(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
See other formats

Full text of "The true history of councils enlarged and defended : against the deceits of a pretended vindicator of the primitive church .."











A. //; : i tt« & ~ 







Enlarged and Defended, 

Againftthe Deceits of a pretended Vindicator of the Pri- 
mitive Church,but infl^ed oftheTympanite&Tyran- 
ny of fome Prelates many hundred years after Chrift. 

With a Detection of the falfe Hiftory of Edward Lcrd 
Bifhop ofCorke and Roffe in Ireland. 

And a Specimen of the way by which tfiis Generation 
confuteth their Adverfaries in federal Inftances. 

And a Preface abbreviating much of Ludolphus's Hifto- 
ry of Halajfu. 

Written : j fhew their dangerous Errour, who think that a gene- 
ral Council^ or Coiledge of Bifhops, is a fupream Governour 
of all the Chrlftian World, with power of Univerfal Legifla- 
tion, Judgment and Execution, and that Chrifts Laws with- 
out their Univerfal Laws,are not fufficient for the Churches Uni- 
ty and Concord. 

By R I C HARD V B A X T E R, a Lover of Truth, Love, 
and Peace, and a Hater of Lyings Malignity, and. Terfecuticn. 

To which is added by another Hand, a Defence of a Book, En- 
tituled, No Evidence for Diocefan Churches. Wherein what is 
further produced out of Scripture, and ancient Authors, for 
Diocefan Churches, is difcuffed. 

I London Printed for Tho. ?artyurft, at the Bible and Three Crowns, at 
the lower end of Cbeapfide, near Mmta Chappel. 1 63 2. 

&S ?SK V? **K ?*K JwS SK ?*>* V* »f £$ ?*s aR • «S • "* * ks %S &5 *-** &* *<** *<** ?W MS SK &k S« 

♦»• ^^^ ^ili X^^ri 




«$» «^> «^» «^» 

To the Pious and Peaceable Proteftant-Cdnform- 
ing Minifters, who are againft our Subje<%ion 
to a Foreign Jurifdidtion. The- notice of the : 
Reafbn of this Book, with a Breviate of Ludol 
pirns Habaffian Hiftory, 


Reverend Brethren 3 

WHen after the ejfeffs of our calamitous di 
vifions , the rejoycing Hat ion fuppofed 
they had been united, in our King new- 
ly reflored (by a General and Army 
which had been fighting againft himjnvited&flrengthned 
by the City }3 many other sJ3 an Aft of Oblivion feerned to 
have prepared for future amity ; fome little thought 
that men were about going further from each other than 
they were before : Bu t the Malady was evident to fuch 
of us as were called to attempt a Cure, and neither the 
Caufes nor the Prognofticks hard to be known. A cer- 
tain and cheap Remedy was obvious ; but no Tleas, no 
c Petitions i could get nan to accept it. The Symptomes 
then threatnedfar worfe thanyet hath come to pafs,God 
being more merciful to us than mijiaken men. We were 
then judged criminal forforefeemg and foretelling what 
Fruit the Seed then [own would bring forth : And fine e 
then the Sowers fay the Foretellers are the caufe of all. 
We quickly fiw y that inftead of hoping for any Concord \ 
and healing of the Bones which then were broken, it 

A 2 would 

lhe rreiace, 

would become our Care and too hard work, to endeavour 
to fr event a greater breach. Though we thought Two 
Thoufandfuch Minifters as were filenced would be mift y 
when others thought it a blefftng to be rid of them, we 
then pared, andfome hoped, that no [mall number more 
would follow them. 

It was not you that caft fuch out \ nor is it you that 
wifljthe continuance and incre a fe oftheCaufes. We agree 
with you in all points of the Chriftian Reformed Religi- 
on : and concerning the evil of all the fins which we fear 
by Conforming to commit, though we agree not of the 
meaning of thofe Oaths, Tromifes^rojefftons, and^Pra- 
Bices, which are the matter feared. We live in unfeign- 
ed Love and Communion with thofe that love Truth, Ho- 
lme fs and Teace, notwithftanding fuch differences as 
thefe. God hath not laid our Salvation or Communion 
upon cur agreeing about the meaning of every word or 
Sentence in the Bible , much lefs on our agreeing of the 
fenfe of every word in all the Laws and Canons of men* 
Two things we earnefily re que ft of you , for the fake 
of the Chriftian Religion, this trembling Nation, and 
your own and others Souls, i. That you will in your 
c PariJJj Relations ferioufty ufe your beft endeavours to 
•promote true Godlinefs and Brotherly Love, and to 
heal the fad Divifions of the Churches : We believe that, 
it muft be much by the Parochial Minifters and Affem- 
blies y that Piety and Troteftant Verity muft be kepi 
up : And what we may not do, we pray that you may 
do it who are allowed. 2. That you will join with us 
again/} all Foreign Jurifdi&ion, Ecclefufiicalor Civil. 
The Tarty which we dread I have given you fome ac- 
count of in my Reply to Mr. Dodwell. By their Fruits 
you may know them. 1. They are fuch as labour to mike 
our Breaches wider, ly rendring thofe that they differt 


The Preface. 

from odious , which commonly is by falfe accusations; 
They call out for Execution by the Sword againft thoft 
that dare not do as.they do, and cry, Goon , abate no- 
thing; they are famous Schifmaticks, rebellious: They 
might eafily have learnt this Language, without flaying 
long in the Vniverfities, and without all the Brtmftone 
Books that teach it them. ' An invifible Tutor can foon 
teach it them without Book. He that hateth his Bro- 
ther is a murtherer, and hath not eternal Life abiding 
in him. 2. They are for an univerfal humane Govern- 
ment, with power of Legiflation and Judgment over the 
whole Chriftian World. How to call it they are not yet 
agreed 9 whether Ariffocratical, or Monarchical r or 
mixt. Some of them fay that it is in the Collegium Epif- 
eoporum, governing per Literas formatas, for fear left 
if they fay, It ism Councils, they J}jould]>refently be con- 
futed by the copious Evidence which we produce againft 
them. Andyet they may well think that men will ask 
them {When did all the Bifhops on Earth make Laws 
for all the Chriftian World, orpafs Sentences on Offen- 
ders without ever meeting together ? And how came 
they to know each others minds ? and which way the 
major Vote went ? And what, and where are thofe Laws 
which we mufl all be governed by, which neither God 
nor Councils made ? The Canons were all made by 

If you fay that I describe men fo mad, as that lmujl 
be thought to wrong them r I now. only ask you, whether 
our Cafe be not difmal when fuch ?ne-n as you call mad, 
have power to bring us and keep us in our T)ivificns ; 
or to do much towards it without much contradiction! 

But others who know that fuch palpable darknefs will 
not ferve their caufe, do openly jay, that it is General 
Councils which are the Legiflative and judging Govern 


The Preface. 

nours to the whole Church on Earth, as one Political 
Body. For they know that we have no other Laws be- 
(ides Gods and theirs, pretended to be made for all the 
World. But when the Cafes opened by me in the Second 
part of my Key for Catholicks, and elfe where, dofdence 
them, this Fort alfo is deferted by them. Even Albert. 
Pighius hath rendred it ridiculous, i. Jf this be the 
i I fp eci jy ifl & or unifying Head, or fumma Poteftas of the 
Universal Church, then it is not monarchical but Arifto- - 
cratical. i. Then the Church is no Church, when for 
hundreds of Fears there are no General Councils, an effen- 
tial part being wanting. And they that own but the 4 
or 6 firfi General Councils, make the Church no Church, 
or to have been without its eJfentiatingGovemmentthefe 
Thousand Fears. And by what proof , be fides their incre* 
dibleWvrd, can they tell the Church, that they are fub- 
j elf to the fix firfi General Councils, and yet not to the 
[event h, eighth, ninth, oranyfince^ 3. I have oft (^a* 
gainFt Johnfon, and elfewhere,') proved that there ne- 
ver was an universal Council of all the Churches, but on- 
ly of part of thofe in the Roman Empire ; Were there no 
prooj but from the recorded Names of the Callers of Coun- 
cils , and all the Subscribers , it is unanswerable. 
4. Who knows not that the Church is now divided into 
about Twelve SeBs, all condemning one another^ And 
\\ that they are under the Tower of various ^Princes, and 
many Enemies to Chriftiamty , who will never agree 
to give them leave to travel to General Councils^ And 
who (hall call them, or hew long time will ycu give the 
Bijheps of Antiocb, Alexandria, the Jacobites, Abaffines, 
IMcftorians, Armenians, Mufcovites, and all the reft, to 
learn fo much of each others Languages, as to debate in- 
telligibly matters cf fuch moment, as Laws for all the 
World mufl be. Fwenty more fuch abfurdities , make 


The Preface. 

this Ariflocracy over all the World, as wad' a conceit as 
that for ement tone d: And when we know already what 
the Christian Parties hold, and that the [aid Jacobites, 
Neftorians, Armenians, CircafTians, Mengrelians,Greeks, 
Mufcovites, &c. are jar more than either Protefratits or 
Tariffs, do we not know that in Councils if they have free 
Votes they will judge accordingly againft both. 

