vrith his blood, his obedience to death, &c., (since it cannot be denied
but all this was well-pleasing to Grod, and accepted by him, as it was
performed on the behalf of believers,) are undeniable proofs, that his
righteousness is imputed.
And it is a wonder to me, that any who acknowledge the satisfaction
of Christ should have the confidence to say, there is no evidence for
this imputation in the sense expressed ; but their causeless prejudice
against the word makes them, it seems, so sullen, that they will not take
notice of the things we mean, though they meet with it everywhere in
Scripture.
In short (I fear I have transgressed already, and must omit much of
what I intended) : If Christ's righteousness be not imputed, it is not
accepted ; if it be not accepted, it is not performed ; and so there will be
no satisfaction, no redemption in Jesus Christ. This is Bellarmine's own
inference when he is disputing against Osiander, — ^to deny God's accept-
ing Christ's righteousness for us, which is, by the premises, his imputing
it to us, is to " overthrow the whole mystery of man's redemption and
reconciliation." *
• Without lemenlng th« difference betwixt debu and punithmenti, a tanty m to either wfll
serve our purpoee.
* From his opinion, sayt he, eert& tequitur, at Christ! Justitiam Deus non acetptet; whieh cannot
2i
y^
4L88 THK DOCTBINB OF JUSTIFICATIOIf
USE. FOR APFLiCATKnr.
Let me admoniih you, as you tender the hoDoar of CSiriit and tka
comfort and happiness of your souls, to reoeiya aad pie aei ¥» liiedoctpm
of jnstification pure and untainted as the apostle delmfied i!^
especially of the Popish corruptionsi wberebj they hasve
and wherewith they have overwhelmed it^ Whereas U il^ M defivoed
in Scripture, the foundation of our hopes, and the ipni^ of oqr oomforts;
they have made it a sink into which a great part of their other corrqp^
tions do run and settle, or the souroe from which they rise and a^re fed.
I might make this good by aa aooooai of particulars ; but those I have
touched already €re too many. They tell you, to be justified is to he
sanctified, and so sanctified as to need no further sanctifination after the
first infusion ; no growth in grace, no increase of holiness, no progress
therdn, nor mortificatimi neither ; no need of, no leascm iostf it. Their
principles are so indulgent, as to free you firom such trouble. But then
you must not take notice of the many oommands of Qod which ei^lwn
these, and make them necessary, nor of the hazards that attend such
n^lects : they will assure yon, there is none under the notion [under]
which they represent them.
They tell you, you must be justified by your own righteousness, aad
that a perfect righteousness within you ; that is it you must trust to.
And if jou think much to be justified as never any sinner in the world
was, and know not how to compass a righteousness absolutely perfect
within you, they will inform you, that any degree of charity, the least,
the weakest, is righteousness in perfection. Thus you may be justified
in their way, if you ¥rill but have patience till your inherent righteous-
ness in this world be perfect and spotless, or till the lowest degree of it
be absolute perfection. If you think it impossible to be justified upon
such terms, they will tell you there is nothing more easy : any of their
sacraments will help you to it ; for they all confer justifying grace, and
that by the mere external act. You may have it, though you never mind
what you are a-doing, when you are at sacrament, to get it. An easy
way to heaven indeed, if it were as easy to be saved as deluded I
They will have you believe that thfldr doctrine of justification is that
which we must approve, since it includes pardon ; and yet they have no
pardon by their doctrine while there is one speck of sin in their souls,
and so not in this world ; and the other is no world for it. And though
they fanoy, that fault, and stain, and desert, and the very being of sin, is
abolished when they have so full pardon ; and will have none that i» not
lawful ; yet- are they not pardoned for all that, but plainly condenmed,
be admitted, niai quis velit totum mysterium hunuuue redemptloais et reooaei]l«ti«nts crertera.
De Juftiflc. lib. i1. cap. v. p. 778.
IS DANGEROUSLY CORRUPTED IN THE ROMAN CHURCH. 489
and into infernal fires they must go, and be there tortured, after they
are so fully pardoned, till themselves have fully satisfied, and paid the
utmost farthing, or others for them. And if they cannot do that which
Christ only can do, namely, satisfy the justice of God for all sorts of
sins, as to part of the punishment due to some, and the whole punish-
ment due to others, their purgatory will prove hell, everlastingness not
abated ; and they will find themselves danmed eternally, and cast into
hell, whoy by their doctrine, were betrayed into that state, under a pre-
tence of being punished there a while, in order to salvation. And if the
demerit of sins which they call " venial" prove greater than they believe,
(without and against Scripture,) they are in hell while they dream they
are but in purgatory ; for the partition between hell and purgatory is but
the distinction made in their fancies betwixt mortal and venial sins, as
to their demerit.
Thus are they in danger to be pardoned : and no wonder, since there
is not one sin in five hundred which, by their doctrine, needs Christ or
his blood for its pardon : there is no need of " the blood of sprinkling"
(Heb. xii. 24) for the infinite numbers of their venials ; they have a
sprinkling of their own [that] will serve, a holy water, conjured into
such Divine powers, as to wash away a world of sins, fault, and punish-
ment both.' This is the '* fountain " one of them (which themselves
have " opened for sin and uncleanness ;" Zech. xiii. 1 ;) and the other,
opened by Christ, may be shut up, imless there may be some use of it
for another sort of sins, but those very few in comparison.