But this Jort of men are well aware, that the Church 
is always, but Councils are rare, and it's, at leaft , 
uncertain whether ever there will be more; and the Ar- 
ticles of the Church of England fiy, They may not be 
called without the Will of Princes,- and the Church is 
now under fo many contrary Trinces as are never like 
to agree hrr-etc. And they knew that fome body muft call 
them, and fame body muft pre fide y &c. Therefore they 
are fori ed \ o fpeak out y and fay, that the Pope is St.Pf- 
frftSucceflbr, the prime Patriarch, and prmcipiumVni- 
tatst, and muft call Councils, and asPrefident moderate 
and difference the lawful from the unlawful .• And that 
in the Intervals of Councils he as Patriarch is to govern 
at leaft the !VeIi y and that every Diocefane being ex Of- 
ficio, the Reprefenter of hisDiocefs, and every Metro- 
politane of his Province, and every Patriarch of his Pa- 
triarchate, what thefe do all the Bifliops on Earth do, 
Andfo the Riddle of a Collegium Paftorum is opened, 
end all comet h but to this, that the Italians are Papifts, 
who would have the Tope rule Arbitrarily, as above 
Councils; but the French are no Tapifts , who would 
have the Tope rule only by the Canons or Church Tarlia- 
ments, and to be fingulis Major, at univerfis Minor, This 
is the true Reformation of Church-Government , in which 
the Engliffj Jhould (by them) agree. And now you know 
what 1 am warning you to beware of 
We are for atwi$tf§ cwjmfficr of the civil Tower 

The Preface. 

nnd the Ecclefiaftical, and for Christian Kingdoms, and 
Churches, fofar national as to he ruled and protected by 
Christian 'Kings, in the great ejt Love and Concord that 
can be will obtained: And for Councils nee effary to fuch 
ends: But we are. not for fetting up a Foreign Jurifdi- 
I {lion over King and Kingdom, Church and Souls, upon 
■ the fa If e claim ofuncapable Z) fur per s. One of your felves 
in a [mail Book called, The whole Duty of Nations, and 
another, Dr. Ifaac Barrow againft Papal and all Foreign 
Jurifdi&ion, {ptblijhed by 2>. Tillotfon) have (poken 
our thoughts fo fully, as that we only intreatyou to take 
thofe for ourfenje, and concurr with us therein for our 
common Teace and Safety. 

We reverence all Councils fo far as they have done 
good-, we are even for the Advice and Concord <?/" Fo- 
reigners; but not their Jurifdiclion. 

If you know the difference between an Ajfembly of 
Princes confultingfor Peace and Concord.anda Senate to 
govern all thofe Princes as their SubjecJs, you will know 
the difference between our Reverence to Foreign Councils, 
and the Obedience to them now challenged as the only 
way to avoid Schifm. I hope you will join with us in being 
called Schifmaticks both to Italian and French Vapifts. 

The great Inftrument of fuch mens T>efign being to o- 
ver- extol Councils called General, and to hide their Mis- 
carriages, and fo by f life Hiftory to deceive their credu- 
lous -parly who cannot have while, to fearch after the 
truth, I took it to be my "Duty to tell fuch men the truth 
out of the moft credible Hiftorians, especially out of the 
Councils themfelves as written by our great eft Adverfa- 
vies ; that they may truly know what fuch Bifljops and 
Councils have done. Among others this, exafferaied a 
Writer^ (by fame called Mr. Morrice,) who would make 
men believe that I have wronged Councils and Bi (hops, 


The Prefaced 

and falfified Hiftory; and divers other accusation* 
he brings, to which I have tendered you mine Answer. 
I have heard men reverence the Englifti Synods, who 
yet thought that the 5th 9 6th,7th, %th Excommunicating 
Canons and the late Engines to cafl out 2000 Minifters, 
f roved them fuch to England as I will not denominate. 
I have heard men reverence the prefent Miniftry andV- 
mverjities, who yet have fad, that they fear more hurt 
from the worfer part of them to England, than theyjhould 
do from an Army of Foreign Enemies whom we might 

I write much, and in great weakness and hafte^ and 
have not time for due perufal : And my judgment isra- 
ther to do it when I think it neceffary, oilcan, than not 
at all. And Mr. M. would make Jm Reader* believe ; 
when he hath found a word of Theodorets haftily mifta- 
ken, and Calami tranflated Quils, and fuch matter for 
a few triflmgcavils, that he hath vindicated the Coun- 
cils and Bifhops, and proved me afalfe Hiftorian. 

Andean we have a harder cenfure of General Councils 
than his own Reverend Lords and Tatronspafs upon . 
them, who tell us that there is but fix of all the multi- 
tude to be owned. If all the reft are to be rejected, I think 
the faults ofthofejfix may be made known, againft their 
jDefigns who would bring us under a Foreign JurifditJi- 
on, by thi art of over-magnifying General Ccnncils. 

I confefs theje men have great advantage againft all 
that fuch as I can fay ,' for they have got a fort of Fol- 
lowers who will take their words, and are far from ha- 
ving will or wit impartially themselves to read the Hi- 
flories and try the cafe ; but will {wear that we are all 
Rogues and Schematic ks, and unfit to be fuffered- And 
they have got young Reverend Priefts, who can cry, away 
with them, execute the Laws ; being confeious how much 

[a] lefi 

The Preface. 

lefs able they are to confute us, than the Gaoler is : But 
this h but a "Dream : The morning is near, when we f jail 
all aw ike. Terhapf you remember the jeaftingfory with 
which Sagitarius begins the Trejace to his Me- 
tafbyficksx Indeed the hyflerical fufocating Vapours do 
07' dm inly (o work^ that in a place vf T erjumes or fweet- 
nefs the Worn eh v faint and fwoun away as dead; andCa- 
■ y or AjfdFoetida, called Stercus Diaboli, or fuch like 
(link^rrviveth them like a Cordial And worfe vapours 
affeEt the men we {peak of: Motions of Love they can- 
not bear; but reviling and fal[e accufivg Books and 
Speeches are Food and Medicine to them. 

One of my chief Ccntr over fie s with Mr. M, is about, 
the Acts and Effects of the Councils of Ephefus andCvX- 
cedon, about the Nejlorian and Eutychian and Mono- 
th elite Cont r over fie s. That the ijfue was mofi dolefulTDi- 
vijions of the Chrifian World, unhealed to this day , is 
pafl the denial of fober men. Whether this was long of 
the Bijhop- and Councils is the que f ion. I have fully 
proved that Neftorius, Cyril, and Dioi'corns were all of 
the fame Faith and differed but in wording the fame 
fenje : And if fo, judge how much the World is beholden 
toihefe Councils of'Bi/hops .• But this Mr. M. takethfor 
afalje Report. 

Becaufe it is our mofi important difference, I will here 
give the Reader an account op the Effect of fhefe Cam- 
cils even to our times, in the great Empire c/Haballia, 
out of the much praifed Uiflory fl/Job Ludolphus. 

Lib.;, c. 8. In order to declare the Religion of the Ha- 
baflines he frfl declareth the Succefs of the Council of 
Calcedon, thus,-- [ Damnatus Diofcoms Patriarcha 
Alexandrinus tanquam Eutychis Dcfenfor & Hasrefiar- 
eha, verheribus quoaue mul&atus Sc in cxilium eje&us 
fair, alio Patriarcha Catholico in locum ejus iuffe&o--- 



The Preface, 

Atrox exinde in Ecclefia Alexandrina Schifma, czdc & 
fanguine continuatum, in caufa fait, ut non folum mul- 
to maxima pars Ecclefise Alexand. a reliqua Ecclefia 
Catholica avelleretur, fed&iEgjptus ipfa, attritis in* 
colarum viribus.in Saracenorumpoteflatem veniret; qui 
difcordia Chriftianorum, utrofque opprefTerunt ,• ut exi- 
guum, proh dolor ! veftigium Chi iftianas Religionis nunc 
in JEgy pto fuperfit.Hsec atque alia talia Scriptores noftri. 
And the /ofs 0/Egypt and the South, fo firengthened 
the Enemies of ChrifHanity, that this breach let in^De- 
flruEiion to the whole Chriffian Empire : But the lofs 
of the whole Empire and Introduction oj Mahomet anifm, 
in the Eyes of our fiery Canoneers, is no dijljonour tothefe 
Councils: It is but Jaywg, It was all long ofDiofcorus, 
and the Hereticks : And were not thefe Hereticks alfo 
Tr elates andTrelaticafo 

But he procedeth, [" But the ^Ethiopians thus re- 
c< port it, that Diofcorm and his SuccefTors, and their 
<; followers did greatly complain of the Injury done 
" them ; for he neither followed Eutyches, nor ever de- 
M nied or confounded the Divinity or Humanity really 
" exiftinginChrift,but only was unwilling to acknowlcdg 
" the word [Narure] to be common to the Divinftyand 
11 Humanity of Chriit; anJ only avoided this, leftcon- 
il trary to the mind of the Catholick Church, and the 
" Decrees of the General Council at Ephefits, two per- 
41 fons of Chrift (hould be afferted : For that would fol- 
"low, if we admit Two Natures, and two Wills in 
" Chrift. And the word [cpu'ens] [Nature'] fignifyingfom- 
u what born or created, no way fitteth the Divinity: 
* Nor can the mind conceive of two Wills, in two Na- 
<c tures united in one perfon, without Divifion, Separa- 
" tion, orDiftance.- And the Humane Nature exalted 
" into the ftate of Glory, doth not will, do, or fuffer the 

[ a i ] " fame 

The Pretace. 

4< fame which it willed, did and differed in the (late of 
l€ Exinanition; and fo in the preftnt date of Glory , 
" the humanity doth neither will nor judge any thing 
€C but what the Divinity at once willeth and judgeth. 
" And this being our known Judgment , the queftion 
4i feemeth idle, and a meer ftrife of Words, for which 
<4 Chriftians fliould not have hated one another. At Cdl- 
44 cedon they proceeded irom Words to Blows, and 
44 fought more than they difputed: And c £zofcorm was 
" condemned abfent, neither heard nor well underftood, 
44 as obftinate and guilty of Herefie in Hatred and En- 
4< vy rather than by right.] 

This is the Habaflincs Opinion of the Council and Con-' 
troverjie, falfe no doubt in our Canoneers Judgment, (for 
alas they are unlearned men ; ) but indeed much truer 
and wifer than their Adversaries. 

Heproceedeth, 4 Primoreperiomnidubiocarere, quod 

* Habeffini rejiciunt consilium Chalcedonenfe -- i. Ob- 

* fervavi eos in hoc errore e(Fe, quafi Patres Concilii Cal- 

* ced. Hypoftafin Chrifti dividere, & contra pr^ecedens 

* Concilium Ephefinum ex una duas perfonas facere vo- 
1 luerint— Hanc ob caufamdamnant LeonemPapam,& 
4 in coelum extollunt fuum Diofcorum tanquam Ortho- 
4 doxae fidei hyperafpiften qui juftozelo diploma Leonis 
4 ad fe datum diJaceravit,- eumque Martyri affimilant, ob 

* accepta verbera, excuflbs dentes & evalfam barbam.] 
(But it eafed the Spleen of the Bfs. at prefent, and then 
all the following lofs feems tolerable.)Be addeth, [4.Con- 
1 flat ex multis locis, quod utrumque abftradtum, Divi- 

* nitatem & Humanitatem, conjun&im in Chrifto aperte 
1 confiteantur. Quid autem hoc aliud eft, quam agnofce- 
4 re duas fimul naturas in Chrifto. ?. Tellezius ex Rela- 
4 tione Patrum focietatis teftatur [utramque naturam] 
' reperiri in eorum libris. 6* Hejhews that the Habajfmes 

4 words 

The Preface- 

c words have various fignifc -at ion , and by two natures, 
4 they mean twoPerfons--\Vhich(p/r/6Ludolphus)vvhcnI 
'read and confider, I find all to be confufed and per- 

* plexed .• There is no certain Hate of the queftion, and 
c the words are out of meafure equivocal. Perhaps is.'** 

* tyches himfelf could not tell what fort of Nature was 
'madeoftwo, and what was its name, and what wasits 

* qualities: But that he was fuch a fool as to think that 
' the Natures in Chri'ft were fo confufed as Water is with 
'Wine, and that in fo abfurd an Opinion he had molt 
'wife men agreeing with him; thisalmolt exceedeth all 
4 belief: Certainly the Ethiopians are not guilty of fo 
c grofs a Herefie. Wherefore I confefs I cannot under- 

* ftand what thofe frequent Difputations were, which 

* the Jefuitshad with the Kabaffiines, of two Natures in 
'Chrift, in which they fay they had ftill theworfe, be- 

* ing convidted by their ownBooks,which I eafily believe, 

* feeing they mod willingly confefs Chrifts Divinity and 
' Humanity. To me it feemeth likely only that they 
4 could not agree in words.Do but explain to them that by 

* Natures in Chrift we mean his Divinity and Humanity, 
4 & then ask them which Nature is it that fai?eth inChril/. 
'Mod certainly they will anfwer that neither the Divi- 

* vinity nor Humanity failed, but both continue eternal- 
c ly. And fo it's plain, that they take the word Nature 
*in a far other fenfe than we, and that the true ftate of 

* the queftion with them is, whether and by what com- 
mon Name the two abftra&s are to be denominated, 
4 which they undoubtedly confefs. 

Now good Mr. Morrice, (with your Lords) yea mujl 
pardon me, (or choose) for thinking that it is not necef- 
fary to Salvation, or to keep the Church from utter con- 
fufion, to be fuch Criticks in Grammar or Metaplyr 
Jicks, as to revive the queftions about the fence oj Na- 

The Prerace. 

ture, and Unity, or Duality, which yon no better re- 
fclveyour [elves ; I fay, it is not neccjj'ary by Gods Law, 
but by the Councils * And ifl be a Schtfmatickfor hold- 
ing that Chrifts Vniverfal Law is fo Sufficient for his 
Church, as that a Legijl.it ive Tower in Councils to make 
fuch Laws asJJoalltear allto pieces theChurckesfor i joo 
Tears, and teach our Holy Fathers to damn Millions of 
the Innocent, is not either neceffary or defireable; a 
Schifmatick I will continue. 

Ludolphus proceeding to open the ambiguity of the 
words, addeth, [ 4 A famous Country-manor ours, who 
''anno 1634. dwelling in Egypt, read the Books of the 
'Cophties (Tet. Beylmot Lubeck.*) judged that [the 
' Diffent of the Parties was more in their fear of the Se- 

* quele, than in the matter itfelf : For the Greeks would 
1 obviate the Hereticks who confound Chrifts Divinity 
' and Humanity : And the Cophties thofe who feign two 

* Perfons in Chrifh] And it indeed this be the cafe, that 
1 the Fight either of old was, or ftill is only about the 
' fenfe of words;verily no kind of Tears can be fo ftiarp,as 

* to fuffice to weep for this unhappy Word-War ; NoBreaft 
4 can be fo hard which would not mourn for the unhappy 
Contentions of them, to whom Chrift by his own ex- 
4 ample folicitoufly commended the ftri&eft Bond of Cha- 
1 rity : No mind can be fo cruel, which for the name of 
1 [Nature] would loofe the knot of Concord between 
4 thofe whofe Nature the eternal Word afiumcth into 
1 his mod facred Hypoftafis. ] 

Fie, Mr. Ludolphus, canyon fo well defcribe Ethiopia, 
and no better know your Neighbours! Come ///to England 
and you may fobn know the Reverend and Right Re- 
verend, who will not only defend this Councils Acls,and 
condemn thofe that be not of their mind, but are ready 
to do the like themselves, and triumph over the thoufands 


The Preface. 