Indeed, it is the intolerable injury they offer to Christ, his redemption,
and the free grace of God, which makes their doctrine of justification
most intolerable. To strip the redemption which is in Jesus Christ of
its merit or satisfaction, without which it is no redemption ; to make the
mercy of God needless, or the free exercise of it impossible, and his grace
to be no grace ; is the way not to be justified, but condemned. This is
to seek pardon of former offences by new crimes, as if one would not
receive a pardon without interlining it with something of treasonable
import against him who offers it. Tea, it seems an attempt to blot out
of the pardon all that is pardoning ; and to affront and de&ce that upon
which all the hopes of a condemned sinner depend, and without which
no flesh can be justified. Whenever the Lord justifies any, he doth it
" freely by his grace, through the redemption that is in Jesus Christ :"
they that will not be justified, are in danger to be condemned.
• Remissio venialfum, qai ett effectus aqua benedictsB, tine coUadone gratis et aanctitatlt eon-
fertur. Non poenai eulparum mod6, led, id quod mihi probabilius est, culpaa qaoqu« venialM,
remittet, "The remiation of venial lina, which is the effect of the hlessed water, is conferred with-
out the communication of grace and holiness. It will remit, not merely the punishment of sins,
but, as seems to me more probable, even renial sins theroselTes also." Melchior Canos, Do 8aeria»
pars i. p. 751.
2i2
INDEX
TO THE UFE AND WBITINQS OF
THE REV. DAVID CLARKSON, B.D.
Adrian, words of, at giving the com-
munion, 307, 308.
Africa, bishops in, 173, 174; few Chris-
tians in its maritime cities, 189.
African churches, customs of, 285.
Alexander, a bishop at Alexandria, 93, 94;
a bishop at Constantinople, 70, 71 » 74,
77.
Alexandria, Christians in, 30, 31 ; state
of, under Constantine, 32; choice of
a bishop at, 47 ; churches in, 70, 75 ;
several bishops in, 81 ; all the Chris-
tians in, met to pray in one church,
92 ; extent of the city, 96 ; ito divi-
sions, 97, 147 ; its partial destruction,
98; its bishops and churches in the
time of Constantius, 100 ; in St
Mark's time, 101 ; had the largest
churches, except Rome, 103 ; not dio-
cesan in the fourth century, 105 ; the
greatest city next to Rome, 124;
church in, in the fourth century, 147 ;
titles at, 160; region of, 189; slaugh-
ter of Jews in, 191; its greatness, 199;
Christians in, 199, 206.
Ambition, the age of, among churchmen,
221.
Ambrose on prayer, 289; his prayer at
the Lord's supper, 293 ; his mode of
singing, 355.
Antioch, disorders at, in choosing a
bishop, 44 ; constitution of the church
at, not diocesan, 118; bishops in, 165;
idolatry in, 188 ; number of Christians
in, 200; their bishops, 201.
Antioch, in Pisidia, bishops in, 165.
Apostle and bishop not the same, 115.
Apostles, success of their first preaohing,
113 ; not made bishops, 116.
Apostolical constitutions, forgeries, 815,
353.
Archbishops, metropolitans, and bishops,
224, 242.
Archdeacons in the church of Edesta,
128; how appointed, 129.
Arianism prevails, 192 ; in Constantino-
ple, 194.
Arians not accounted Christians, 55 ; at
Constantinople, 73, 74, 77 ; at Alex-
andria, 105, 148; churches at Con-
stantinople, 108; their prevalence,
265.
Arius occasions divisions, 55, 81.
Amobius on prajring, 258.
Athanasius, his life threatened, 5, 73;
sends Frumentius to convert the In-
dians, 86; calls a meeting in the
church at Alexandria, 94, 95 ; his ac-
count of the sacred ftimiture of the
church, 256.
Augustine, or Austin, bishop at Hippo,
82, 83; his bishopric, 84, 85, 87; aids
in procuring a bishop for Fussala, 85,
86 ; had not the largest party in Alex-
andria, 105; assembles the people in
one church, 1 46 ; his conversion and
admission to the church at Milan,
219; his rule of praying, 254: the
preaching of, 286 ; on baptismal pray-
ers, 821 ; his directory for prayer,
492
INDEX.
333 ; declares the corruption of Divine
worship hy men's devices, 366.
Aurelius, Bishop, on the necessities of
the churches, 281.
Austin's rule among the Britons, 904,
305.
Baptismal prayers not written, 321.
Baptism, various fonns in adminiattring,
309—311.
Barrow, Dr. on the apostleship, 1 35 ; on
ordination, 135.
Basil, St his diocese or province, 130
— 132; aids to multiply hishops,
135; his contest as to his hishopric,
210; appeal of, as to primer, 297;
testimony of 83 to unity, 316; tkatthe
pnjrera were not written, 319, 332.
Baxter, Mr., Dr. Stillingfleet's phjections
to, 16,22,96; wrongly censured, 100.
Bede, his testimony as to consecrating
the euehaxist, 305.
Bellarmine, testimony of, as to the liturgy
of 9t. James, 342 ; his perveraiou of
the doctrine of grace, 475, 479.
Bibles, fifty, ordered by Constantine for
the churches, 76.
Bilson, Bishop, on the choice of bishops,
42; on church government by pres-
byters, 129; on Tertullian regarding
prayer, 327.