JHenced, as they judge, for lejfer things ; yea, and make 
that Councils Canons fuch a Law to theVniverfilChu 
as that all are Schismatic ks that obey it not. 

i?^Ludolphus^YJ confide ring,addeth,[b\xiiAch is the 
Infirmity of our mod corrupt Nature, that where once 
Ambition hath begun, and from Ambition Emulation, 
and from Emulation Envy, and from Envy Hatred, the 
mind poffeiTed with (fuch) afTe&ions, no more percciv- 
eth Truth, but as with Ears and Eyes fhut up, neither 
heareth nor feeth, how or with what mind any thing is 
fpoken or written by the other fide. 

O Sir, now J perceive you understand more than you 
Jetmedto do. 

But yet the Hijtory is behindXhe ^Pcpe hath long had a 
great dejire to be the Church Governour c^Habailia, but 
could never come to know it, much lefs to bear Rule over 
it. At I jff the Portugals \ getting poffeffion offome Mari- 
time farts ', whence with much difficulty it was poffible 
to come to them, the Tope got them to help the Kabaf- 
fines in a dangerous War which they had againft their 
Neighbour Mahometanes and Heathens , on condition 
that the HabafTmes would receive a Patriarch and Je- 
Juites from Rome y The Portugals Guns, (which that 
Country had not) and their own neceffuy, made the Ha- 
bzffmzs confent ; The Roman Patriarch and Jefuits came 
ever. The cujiom of Habaffia had long been to receive a 
Metropolitan called their Abuna , from the Patri- 
arch of Alexandria, who being a poor unlearned Sub) utl, 
and almoft Slave totbeTurk, made Abunas and Priefs 
as unlearned as himfelf: when the Jefuits came fur 'ni fe- 
ed with Arts ^nd Sciences, the matter came to longitif- 
piles ; for the 'People, tfpecially'the Monks and the Ru- 
lers , were loth to change their old accuftomed Religion, 
sailed the Alexandrian , for that called the Romane : 



The P ret ace. 

71: e King would needs have it done by hearing both par- 
tus [peak: But the learned Jefuites were ft ill too hard for 
the unlearned HabafJJnes : One King feemed to like the 
Romanes, but his Son (Claudius) fiiffiy rejiftedthem: 
Others afterward again needed help, atid received them f 
and by theirT)ifputes feemed really tobeforthttn, feeing 
how much the Jefuites excelled their IPriefts ; fpecially 
K. Zadengelus, being taken with the Jefuits Treachifig % 
when all his own Clergy only read Litnrgies&Homilies y 
&neverpreacht:tlefct up theRomane c Patriarch& power + 
& KSuihcus after him [ware Obedience to theT operand 
refolut-ely efiabli/Led Tcpery : Difputcs brought him to 
it : And the Jefuites knowmg^that it muft be fomthing 
which [eemed to be ofjVeigbt, which muft make the Em- 
pire fubmit to a Change of their Religion^ accufe the Abaf- 
fines as erring with the Eutychian$,in rejccJwgthe Coun- 
cil cj Calcedon, and denying two Natures and Wills in 
Chrift. Tim was chofen as the main Subjett of the great 
T)ifputes : The Empercur was convinced of their Here- 
fie, and became a refolute Profelite to Rome.- And To* 
pery Eight Hears had the upper ruling hand. 

But all this while the Empire was in difcontent : The 
r Royal Family and the Sub-Cioverncurs oft broke out into 
Rebellion. To befhortynany bloody battels were fought The 
/Emperour ufually had the Victory : But when one f eld of 
| blood was dried up, a new Rebellion [till Sprungup. The 
Tapifisftill told the K that God gave him the Viclory for 
owning his Church and Caufe. His Rulers, Triefts, and 
Monks told him he killed his Subjeffs, and in the end 
would lofe his Empire for nothing but bare words. Af- 
ter many fights in the Lift about Eight Thcujand of his 
Subjects called his Enemies, were killed: The Kings cwn 
adherents being no friends to the Roman Change, defired 
the King to view the dead, and made to him presently 


The Preface. 

thisSpeech: 'Thefewere notHeat hens nor Mahometanes, 

* in whofe death we might juftfy rejoice:They wereChri 

4 ftians;they were formerly yourSubje<3:$,our6buntrymcn , 

* andnear in Body fome of them to you, and fome to us : 
4 How much better might fo many valiant Breads have 
c been fet againft the deadly Enemies of your Kingdom. 
'■It's no victory which is got upon Citizens ; with the 
J Sword by which you kill them, you (tab your felf. Thole 
4 whom we perfecute with fo terrible a War do not hate 
'us, but only are againft that Worfliip which we force 
c them to: How many have we already killed for the 
' changing of Religion (Sacromm ? ) How many more 
■ are there yet to De killed ? What end will there be of 

* Fighting? Give over we befeech you, to drive them to 

* your new Religious things (novafacra,') left they give 
4 over to obey you, elfe there will never be a fafe peace] 

TeajheKwgs eldefl Son and hisBrother got the Gallans 
(Heathens ,) that had been Souldiers [or the King, to tell 
him they would fight againft his 7)ijfenting Chrtfiiansno 
more. The K. growing weary of War, and feeing and 
hearing all this, changed his mind, and called a Council, 
in which it was agreed, [That the Alexandrian Religi- 
on Ihould be reftored: And to effect this they declared, 
that indeed the Roman Religion was the very fame.- 
Both faid that Chriit is true God and true Man : And to 
fay, There is one Nature, or there are two, are words of 
fmall moment, and not worthy the ruining of the Em- 
pire,! Aadthus the King was brought to give Liberty of 
Religion to the DifTenters. 

The Romane Patriarch underfhnding all this, gceth 
with the Biihop and Jcfuits to the King, andmide this 
Speech to him, [ 'I thought we had been lately Conque- 
'rours, bat behold we are conquered : The Rebels that 
4 were: conquered have obtained tlmt which they de fired : 

[ b ] 4 Be- 

The Preface. 

K Before the Fight was the time of Vowing and Promising, 

k but now is the time of Performing: The Catholickand 

Portugal Soldiers got the Vi&ory, God profpering the 

*CathoIick Religion: But now what thanks is given him? 

4 When his decreed the other day, that the Alexandri- 

1 an Religion fhall be freely permitted. And here you 

4 ccnfult not with the Bps. and Religious men, but the 

1 duli Vulgar, and Gallanes and Mahomctanes, yea and 

4 Women pafs Sentence of Religion : Bethink you how 

4 many Vi&oriesyou have won againft the Rebels fince 

4 you followed the Romane Religion. Remember that it 

4 was nor as conftrained by Arms or Fear, but induced by 

* free Will, that you embraced it as the truer. Nor did 
' we come to you of our own accord, but were fent by 
4 the Pope of Rome, the higheft Prelate, and the King of 
.* 'Portugal, and this at your Requeft. Nor did they ever 

4 intend any thing (againft you]) but only to join your 
4 Kingdom to the Church of Rome. Take heed therefore 

* left you provoke them to juft Indignation : They are 
4 far off you, but God is near you, and will demand the 
4 fatisfadiion which is due to them, you will inure an in- 

* delible Blot on the Lyon of the tribe of Judah, with 
4 whom your Enfigns fliine; and will imprint a ftain on 
4 your Glory and your Nation .• In a word,you will caufe 
4 fo many fins by your Apoftafie, as, that I may not fee 

• 4 them, nor the Vengeance of God, which hangeth over 
'you, I defire you to command that my Head may be 

* presently cut off] Thus lay the Parriarch, Bp. and Je- 
fuits at the Kings feet in tears. 

Readers, Left you think that I have miftranjlated r 
to ft the matter to our times , I intreat the learned to 
try it by the Original: Toupee that the things that arc, 
haze been, and that fin fo blindelb and hardeneth fin- 
ners, that one Age md Country will take no warning by 
many others. Ton 


Ton fee here that the Name and Inter efi of God and Re 
ligion, and the Church may be pleaded by a blind ambiti- 
ous Clergy, for the murdering of thoufands for a bare 
difference of Names and Words , and Gods Judgments 
threatned againjl thofrthat will net go on in killing and 
deftroying, and making Kingdoms de folate By Cruelty : 
And that the hurt Satan doth by Witches and Highway 
Robbers, it a flea biting in cemparifon of what he doth 
by ambitions Tr elates and valiant Soldiers. The dif 
malleft Story of the fuccefs of Witches is that of the Swedes 
Witches, by Mr. Hornick tranflated; But what is the 
killing of now and then cne 9 to the Murder of fo many 
Thoufands , the Ruine of fo many Kingdoms, tht Silencing 
of fo many Thoufand faithful Pre at hers, the Perfecting 
of fo many Thoufand godly Chriftians, and the engaging 
the Chriftian World in Hatred and War, as the Topijh 
'Prelates have been guilty of! 

But you I expert the Anfwer of King Sufneus to the Pa- 

LudoJphus thus proceedeth, (li. \. c. n.) [ c The King 
'unmoved briefly anfwereth, that he had done as much 
' as he was able, but could do no more. And that thebu- 
* finefs was not about the total change of Religion, but 
'only about»the grant or (Ubeny) of certain Rites for 

(O Sir, you had been happier if you had known that 

'The Patriarch anfwered, that he himfelf had indul- 
' ged fome things, and was about to indulge more, which 
'concern not the fubftance of Faith, (you are for Tole- 
ration till the Fires are kindle d y ) fo be it another EdicSfc 
might be proclaimed , that there might be no other 
change. The King gave him no other Anfwer, but that 
the next day he would fend fome to treat with the Fa- 
thers, [bi] They 

The Preface. 

They that were for the Alexandrian Religion go to 
the Emperour, and by Abba Athanafim requeft, that 
by a publick Edid he would allow his Subjects to em- 
brace the Religion of their Anceftors, elfe the Kingdom 
would be ruined. The King confenred, and fent fome to 
the Patriarch, to acquaint him with it. Thefe upbraid 
him with the many defections of the People. * Minis, 
'Caabraely Ttcla-George^Sertzax, with many A.lyriades' 
4 flain : And that the La/lenfes yet fought for the old Re- 
c ligion, and all ran to them. But the King was deferted, 
4 all the Habaffines defiring tkeir old Religion. But that 
c they that would might follow the Roman Religion, 

The Tafifts feeing that they could get no better but 
a Toleration, fent to the King this Answer by Emanuel 
d* Almeyda, That ['the Patriarch underftood, that both 
'Religions were tolerated in his Kingdom, and. now he 
c loved Ethiopia equally with his own Country Tortu- 
l gal, and would prefently grant as much as mightftand 

* with the purity of Dodrine, (viz.oi the two Natures) 

* But there muft be difference made between thofe who 

* had not yet received the Roman Religion, and with 
4 them they might agree; but thofe that had given up 
4 themfelves to it, and had ufed the facrod Confeffion 

* andCommunion, might not be fuffered to return to the 

* Alexandrian Religion without grievous Sin.] By this 
temperament the Patriarch would have kept the King 
and all his Court; for thefe had profefled the Roman 
Religion. But the King weakened with Age and Sicknefs 
^avethem no other Anfwer but, [' But howpanthatbe 
1 dono, for I have not now the Power of the Kingdom?] 
Home went the Prelates and Jefuits : And prefently the 
Trumpets and Drums founded, and the Crier proclaim- 
ed, [ * Oyes, Oyes, (Hear ye) We firft propofed to you 

4 the 

The Preface* 

'the Romane Religion, taking it for good; but an in- 
' numerable multitude of men perifhed, with JElius^Ca- 
1 brall^ Tula-George, Sertzaxo y and with the Country 

* La/fenfes; Wherefore we now grant you the Religion 

* of your Anceflors : It fhall be lawful hereafter for the 

* Alexandrian Clergy to frequent their Churches, and to 
4 have their Arcula for the Eucharift, and to read their 
'Liturgy in the old manner.- So farewel, and Rejoice] 

It is incredible with what joy this Edidt W2S received 
by the People, and how the whole Camps applauded and 
rejoiced, as if they had been delivered from an invading 
Enemy, fpecially the Monks and Clergy having feit the 
Fathers greateft hatred, did lift up to Heaven their joy 
ful voices : The Vulgar Men and Women danced, the 
Soldiers prayed all Profperity to thflBJperour: They 
broke their own Rofaries, and other mens as they met 
them, and burned fome, faying, 'That it was enough for 
returned to the old way.. 

It's worth the noting here, that the Papifts way was 
cafi out as Novelty, and the other kept on the account of " 
Antiquity : For Habaffia never had received the Tope 
till the Portugals came to help them. Tet are they not 
ajhamedhere to call theirs the old Religion, becaufe when 
they had banifhed the old, [which was Jimp le Chrifiia- 
nity) we returned to it by Reformation. 

Befides the T^cclrine of Two Natures, about which 
they piw they agreed in fenfe, while the Jefuites Here- 
ticatedthem^ tbreeahings much alienated the Habatfincs.' 
i- Denying them the Sacrament of the Eucharift in both 
kinds, 2. Rebaptifmg their Children. 3. Reordain- 
ing their Priefls, 


The Preface. 

This much being done, the Tapfts were by degrees 
Joon overcome, i. TheTatriarch is accufea ] for j? reach- 
i fig Sedition.- i. Then the Temples are taken from them, 
and they break their own Images left the Habaftines 
Jhould do it in [com. 3 . On Sept 16. 1631. the King died, 
and his Son Bafiiides was againft them. 4. Ras-Secl- 
axus their mofi powerful Jriend is banijhed, and others 
after him. 5, Vpon more Accusations their Far me s, 
Goods, and Guns are feifed on. 6. They are confined to 
Fremona .• Thence they -petition again for new Difputati- 
ens : The KingBzCihdcs anfwereth them thus by writing: 

[ 'What 1 did heretofore was done by my Fathers 
4 command, whom I muft needs obey, (o that bv his 
'conduct I mjJfcWar againft my Kindred and Sub- 
4 jedts. But afterthe lad Ba tie in Wainadega, both learn- 

* ed and unlearned, Clergy and Laity, Civil and Military 
' men, great and fmall, fearlefly faid to my Father the 

* King, How long fhali we be vexed & tired with unprofita- 

* ble rhings? How long ftiall we fight againft ourBrethren 
4 and near Friends, cutting off our Right Hand with our 
4 Left? Hew long fliall we turn our S.vords againft our 

* own Bowels, when yet by the Roman Belief we know 
4 nothing but what we knew before? For what the Ro- 
4 manes call two Natures in Chrift, the Divinity and Hu- 
1 manity, we knew it long ago, from the beginning even 
4 unto this day: For we all believe that the fame Chrift 

* our Lord is perfect God and perfedl Man ; perfed: God 
1 in his Divinity, and perfect Man in his Humanity : But 
' whereas thofe Natures are not feparated, nor divided, 

* (for each of themfuhfifleth, not by itfelf, but conjunct 
1 withthe other) therefore we fay not that they are two 
4 things, for one is m&de of two, yet fo as that the Na- 
4 flrres are nor confoiiaded or mixed in his Being. This 
' Cuatroverfie therefore is of fmall moment among us : 


The Preface. 

* Nor did we fight much for this ; but fpecially for this 
'caufe, that the Blood was denied the Laity m theliu- 
'charift, whenas Chrift himfelf faid in the Gofpcl , ex- 
4 cept ye eat the Flefh of the Son of Man, and drink his 

* Blood ye fhallnot have eternal Life.— But they deteft- 

* ed nothing more than the Reiteration of Bapnfrns, as 
' if before the Fathers rebaptizedus we had been Hea- 
' thens or Publicanes: And that thty Ileordained our 
4 Puefts and Deacon?.— You toolate offer us now that 

* which might have been yielded at the firft; for there is 
'now no returning to that which ail look at with the 
" greateit horrour and detefiation, and therefore all fur- 

* ther Conferences will be in vain.] 

In fort the 'Patriarch and all the reft were utterly 
banifhed outofthe Empire . Ludolph. J. 5. c.i 5, 

1 add one hut thing (ex cap. 1 4.) to end the ft ory. As the 
new Alexandrian Abuna was coming oik of Egypt, the 
foresaid Z)r. Peter Heyling of Lubeck being then in 
Egypt, took that opportunity to fee Habaffia, and went 
with him\On the Borders tf/Suagena they met the depart- 
ing Roman Tstriarch; where Peter Heyling enters the 
Lift with hirtfSfo handled him as made it appear \that it 
was only tire poor Habatfine Triefts utile arneanefs .which 
had give* the Jefuits their Succefs .• And the Tatriarch 
at the parting, jighing {aid to his Company, If this Do- 
ctor come into Habajfu, he will precipitate them in- 
to che extreamefl: Herefie. But what became of him is 
yet unknown. 