Bishop, election of one, 28, 38, 39 ; of
Rome, his wealth and pomp, 46 ; a
pastor of a single congregation, 85, 86,
158, 241; and presbyters govern a
church, 91 ; his duty limited to his
congregation, 140; first forbidden to
be appointed in a village, 214; duties
of a, 215; regarding his pastoral
charge, 228, 230; changes his cha-
racter by his ambition to rule, 235.
Bishop Ischyras, his church consisted of
seven persons, 104.
Bishoprics, congregational, 21 — 23 ;
their corruption, 46, 47 ; many in one
diocese, 84, 88, 89; their character,
188 ; in villages, 167, 168, 209, 210;
ancient, 178; in small towns, 182;
number of souls in, 183; in Constan-
tinopl©, 194; modern unlike the
ancient, 212; reduced in number in
modem times, 213 ; changed from the
primitive, 236.
Bishops, authority of, 12; no rightful
pre-eminence over presbyters, 13;
several in one city, 14, 15, 17» 25;
of Rome and Alexandria, dominion
of, 18; who preside in synods, 26 ; in
all towns, 29, 34» 133, 134 ; could not
appoint their successors without the
people, 49; councila regarding their
election, 54 ; two in one church, 79,
82; promotion of, 78; several at Alex-
andria, 81 ; settled in all towns where
Christians were, 91 ; their number in
Egypt, 91 ; nuniber of^in Africa, 106;
in the world, 107; at Rome, U9, 125;
their names, 128 ; how multiplied, 132,
133; pumb«r of in epuncilsjlS?; had
each but one pongregation, 138 ; pre-
sidents of the church senates, 140;
not a superior order to preebyters,
143; have the same titles, 143;
number of, 146; at Antiocl^ 155;
plurality of, in a city, 15^ 209 ; at
Ephesua, 157 ; meet the apostle Paul,
159; in villages, 161, 181 ; in Egyp-
tian villages, 162; in Arabia and
S>Tia, 162, 166; constituted by the
apostles, 165, 166; in Europe, 169;
a hundred in Crete, 169; in Spain,
171 ; in Africa, 173; in small cities,
180 ; in the greatest cities, 192, 193 ;
in Antioch, 201 ; designs of t^e apos-
tles respecting, 21 1 ; pride of, 221 ;
their straggle for power, 222 ; ambi-
tion of, 223 ; of Rome, ambition of,
224 ; how elevated above presbyters,
242 ; their usurpation, 243 ; frequent
preaching of ancient, 287 ; tyrannical
licentiousness of, 368 ; of Rome and
other cities, 369 ; ignorance of many
in the West, 370 ; in the East, 371 ;
in Egypt, 372 ; liturgies made for
them, 373.
Bish ops of bishopscondemned by Cyprian,
238 ; Jerome, 239.
Blessings of the covenant promised freely,
435.
Bodies of the saints vile and mortal, 445 ;
INDEX.
498
ktfw to be changed, 446; in their
glorified state, 447; impassible and
immortal, 447 ; spiritual, 448 ; glori-
ous in beauty, 449 ; dignities and pri-
vileges of, 450 ; use of the doctrine,
451 ; who shall enjoy the glory, 461.
Britons and Saxons differ in their ehurch
rites, 805.
Caeaarea, disorders in, at the choice of a
bishop, 45 ; two bishops at, 80.
Canons against the people's power to
choose their bishops, 50, 53, 54; re-
garding prayers, 250; regarding the
duty of bishops and presbyters, 257.
Carthage, church at, 10; number of
lapsed members in, 11, 66; bishops
in a synod at, 18; bishops at, 173;
number of Christians in, 202.
Catechumens not allowed to attend the
church mysteries, 272.
Cathedral churches in Palestine, 164.
Cathedrals in Tillages, 19.
Cathedral towns, 164.
Changes in the creed, not in liturgies, 265.
Chapels, small at first, 98; or titles,
subterranean, 126.
Charles the Great the pope's executioner,
307.
Choice of bishops by votes of the peo-
ple, 40, 42.
Chorepiscdpus, or country bishop, what,
134.
Christian religion, embraced by many,
1 22 ; opposed at Rome, under Constan-
tine, 123 ; numbers professing it, 136.
Christians of one city meet to pray in
one place, 29, 92 ; not the richest, 67,
77 ; divide and meet in different places,
93 ; notthem^ority in any city, 108;
few in the cities of Judea, 117; in
towns and villages, 120; at Rome,
121, 154; at Jerusalem, 154; only in
name, 191 ; their required character,
218, 220 ; corrupt professors in, in
the fifth century, 227; what they
must do, 455; get more renovating
grace, 457 ; more impressions of the
value of ordinances, 458 ; reflect on
them, 459 ; what they must avoid : —
negligence, 465; excessive worldli-
ness, 466 ; inordinate desires, 467 ;
resting on the merit of duties, 468.
Christ our righteousneas by g^aee, 439,
440.
Christ's mediation denied, 418, 419.