And fo much for this Uiftory of the Roman C on que ft in 
Habaffia, by the Calcedon Council, and the Hereticating 
the HabafTines , about the one or two Natures, and the 
Eight years poffef/ion Tcpery got by it y and the many 
bloody Battles fought for it, the Tril itvs jpowerJulOra* 
t.ory for it, and ike C P copies more powerful again fl it; 

The Prerace. 

f he Kings mind changed t?y fad experience, and the Ta* 

pifts finally Extirpated. " 

And it is exceeding observable, that their veryVicJo- 
ries were their Ruine, and the lafl and greatefl which 
killed 8 coo, was it that overcame them, when they 
ihcught they had dene their work. And thofe that 
conquered for them drove them out, when they confider- 
ed what they had done : But had it not been better known 
at a cheaper rate ? 

This Tragedy is but the fruit of the Council which Mr. 
Morrice juftifieth: The fruit of a Church determination 
above i io£> years ago. If you had feen the Fields of blood 
in Habaffia, would it not have inclined you to my Opi- 
nion again ft Mr. M. Or if he had feen it y would it %ot 
have changed his mindl I doubt it would not , becaufe 
the Silencmgs andCalamities in England no more move 
fuch men ; and becaufe they ftill call for Execution a- 
gainft thofe that obey not all their 'Oaths and ' Ceremonies^ 
and will abate nothnig,what ever it maycoft theLand.by 
the firengthening of them that are for ov./Divifion:And 
becaufe the 11 coy ears experience hath not yet been enough 
to make them fee the faultinefs of fuch Bijhtts^i) Councils, 
nay, becauf thy yet take not all Gods Laws in Nature 
and Scripture j or Sufficient to Rule the Catholic k Church 
in Religion^ without the Laws of thefe fame Councils, 
which hive h id fuch effects : But fome Bijho^s and 
Clegy-Mtn yet fiand to it , thit All mult be taken as 
Schifmaticks who obey not thefe fame Counci^Decrecs, 
04 the Laws of the Universal Church. 

A"d if Ludolphus and the Aballines can fay fo much 
agunfi htercticatmg thofe callt d Eutychians, much more 
m iy be (aid for the Neitorians, to prove that the Contro* 
ve>-\y w is but verb il. 

There U m Biblioth. Par. To. 6. p. 1 3 1. the Mifh qua 


The Preface. 

utuntur antiqui Chriftiani Epifcopatus Angamallenfis in 
Montanis Mallabarici Regni apud Indos Oricntalcs, o 
mendata & ab erroribus blafphemiifque Neftorianomm 
expurgata per Alexium Menefium Archiepifcopum Goa- 
num an. 1599. I had rather have had it with all its 
Err ours , that voe might have truly known how much 
is genuine. But it being one of the mo ft Scriptural, rati^ 
onal, and well compofed Liturgies of all there publiflj- 
ed: It would make one think, 1. That thefe Neftorians 
were not fo bad a people as their Anathematifers would 
haw made the world believe them. i. That the Banifh- 
ment of the Neftorians and Eutychians accidentally pre* 
ved a great means of theChurches enlargement beyond the 
bounds of the Romane Empire, whither they were ba- 
nifhed: And this is plain in current Hiftory. 

I have given you wis account ofmyDefign in both the 
Books, (The Hiftory of Councils, with its Vindication. 
and the following Treat ife.) I add an Anfwer to a Lord 
Si/hop of Cbrke and Rofle, who hath written mary Hi- 
ftorical Untruths by his credulity, believing falfe Re- 
porters. As to his and others Reprehenjion ofmyjloarp 
unpeaceable words, my. Cafe is hard; My own Confer- 
ence at once forbids tnetojuftifie my Stile orTaffion ; and 
alfo tells me that if making odious Gods fervants, fi- 
lencing and perfecting faithful Minifters, and Perjury, 
jhould prove as great a guilt and danger ofT>eJtruc~iion to 
the Land, as is feared y I cannot jaftifie my long Silence^ 
nor that I ufe no more plainness and fervency in calling 
the guilty to Repent. 

[c] THE 


I. A Specimen of the Way by which this Generation confuteth 
XJL their Adversaries m fever al Inftances* 

II. In the General Part : 
§ i. Hard for young men to know what Teachers or Hiftory to 

§ 7. temping Reafons for Papacy. § 8. Evident atainft 
tt. § 9. The Steps by which Bijhops afcended to Papacy. & J 

§ 1 ^ . The different Opinions of Popery in the Englffh 
$ .18 TheCafe cf F ac~l decerned, what Judgment I fettled in 
about Church-Power. ' 6 jmuam 

lime F ° Y " hAt MU M ' ^^ m0U Withf ° WUCh di fP U «f»" * 

§22. Inftances of above an Hundred Councils, beSdes Particu- 
lar B.Jhops, all be fore An. xoyo. ./ whom I appeal to the Con fci 

TcVi Mer Me "> wbether the > have ^*t£$4 

General hfiances of the greater Schifmsfince then bj popl/h Bps. 
Some gvejl.ons put to Mr. M. and feme Seafonsto abate hisd,f. 

pleaju'e. ■> 

j r ^2L aUteBo ° kofthemor79fmyLi ^ *• pw'vtb 

§ 24. Whether I be guilt, of falling H.fiory. 

rl « e P p art ' cu,ar y Anfwer t0 Mr. MS Vindication; 

B^ P L T d h co R u e nt " niBeflltt of *> **H °f «* **& •/ 

c2ctca%y%Zp k » tdl * th < **>* <•* CouncUs 

r^ l ' ?J, M , r - M '* Imb,fir > toJhew m < } ° b ° Earned. 
Ch. 4. Whether! va.nl, name Htforians which /never read 
Ch. y. Ofmyufe ofTranflations, and following Binniui. 
Ch. 6. H„ charge of my o^n mifiranfiatims andmtfiakcs. 
Ch. 7. Hufalfe Suppofition that I am only for a Church of one 
Congregation. ' i J 

*£»' > 8 ' ??/# '/'?&'*- ** Iam a ^ iK fi Dioccfanes, 

Vihcnti s only tie tit fpecees. * 

t^ns 9 ' A>Ui th ' n Iam,t T " de P endent > *»*)« plead for Fresbj- 

of?UHl'r H ' Sf f! fr 4 **''™ thM l »*% the Bt M s ^e caufe 
oj all Hertpts and Sckifms, • Cb* i • 

The Contents. 

Ch. xT 9 And that I mention all the Bijhops Faults and none of 
their Goodnefs. 

Ch, 12. His Accufation of Spite, Malice, and Railing examin- 
ed, Dr. Burnet fatisfied, 

Cb.13. HisSuppofition that I fpeab^againft aliBi/hops Councils, 

Ch. 14. Some mens Credit about ancient Hiftory, tried by their 
Hifhry of this Age, Twenty Inflances of the Hiftory of cur times* 
My own experience of it. Whether I hate compliance with Superi- 
ours 3 or to preach by Licence. 

Ch. 15*. Mr, M's Magifierial author ifing or reletting what Hi- 
ftorians hepleafes. His Accufation of Socrates aadSozomcne,and 
valuing Valefius, Sirmond, &c. 

Ch. 16. His Obfervation on my Notes of credible and incredi- 
ble Hiftory. His Inftances of my Railing particularly confidered. 
Whether the word [Her eucat'mg] be railing or caufelcfs. An In- 
stance of Fifty five ofBp. St. Philaftrius'j accufed Henfies, by which 
I dt fire any fob >er man to judge. Other Inftances. Whether St. The- 
ophiIus 5 or Socrates and Sozomene were the Criminals, Even 
Pe/?<?Honorius and Vigilius hereticatedfor being wifir than other 

Ch. 17. Of his Cenfure of my Defign and Church- Principles : 
Whether I be guilty of expofing Chrifiianity wore than Julian & Lu- 

Ch. iB. Of his id Chap. Who is mcfi againfi Difcipline.Of Ana- 
thematifing. Whether Novatus was a Bijhop or an ardaimngPresby- 
ter. Councils for rebapt ifing. His Self-contradictions. Seme J>hieft't- 
ons to him. Whether the Diocefane.P**^ (as Mr, Dodwel^) who 
nullifie our Sacraments^ are Hcreticks^if the Re-baptifers were fitch. 
The old qu, was not of Rebaptifing Hereticks^ but of fuch as Here- 
tickj hadbaptifed. Of the Donatifts and many Councils, Ofeur 
Liturgy's Rule to find Eafter-day. What the Novatians held. Pe- 
tavius*«^ Albafpineus Testimony of them. His quarrels about Epi- 
phanius, t he Arians, the Audians divers Synods. Antioch. Of the 
Circumcellians.Opcacus of the Donatifts as Brethren. His Ex- 
-cufe of the Bifhops. 