Chrysostom on the number of Christians,
1 1 ; chosen bishop at Constantinople,
56 f 57 ; his testimony as to the support
of presbyters, 67 ; his hearers, 77 ;
threatens excommunication, 142; ac-
cused respecting ordination, 144;
despotism of, 224; his judgment re-
garding his bishopric, 225 ; his argu-
ments for church purity, 226 ; his
seal for purity in the church, 280 ;
state of his church at Constantinople,
234 ; on praying, 253, 255 ; on pre-
tended ChristisB mysteries, 267 ; his
mode of preaching, 285, 286; his
prayers, 292 ; his reference to Noah's
prayer, 825 ; his rules for prayer, 826 ;
published, but with no mention of
liturgies, 354 ; reforms the singing in
the church service as a liturgy, S56 ;
on the corruptions in the church, 864.
Church, a particular congregation, 9;
congregational, 18 ; at Heliopolis, 71 :
presbyterian in the fourth century,
141 ; one in each great city, 194, 195.
Churches, two at Constantinople, 10,69;
in cities, 70 ; in Alexandria, 70, 108 ;
mentioned in Scripture, not diocesan,
117; four hundred in a city in Ger-
many, 124; several in a city, how
governed, 138, 189; assigned to differ-
ent presbyters, 146; in the second
century, 159 ; testified by Dr. Stilling-
fleet, 161 ; single congregations, 288.
Church order, what, and how ordained,
859.
Church service not uniform, 884; in
France, 335.
Church, the, corrupted, 2 1 4, 233 ; corrupt
state of, testified by Chrysostom and
Augustine, 864, S66,
Cities, very small, bishops, 175; in Spain,
176; many small, 178, 179; great,
1 88 ; in Spain, 1 88 ; chief, with their
bishops, 193; the greatest, 196.
494
INDEX.
Clarkson, David, birth and family, viii.
ix. ; adventure at the assault of Brad-
ford, ix. r. ; Fellow of Clare Hall, xl ;
tutor, xiL; friendship with the Hol-
crofts, xiL ; marries their sister, xiiL ;
at Mortlake, xiii. ; Morning Exercises,
xiv.; ejectment, xiv.; lecture against
Popery, xv.; "Practical Divinity of
the Papists," xvL; Popish plot, xviiL ;
Protestant union, xix. ; Dean Stilling-
fleet's sermon, xx.; " No Evidence for
Diocesan Churches,'* xxi. ; co- pastor
with Dr. Owen, xxii.; last will, xxii. ;
death, xxii; character by R. Bax-
ter, V. ; by Dr. Bates, xxiii. ; by Mr.
Howe, xxvi.; by Dr. Ridgley, xxvL;
posthumous works, xxvii. ; portrait,
xxix. ; his children, xxix. ; experience
of his eldest daughter, xxx. ; of Ger-
trude, xxxvL
Clemens, Epistles of, read in the church,
251; forged liturgies of, 297.
Clergy, numbers of the, 21 ; required to
follow trade, 67.
Common prayer book of the Roman
idolaters, 329; none among ancient
Christians, 338.
Communion table, one in a church, 216 ;
for real Christians only, 216: prepa-
rations for, 217; qualifications for,
218.
Conditionalness of God's promised bless-
ings, 432.
Conditions of grace, not meritorious, 437;
nor natural, 437 ; nor legal, 439 ; nor
obliging to God, 439.
Confession, as enjoined by the Roman
church, 478.
Congregations of ancient Christians, 1 55.
Constantine, churches in his time, 10;
recommends bishops, 56, 57 ; orders
fifty Bibles, 76 ; vexed by the heathen,
189.
Constantinople, church at, 68 ; its mag-
nitude, 72; when built, 78; Christians
at, 73, 194; churches in, 125; ambi-
tion of the bishops of, 224.
Constantius, appoints an Arian bishop,
55 ; called Anti-Christ, by Hilary,
58.
Con8titutions,Apoitolicml, give adiftrent
creed, 315, 316; of Clemens, forged,
320.
Contradictions respecting the bishops at
Antioch, 118.
Controversies among the early Chris-
tians, 268.
Cornelius, bishop of Rome, 121 ; num-
ber of his church members, 122.
Corruptions of the writings of the fathers,
304; of the church when liturgies
were prescribed, 373, 874.
Councils as to the election of bishops, 54;
number of bishops in, 137.
Creed, called the " Apostles'," its origin
and use, 314; introduced into the
church service, by P. Qnapheus, 814;
first used at Rome, 315 ; a different
one in the "Constitutions," 815, 316.
Crete, iU cities and biahopa, 170, 177,
181, 182, 207.
Cyprian, St., his church at Carthage, 10,
11, 13, 17; his testimony on the
choice of bishops, 39, 41 ; number of
Christians in his bishopric, 202, 203 ;
his writings show the true nature of
a church, 236 ; on the church senrice,
340.
Cyril persecutes the Novatians, 81.
Damascen on praying, 254.
Derbe and Lystra, bishops in,' 165, 166.
Determination of man's will, false notions
of the, 423.
Difference between bishops and metro-
politans, 143.
Dignities and titles of bishops and pres-
byters in the third, fourth, and fifth
centuries, 144, 145.
Diocesan bishops in Alexandria, 89.
Diocesan churches, claims for, 9 ; no
evidence for, 9 ; power of pretended,
32; none discovered in primitive
times, 89 ; insuflScient evidence, 1 06 ;
only congregational, 107, 138; not
such, if the members could meet in
one congregation, 1 08 ; not proved by
having many presbyters, 127; nor by
having some presbyters in the country,
1 35 ; nor by the number of bishops
INDEX.
495
in the countiy, 136; nor by sererml
churches in a city, 138» 139; not
apostolical, 240 ; not primitive, 241.
Diocese, its ancient meaning, 20; one
haying many bishops, 84; not the
same as bishopric, 84, 85 ; extent of
one, 90 ; includes only one congrega^
tion, 153 ; of a primitive bishop, 155 ;
in Italy, 170; objections answered,
205 ; extent of, 206 ; the jurisdiction
of a city, 207.
Dioceses of ambitious bishops, 224.
Dioclesian persecution, 126, 127.
Dionysius, church of^ in Lybia, 102 ; on
praying, 253.
Diptyches read in churches, 252.
Discourses of Cjrprian, Origin, and
others, 285.
Diversity of rites commends the church,
234; of expressions by Basil, in the
doxology, 316.
Divine worship by the heathen, 260.
Donatists, bishops of the, 16 ; their
origin, 125 ; in Africa, 192.
Downham, Bishop, his testimony as to
presbyters, 65 ; as to Christians, 109,
112 ; to a congregational church, 128;
on the government by presbjrters, 139.
Dublin, ancient bishopric o( 210.
Edessa, metropolis of Mesopotamia, 128.
Sgyp^* ^^^* i°» ^^i cities in, 176;
many had but few Christians, 188.
Election of bishops and deacons, popular,
36, 37 ; mode of in the fourth century,
51 ; of g^ace, founded in God's love
and mercy, 384; false notions of, 401.
Enmity of sinners against Ood, 387.
Ephesus, the bishops ol^ 157, 158.
Episcopacy, the ancient, congregational,
132 ; in villages, testified by Dr. Tay-
lor, 173.
Episcopal churches, not diocesan, 66,173.
seats in every good village, 25 ; towns,
21,165; in Italy, 170; in Africa, 173;
zeal for the dignity of, 213.
Eucharist, taken every Lord's-day, 216 ;
prayer before the, 250.
Eucharistical office, the Lord's prayer
used in the, 248.
Eulogise, the, invented, 217.
Eusebius, Arian bishop of Nicomedia,
65 ; the historian, criticism on a word
of; 145 ; to furnish fifty Bibles to the
churches, 256.
Exarchs or prinutes, ambition of, 223.
Excommunication executed by the pres-
byters, 142.
Extempore prayer the custom of the
ancient Christians, 252, 322, 829;
hymns, 830.
Fathers, the, prayed according to their
ability, 295, 323, 324.
Foreknowledge of Ood, 422, 430.
Forgeries, numerous, in the pretended
writings of the Christian fathers, 352,
353.
Free act of God's grace in saving men,
384, 392.
Free g^ace, how justification by, 478.
Free-will in fallen man, its abettors, 394;
how influenced, 396 ; examined, 397 ;
its pretended powers, 397» 398 ; dan-
gerous doctrine, 399, 402 ; denies God
to be the author of spiritual blessings,
403 ; denies original sin, 404 ; denies
regeneration, 406; it leads sinners
from Christ, 407 ; destroys holy obe-
dience, 408 ; stifles love to God, 409;
destroys the exercise of faith, 410;
overthrows humility, 411; renders
p. ayer unnecessary, 41 2 ; inconsistent
with Christian gratitude, 413 ; tempts
men to neglect their souls, 414; de-
stro3rs gospel justification, 415; tends
to destroy the covenant of grace, 415,
416 ; destroys the mediation of Christ,
417; defaces redemption, 418, 419;
inconsistent with the attributes of
God, 420; his prescience, 422; his
truth, 423 ; his government, 424 ; his
omnipotence, 425; it idolises man's
wiU, 426.
Friends, deceased, joy in sorrow for them
if Christians, 451.
Fussala, Augustine aided in procuring
a bishop for, 86.
Gauden, Dr., his claim fbr lltnigiea, 247.
-:d
496
INDBX.
Oennany, cfanrch tenriee in, 985.
Glorified spirits, their employment, 442.
Onaphens, Peter, introducee the Creed
into the church serrioe, 314} enjoins
that Mary be called the ** Mother of
God,"3«d. (See Creed.)
Ood, his grace in sariag sinnext, SS4;
his excellences, 390, 891 ; his ■e've-
reifnty, 893; disbonoured hy the
doctrine of free-will, 42<t, 427.
Grace, justification by, 471 i hoir held
by Papists, 478, 474.
Grace uid saltation, 868 ; free end un-
merited, 884 ; Tsrioiitly denied, 896 ;
saving, 896 ; efficacy oi, 402 ; moral
or suaaiTO insufficient, 402; Tariooa
opposition to it by free-will, 408, 426 ;
prejudices against, 427 ; its sovereign
freeness, 485; how to be tuckmoW'
ledged, 441 ; motives to it, 442.
Gratitade destroyed by the doctrine of
free-will, 418.
0««gory, Pope, originates prescribed
prayen, 893; his counsel to Austin
as to rites and prayen in Britain, 804;
the originator of the Roman lituzgy,
843.
Gregory the Seventh, words of in giving
the sacrament to the emperor, 808.
Hall, Bishop, on church government by
presbyters, 139; regarding Tertullian
on prayer, 327.
Hammond, Dr., on Acts ii., 110, 113;
on bishops at Jerusalem, 1 55 ; and at
Epbesus, 158.
Happiness in God, 390.
Heart, preparation of, 461, 462.