Ch. 19. Of the ifl General Council at C. P. Whether Bijhops 
followed Emperours, Their ufage of Greg. Nazianz. . Of the Prif- 
cillianift$,r&<? Bijhops, and Martin. Of my Letter to Dr, Hill. Of 
the Council at Capua. Jovinian^ Eafter, African Bps, Donatifts, 
Theophilus. Altars, 


The Contents. 

Cb. 20. His 5 Chap. Of the ift Ephef. Council. His retfding 
Socrates and Sozomene, as againfi Cyril. Cyrils Story. Of the 
Presbyterians Cruelty. Neftorius Cafe. His cavils againft my Tranf 
lattons. The effetts of that Council at this day confidered. 

Ch. 21. Of the 2d Ephef. Council. Of Cyril, the Eutychians, 1 
and Diofcorus. 

Ch.2i. Of the Calcedon Council: Pulcheria and Eudocia, 1 
What one found man can do in a Council. Whether our late Concili- 
atory Endeavours about Arminianifm, have been as vain as thefe 
Councils. Of TheodoCi'. and the Eutychians.T/^ whole flory of that 
Council. Luther <*/ well as I, maizes the Contr over fie verbal. Of the 
BiJJcops Peccavimus.- Many Accufat ions refe lied: More of tlic 
Councils Succeffes, and late Conciliators. The Weftminfter Synod. 
Mr. M's way of Concord. Of the old Conformity and ours. Mr % Ed- 
wards Gangrena, and the late Sells and Herefies. 

Ch. 24, Of his qth Chaffer. Of the old Herefies. Whether Pre* 
jeSls for Moderation have been the chief diftr afters of the Church. 
He eft faljly faith, that I charge the Bifhops with all the herefies in 
the world. What it is that I jay of them. The true caufe of Schifm 
confeffed. His mifre forts of the caufe and Bifhops. His falfe faying of 
me that I com fared Oliver and his fon to David and Solomon My 
frofefl Repentance which he feigneth me anEnemy to. What Noncon- 
formity is 3 and what his mifreports of it. An explicatory profeffion 
of the meaning of this Boo^gainft Miftnter prefers. 



• ■ ■ . 

» ...* ' " " ' ' ' ' ' ' • • 

■ III ' "" 


Ready Way 

O F 

Confuting $tr. 0ajctet, 



O F 

Controverfie in England. 

" ■ . » - i i i ■ i ■ i ' i i i. ^ ^s 

Job. 8. 44. 1 King. 22. 22. Pr^u. 29.. 12.. 
& 19.5^ 9. K^ 21. 8. & 22. 15.. 

IN 1661. Dr. Borernan of Trinity-CoIledgeinCa'mbridge, PubliftV 
ed a Book againft me* as having written to Dr. Hill againfb 
Phyfical-Tredetermination to Sin } and in it faith, That it is re- 
ported^ That I kjU'd a Man with my own Hand in cold Blood ; and 
if it be not trtte y / am not the fir & that have been wronged. The Man, 
though promoted to the Charge of this Parifc, St. Giles in the Fields^ 

A . - was 


was accounted fo.weak, (forbearing his Miniftry,.and faying he was 
fufpended fome Years before he died) that I thought it vain to take 
publick Notice of his Words \ neither imagining whence he had 
them, nor ever hearing of them before. 

But a few Weeks before the late Plot was reported, one Mr. P.- 
came to me, and told me, - That at the CofFeerHoufe in FuMcrs- 
Rej.ts, where P apsis and Protectants ufed familiarly to meet ; he pro- 
voking the Papists to Anfwer my Books, orto Difpute with me, was 
anlwercd by a Gentleman of this Parifh, faid to be of the Church 
of England, That \_Mr . Baxter had kjjld a Alan in cold Blood with his 
own Hand.~] Mr. P. provoked him by a Wager to* make it good. 
He refilling the Wager, was told, He mould hear of it p-.iblkkly, 
unkfs he would ask me Forgivenefs. » After fome time, the Gentle- 
man came to me with Mr. Tailor ough^Qmce imprifoned, as is known) 
and with great Civility, ask't me Forgivenefs. He was the Son of 
a Knight, and Judge, of my Acquaintance ^ and had an Aunt, that 
had been my very dear Friend. I told him, That Slandering is fo 
common, and asking Forgivenefs fo rare, that 1 took it for a note 
of great Ingenuity in him } and, as I mull forgive all Men as a Chri- 
flian, fo I .could eaiiiy 'forgive any wrong to one related to fuch a 
Friend of mine. He told me, He was refolved openly to confefs his 
Fault, and to vindicate mc on all Occalions. 

Accordingly, at the fame Coilee Houfe, he openly declared his 
Repentance. Upon which, Mr. P. tells me, That Mr. G. an A- 
ged Lawyer, Brother to the Lady Ab. was difpleafed, and faid, 
He would prove the thing true by many Witxeifes" : (And, faith 
Mr. P. the Story among foine of them was, Tnat a linker did 
beat his Kettle at iny Door, and being dilturbed by him, I pi/toll'd 
him, and was tryed for my Life at Worcester?) Mr. P. faid, He 
provoked Mr. G. to lay a Wager oh it: And he refilling, was 
told, [Then he jhould hear of it in We si minsbcr- Ha117\ Upon this, 
faith Mr. P. his Feilow-C^W/d^.ingenuoufly refolved to difown 
him, unljefs he would ask Forgivenefs \ whiclrhe being unwilling to 
come to me to do, Mr. P. faith, He at laft performed before Him y 
and Capt. Edmund Hampden. 

All this being done without my Knowledge (till after,) Iwas re- 
lating it to Mr. John Humfrey : Why (Taith hej / did twelve Tears 
/tjroijear Dr. Allcflry, now Regms-Profeffor in Oxford, fay the /;%, 
That he could not thinhjwell of that Man-) that had kl^d a Man in cold 
Blood with his own Hand. 

I little 


I little regarded all the reft : But Dr. AlUViry had many Years 
been my old School Fellow \ many a time I had taught him \ and he 
was the belt at Learning, and of the honeftefl Difpofition of any 
Boy that ever 1 knew ; and I thought, if Parties could draw fuch as 
"he into fuch Guilt, there was little Account to be made of the Re- 
ports or Hitter/ of Men, if once they fell into different Factions.- 
Wherefore, i wrote w him what Mr. Hmnfrey told me, and received 
from him this her . : ingenuouS Letter, which I here annex. 

And as to all this Stc -\ I do here folemnly profefs, That I'never 
killed, wounded, or hurt any Man in my Life, (fave one Man, 
whoie Leg I hurt with playful Wreftling, when I was a Boy, and 
once or twice boxii g with Sehobi-Bpys, and correcting Lads when 
I was one Year a Sthool Mailer.) Nor in all the Wars, or in my Life, 
did 1 ever fee any other kill any Man, fave o le \ and that was at the 
farue Bickering, (about Forty of a Side) wnen Jennings was wound- 
ed : While they were Fighting with him in one great Field, I be- 
ing in another near the Houfe, faw the Souldiers offering Quarter 
to a Foor-Souldier, and promifinghim Safety, if he would lay down 
his Musket \ ■ which he did not, but ilruck at them , and Captain 
HJi.'h fhot him dead : And it proved sfter to be a Welfi-man, that 
undei itood not E.ighfh ; which grieved them when they knew it. 

I have gone rhe next day where Fights have been, and feen many 
dead, when I had nothing to do with the Armies of either Part. 
But 1 never few any, to my Knowledge, kill or hurt any Man, but 
this one. 