Heathenism in Palestine, 187 ; in Rome
under Constantine, 189.
Hebrews, oonmientary on, by Dr. Owen,
453.
Hegesippus, false testimony ascribed to
him regarding James, 116.
Hippo, bishops of, 89. (See Augustine.)
Holiness false views of by Papists, 474.
Holiness, from the Spirit, 408.
Holy Spirit desired by preachers, 287 ;
his work denied, 416, 417.
Hooker, Mr., on ancient bishoprics, 186.
Hymns for Divine worahip formed the
early Uturgiea, 866, 861, 862.
Idolatry in Jeniaalem, 187.
Ignatius faMiop of the great ekvdi at
Antioeh, 118.
Impoiton pretend lilaxgiM by tiie apos-
tles, 846.
Inpotency by sin, 484.
Iflsputation of iin and righteoiMneaa, 485,
486.
Inherent righteoQinew, tbib for jutifi-
catioa, 488.
Initiated, the, none else allowed to hear
prayer at the pretended Christian
mysteries, 271.
Innocort the Pint, regarding pnycr, 299,
800 ; imperiousness of, 801.
Iidand, hiahopa in, 173, 182, 218;
ehsirbh aerriee in, i$§»
Italy, its villages and biehopa* 170t 188.
i«nes, fldsely preteaied bishop and
prince of the i^patles, 114^ 115; the
pretended lituigy wi, an impiident
forgery, 842, 848.
Jerome regarding arriideacons, 129; his
extempore pieces, 286; he becomes
the means of litmrgical singing at
Rome, 358.
Jerusalem, population of, 154; its mag-
nitude, 155; "a city of heathens,"
187 ; number of Christiana in, 203 ;
Gentile chureh in, 204 ; only one con-
gregation of Christians in, 205.
Jesuits, their invention against free grace,
894, 428.
Jews in Egypt, 99 ; numbers of, 190;
their sufierings and slaughter, 191 ;
excluded from Jerasalem, 204.
Julian's time, apostacy in, 188.
Jupiter, doctrines concerning, 258.
Justification as held by Pelagians and
PapisU, 415.
Justification by faith, 471 ; the doctrine
of, corrupted by Romanists, 472.
Justinian's "Constitutions" forbid bish-
ops and presbyters to excommuni-
cate, 142, 143; his code as to the
liturgy, 356.
INDEX.
497
jMtin Mirtyr't pnyen, 294, 296; hit
tettimoiij aa to prayers, 323.
KiM of pMot at the e«charitt, 301.
LaetasftiuB on praying, 2M.
Ijaodieea, maon of tbo council oi, on
morning and opening prayers, 848 ;
on hymns, 362.
Lettera of reoonttendation to the
chnrohes, 273.
JLettthcricus, archbishop, giving the aa-
eraaaent to Rohort, kii^ of FraAce,
308.
LiWrty in prayer, 260 ; in the time of
Augustine, 279, 280.
Life eternal to Adan only by the pro-
mise of grace, 432.
Light of nature and of the Spirit, 396.
Liturgical senrioes neceasary for tgno-
rant, slothful bishops 370 ; made in
corrupt ages, 372, 373.
Liturgical singing, 3^,367; auperaedes
prajring and preaching, 3M.
Liturgies, Dr. Gauden's claim for, 249;
unknown to the ancienta, 251, 255,
262 ; not delivered up by the Tradi-
torea, 257, 267; of the heathen, 261,
262 ; not used in the controversies of
Christians, 263, 265; no notices of
changing them, 26 ie ; direct evidence
against written, 273, 274; none for
the sacraments, 278; forged ones,
297; the innovation of Roman bishops,
335 ; arguments for, groundless, 336,
367 ; of Peter, James, Matthew, Mark,
&c., forgeries, 344; not known or
used in the early ages, 345 ; teach
false doctrine, 346; not impoaed or
\fi(t by the apostles, or existing in the
first three centuries, 347; supposed
origin of, 348, 356 ; pretended, of St.
Basil and St Chrysostom, 353, 354 ;
their spuriousness, 359 ; sum of evi-
dence for five hundred yeara, 361 ;
insufficient, Z6S,
Liturgy, the African, what, 284; pre-
tended of St. Jamea, an impudent
forgery, 342.
JAvy on the prayers of the heathen, 328.
Lord's Prayer not enjoined for use, but
a model, aa Auguatin, 248; and others,
249.
Lord's supper, when administered, 127 ;
prayer at, 289 ; often celebrated, 291.
Love of Ood to man, 409.
Man, his insig^nifieance, 385 ; hia ainful
condition, 386; hia loathsome state,
387.
Mark, St, preaches at Alexandria, 101.
Martyr, Justin, on .the praying of Chris-
tiana, 252.
Martyrs in Egypt, 102.
Mass, the Roman, its origin from Pope
Gregory, 343.
Mead, Mr., on the dwellers at Jerusalem,
110.
Meetings, distinct, do not prove diooesan
epiacopacy, 126; private, of the per-
secuted Christians, 127.
Mercy of Ood denied by firee-willers,
420, 421.
Merit of condignity, 400.
Merit, the Romish doctrine 0^479, 480;
according to Pelagius, 463.
Metropolitan, power of a, 33, 209; Baail
of Cassarea, 130, 132; hia character
and prerogative, 135.
Metropolitans established, 26, 27 ; how
authoriaed, 221 ; how they advanced,
222 ; examples of ambitioua, 223 ;
their juriadiction, 240.
Misery of man, 384.
Missals, the Romaa, teach fiUse doc-
trine, 353.
Montanists at Constantinople, 74.
Moral grace pretended, 403, 407.
Morality the fruit of grace, 408.
Mortal sins, what by Papiats, 477.
''Mother of God,** a title given to the
Virgin Mary, 366. (See Gnapheua.)
Motives to acknowledge God's grace,
441.
Mysteries, pretended, in the worship by
Christiana, 266; baptism and ^e
Lord's supper so eallad, 266, 267 ;
concealed from the uainitiatBd, 3if;
catechumens not permitted to witness
them, 272.
498
INDEX.
Nestorius, an Arian bishopi 56.
Noah, an example of prayer according
to ability, 825.
Novatians at Constantinople, 73, 74, 77 ;
their nambers in chief cities, 191,
192.
Objections of free-willers against free
gprace answered: — that it charges sin
upon Ood, 427 ; that it makes God
unmerciful, 428 ; that it impeaches
the sincerity of Ood, 428; that it
makes Ood unjust and cruel, 429;
that it destroys the liberty of the will,
480.
Oblations published in the church, 291.
Orarium, its use, 250.
Order of worship in the churches, 249,
360, 861.
Ordinances, their influence upon our
souls, 456; what are ordinances, 457;
how to profit by them, 457, 460 ; fre-
quent use of, 463 ; their efficacy must
abide, 469.
Ordination, a crime of a bishop, without
consent of the clergy, 143 ; of a bishop,
215; its true character, 241 ; required
election by a congregation, 242 ; prac-
tice in the Greek church, 248 ; of a
bishop, 256 ; of an exorcist, 257.
Origen, prayers of, not prescribed and
liturgical, 339.
Owen, Dr., funeral sennon for, 445 ; his
character as a scholar, 452 ; as a
preacher, 453 ; his writings, 453 ; as
a divine, 454.
Papists advocates of free-will, 394 ; and
of human merit, 400 ; how they per-
vert the Gospel, 472; and the doctrine
of sanctification, 473 ; their false views
of pardon, 475, 477 ; purgatory of, 476;
human merit held by, 479.
Pardon through Christ alone, 475 ; the
Gospel doctrine of, 481.
Parishes, ancient, 10; at Rome, 161.
Passover, numbers at, in Jerusalem, 153.
Pastoral duties of a bishop, 226, 228,
230.
Pastor of a church, a true bishop, 241 .
Pastors in Constantinople, 284 ; of the
ancient Christians, their abilities, 323.
Pelagians, their prayers, 262 ; and PapisU
abettors of free-will, 894, 899, 400;
argue for moral suasive gr&ce, 408;
deny corruption by original sin, 404,
405 ; their contradictions by prayer,
41 2, 418 ; their notion of justification,
415.
Pelagius, his doctrine of grace, 488, 484.
Pella, how many Christians at, 117.
Penitents forbidden to hear prayers at,
or to see, the pretended mysteries, 271,
272.
People, the, their right to choose their
bishops, 41, 48; their presence in
ordaining a bishop, 215.
Persecution in Cyprian's time, 65, 126.
Philippi, the bishops at, 156.
Pisidia, bishops in, 166.
Pliny, on reading his orations, 254.
Pluralist, no bishop allowed to be a, 240.
Pluralists have more churches than
ancient diocesan bishops, 107.
Poor, proportion of at Constantinople
and Rome, 121.
Power of bishops and presbyters equal,
142 ; of man's will pretended, 410.
Prayer, prescribed forms of, not used in
the first ages, 248 ; first intimation of
a composed form by a minister for
himself, 248 ; reading or reciting, un-
known, 251; manner of, 252, 331;
sentiments of the heathen regarding,
258, 259; against evil spirits, 292;
according to ability, 294, 295; of
consecration, not written, 297 ; length
of time spent in, by some Christians,
329 ; the gift of, from God, 331 ; the
duty of all Christians, 332 ; unneces-
sary to free-willers, 412; necessary to
profit in ordinances, 464.
Prayers for the churches not written,
277 ; of ministers, canons respecting,
in council at Milevis, 280 ; what for-
bidden, 281; what approved, 282;
what allowed, 284 ; at the Lord's sup-
per, 289; in the English service-book,
290; of Chrysostom and Cyprian, 292;
at the eucharist, long, 298 ; suggested
INDEX.
499
by the Holy Ghost, 299 ; written, in
any semce, not prescribed by the
ancients, 322 ; according to their abi-
lity, 323, 325; from the heart, not
from memory, 329 ; daily, can on for,
349, 351.
Prelacy, the working of its poison, 27 ;
the tyranny of the church, 367.
Prelates, their ambition, 224 ; their
tyranny and licentiousness, 367, 368.
Presbyterian churches in the fourth
century, 141.
Presbyter, of the same rank as a bishop,
13, 143, 242; one to a bishop, 20.
Presbyters, many in one church, 10;
how in its government, 12; ordain
their bishops, 48 ; many in a congre-
gational church, 65, 66 ; in the church
at Constantinople, 68 ; meet sections
of the Christians for worship in cha-
pels, 126 ; many, do not prove dioce-
san episcopacy, 127; many in country
places, 135, 136; their station in the
third and fourth century, 139 ; had
the power of kings in churches, 141 ;
not subject to bishops by Scripture,
242.
Prescience of God denied, 422.
Presidents of synods, 26.
Primitive episcopacy, 26.
Primitive form of churches changed, 235.
Promises of God, whether conditional,
430, 433 ; absolute in blessings, 434.
Providence, heathen doctrines of, 258,
259.
Provinces, bishops in, 34.
Purgatory, punishment in, as held by
Papists, 476.
Reading psalms and lessons, not prayers,
251.
Redemption by Christ, 472; rendered
vain by the Papists, 483,484; secures
our justification, 485.
Regeneration, can free-will hinder it ?
397; not needed by the Pelagian
doctrine, 406; the work of the Spirit,
407.
Repentance required in candidates for
church fellowship, 220.
Righteousness of Christ, imputation of,
487.
Rites and usages differ much in the
primitive churches, 237.
Roman cities and bishops, 170.
Rome, disorders in, at the election of a
bishop, 46 ; the bishop of, not diocesan,
104; poor persons in, 109 ; the first
Christian church at, 119; who burnt
the city, 120; number of Christians
at, 122, 123, 189; ite churches in the
fifth century, 124 ; Jews in, 190, 196 ;
churches in, 193; bishoprics in the
diocese of, 210 ; ambition of the pre-
lates of, 224.
Rubrical council regarding prayer, 300.
Rufi^us, his story of the creed, 315.
(See Creed.)
Rule of faith differed, as held by the
ancients, 314, 315.
Saints, the bodies of, how to be changed,
445,446.
Salvation of the elect decreed, 384 ; its
apparent conditionalness answered,
430, 431 ; its comprehensiveness, 442.
Sanctification and salvation, 384.
Sanctification, the true doctrine of^ 473.
Sardica, bishops of, from Eg3rpt, at its
councils, 91.
Schism, not dissenting from the other
churches, 239.
Scotland, presbyteries in, 141.
Scripture affords no evidence of episco-
pacy, 117.
Secrecy, improper, of the early Christians
in their worship, 266.
Sermons, extempore, 287.
Service-book, none such among the
church-furniture, 256 ; the earliest
noticed, 257.
Sharp, John, of Little Horton Hall,
brother-in-law to DaridClarkson,viii;
his two sons Thomas and Abraham,
ix. note ; his apprentice, Joseph Lister,
X.
Sin Qpntagious, 386 ; our impotency, 484.
Sinners at enmity against God, 387 ;
confederate with Satan, 888 ; obstinate
perveraeness of, 889.
500
INDBX.
Sins Tenial and mortal, aoeoidiiig to
Papists, 476, 477.
Soeiniant, abettors of free-will, 394.
Socrates, the historian, testifies eonoem-
ing the prayers of the Christians, 834.
Spirit, Holy, his influences denied by
free-willers, 416, 417; oompliance
with in ordGnaaees, 463.
Stephen, the deacon, ordained, 118.
Stilliagfleet, Dr., his sermon at St Panl's,
zz.; episeopaloontroifer8y,zxL; claims
for diocesan chnrchea, 9, 1 8 ; on church
govemment by presb3rter8, 140.
Stoics, doctrines ol^ 258w
Sybils, books of the, 269; prayers in,
Te Deum, its antiquity, 361, 362.
Terma of salvation, 4S7»
Tertullian, hjrperbolical language of^
108 ; on the praying of the Christians,
3fi2; testimony of as fo prayer and
singing, 340.
ThanksigiTBig at the euehaiist, 298.
T ^e o d o r c t regarding tb* Christiana at
Comtantinople, 75, 76.
Tradition, noao for uniform preaeribcd
prayer, 302.
Traditores delivered up no liturgies, 2^7.
Uncertainty of Ood'a purposes and pro-
mises, by free-will, 424.
Uniformity m cererooniea did not exist
in the priosxtivc ehurehes, 237, 238 ;
a kind of, in prayers, 251 ; Roman,
introduced into Britain, 306; compel-
led by Charles the Great, 307 ; in sense
but diversity in words, among the
Fathers, regarding baptism, 313.
Usher, Archbishop^ on the government
of the churches, 140; on the bishops
in Ireland, 176; testifies the different
modes of the Irish from the Roman,
305 ; as to Roman uniformity being
introduced, 306.
Variety in expression among the ancients
regarding baptism, 317, both Greeks
and Latins, 319.
Various modes and prayers in the filUt
century, 301 ; in Italy, 302 ; at Rome,
303; counselled by Pope Gregory,
304; in baptism, 309, 313.
Venial sins, 476, 482.
VDlage bishops, 161, 163.
Village cities, 179,211.
Villages, their sire, 168; Christians,
tew in, 208 ; bishops in, 209, 241.
White, Bishop, on the liturgies ascribed
to St Basil and St Chrysostom, 352.
Whitgift, Archbishop, on the number of
Christians at Jerusalem, 117, 204.
Will of God, sovereign and gracious, 392.
Will of man, vicious, 397, 400 ; pretended
power of, 410.
Worship of God, corruptions in, 365.
Writing the prayers esteemed a crime,
273; how regarded by the Latin
church, 275, 276 ; canon respecting,
278 ; some such used in the time of
Augustine, 279.
Written prayers used by the heathen
priests, 328.
York, province of, first appointment of
bishops in, 213.
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