Dr. Alkjlrfs Letter : (Which I.fliould notPubiifh, but that 
even in Oxford, and elfe where among the Clergy, the Re- 
port yet goeth on. ) 


Mujt profefs fmcerely, That T cannot recollect I ever f aid 
fuch Words of you to Mr. Humfrey, as itfiems he does affirm 
- did: But yet I cannot but acknowledge-, itisverypoffible, that 
I related, (and may be, to Mzfr) That I had heard, you kilPd a 
Man in cold Blood : S^nce I very rvell remember , that above 
Thirty Tears fince, at the End of the War, 1 heard thftfub- 

A 2, Uckly 


Hckly fpoken before Company ', and with tins farther Circum- 
fl&nce, that it was aSouldier, who had been a Prifbmr forte 
Hours. Now this Report relating to the Wan , in which {I fear) 
fuch Things were no great Rarities , and from my very tender 
Tout h y I having not had the leafi Comer fe with you, nor likely- 
of anv for the future, did not therefore apprehend, at prefect, 
any Concern or Occafion of inquiring, whether it were true ; of 
which, upon that confident Ajfeveration, I did make m do ibt. 
And I took fo little thought of laying up the Relation, that I 
protefi to you, as in the Prefence of Almighty God, it is impojfi- 
ble for me to recover, who made up that Company in which I 
heard it, or from whom I heard it : And I wonder, how it came 
into my Mind, to fay that I had heard it y fo long after. But 
however, though it be fome Eafe to me, to believe the late Dif- 
courfes of it, do not come from my relating fo long fi/ice that I 
, htar 'd it y neither are likely to receive any Confirmation from it, 
unlefs it be made more Publick thin J have made it ; yet I do 
frofefs, it is a great Affliction to me, to have fpoken that, though 
but as a Report, which {it feemr) was a Slander, (for fo I be- 
lieve ity upon your Ajfeveration) and not having endeavoured 
to know whether it were true. And, as I have begd G od's For- 
givenefs of it ; fo T heartily defire, Tou will forgive me : And 
if I could direct my f elf to any other way of Satisfaction, I would 
give it. This is the whole Account lean give of this Matter ; 
- to which I/hall only add, That lam, 

Eatcn-Coll/Dec. SIR, 

13. it>79* 

Your very Affe&ionate Servant, 

Richard AUefiry. 

II. In the Preface tor the* Life of Dr. Htylin are thefe Words. 
Mr. Baxter may he f leafed to call to mind, what: wot done t& ont Major 
Jennings,'/* lafiWar^ in that Bight that- wo* ktweenLyndfcl and Lorg- 
ford*, in tbt County of Salop ; where the Kings Party, having unfortu- 
nately the worfi of the Bays thtfoer Man was firift almefi naked, and left 




fcr dead in the Field: Bit Air. Baxter, and om Lieutenant Hfirdmar, 
f rf&tff their Wallajtmong thewomded and dead Bodies, perceived feme Life 
left tn the Major, ahdHurdn&n run him through the Body in cold Blor 
A/r. Baxter all the. while looking on, and taking off with his own Hand, the 
Kings Picture from about his Neckj telling him, as he was fwiming in bit 
Gear, That he was a Pcpifo Rogue, and that was his Crucifix : Which Pi- 
cture was keft by Mr. Baxter for many Tears, till it was got from him (but 
not without much difficulty) by one Mr. Somerfiild, who then lived r 
Sir Thomas Rous, andgenercufly reslored it to the poor man, now 'alive 
at Wick near Perfhore in Worcefterfhire, although at the Fight fuppo- 
fedtobe dead: being, after the Wounds given him, dragdupanddovonr.hr 
Field by the mercilefs Souldiers; Mr. Baxter approving of thz inhujr.ar.i- 
ty, by feeding his Eyes with fo bloody, and fo barbarous a Spectacle. 

I Thomas Jennings, Sttbfcribeto the truth of this Narrative abovemr-- 
tioned ; andhave hereunto put my Hand and Seal thisfecend Day c/MarcJ? 
1682. Thomas Jennings. Signed and Sealed, March 2. 1682. in the 
Pre fence of John Clark, Minister of Wick, Thomas Dacke. Publijhed 
by George Vernon, Minister. 

The like was before Publilhed by Roger U Strange. 

Anfw. I do not think Major Jennings knowingly made this Lye, but 
was directed by feme bodies Report, and my fending him the Med.d. 
I do folemnly proteft, 1 . That, to my Knowledge, I never faw Ma- 
jor Jennings: 2. That I never faw Man wound, hurt, flrip, or touch 
him : 3 . That I never fpake a word to him, much lefs any word here 
affirmed : 4. T h2t I neither took the Picture from about his Neck, 
nor faw whodid it : 5. That I was not in theField,when it was done : 
6. That I walked not among any wounded or dead y nor heard of 
any kild.but the" one Man before-me tioncd. 7. That the Pi&ure was 
never got from me with difficulty. But that this is the Truth: The 
Parliament had a few Men in Longford Houfe, and' the King at Lynd- 
fet, about a Mile and a half a-funder -, who ufed oft to sk'frmifti, and 
dare each other in the Fields between: My Innocent Father being 
Prifoner at 'Lyndfel, and I beihg at Longford, rcfolved not to go 
thence till he was delivered. Ifawthe Souldiersgo out, as they oft 
did, and in another Field difcernedthem to meet and Fight : I \:r ,v 
noty that they had feen Jennings -, but, being in the Houfe, a Soul- 
dier fhewed a tmalVMiktl of Guilt Silver, bigger than a Shilling; 
at d tokbus, That he wounded Jennings, and took' his Coat, afctt 1 
toofrthat Medhi from about his Neck : I bought it of him for 18 J. 
no one offering hnfmore. And fome Years after (the firft : time that 1 

I heard 

. (6) 

I heard where he w^, freely defired Mr. Somerfieldto give it him from 
me, that had never feen him -, fuppofing it was a mark of Honour, 
which might be ufefui to him. And now all thefe Lies, are all the 
Thanks that ever I had. 

III. The Obfervator,N. 96. faith, [T or. Wlio faith, t hey (the Presby- 
terians) brought in theKmgi>e fides your fdf ? Wh. y*/r.Hunt, the Author 
of the Conformists Plea, Air. Baxter and who not ? 

Tor. Prethee ask^Mr. Baxter, If he knows who it was, that went with 
five or fix more of his own Cloth and Char after, to General Monk, upon 
his coming up to London, *tf 1659 ; and finding a great deal of Company 
with him, told his Excellency, That he found his time was precious, and fo 
would not trouble him with- many Words : But as they were of great weight, 
fo he hoped, they would make an anfwerable Jmprcjfwn on him : I hear a 
Report, Sir, (faith he) that you have fome thoughts of calling backjhe 
King ; but it is my^ Senfe, ' and the Senfe of thefe Gentlemen herewith me, 
that it is a thing you ought not to do on any termes : For Prophannefs is fo 
infepar able from the Royal Party, that if ever you bring the King backjhe 
Power of G odlinefs willmoJi certainly depart from this Land. 

Anfw. Dr. Afanton f and whether any other, I remember not) went 
once with me to General Monkj, and it was to congratulate him ; but 
with this requeft, That he would take care, that Debauchery and Con- 
tempt of Religion might not be let loofe, upon any mens pretence of being for 
the King, as it already began with fome to be. But there was not one 
word by me fpoken, (or by any one, to my remembrance) againft his 
calling backjhe King, nor any of the reft hereadjoyned -, but as to me, 
it is a meer Fidion. 

And the AT^wasfofenfibleofthefame that I faid, that he fent 
oyer a Proclamation againft fuch Men, as while they caMed them- 
felves the Kmgs Party, did live in Debauchery and Prophannefs ; 
wkich Proclamation fo rejoyced them that were after Nonconformists, 
that they read it publickly in the Churches. Such grofs Falfhoods as 
thefe, are part of the Evil deprecated. 

As to his Queftion, Whether the Presbyterians brought in the King f 
Who can affirm or deny any thing of equivocal Words ? A Pfesbyte- 
ri.wis, who thefe Men will call fuch. They that in the Face of the 
World deny the Publick Afts of Three Kingdoms, in the Age 
they were done in, no wonder if they multiply the groiTeft Lies of 
fuch as I. The Parties that reftored the King, were thefe-, 1. Ther 
Excluded Members of the Ung Parliament^ the Minifters that were 


* [ (7) 

fince filenced ; and the fruflrated endeavours of the Scotch A; , 
Sir George Booth, Sir Thomas Middleton, joyning with fomeofthe 
Kings Souldiers, prepared Mens minds to it. 2 General Atonkty anid 
his Army, who were Fighting againit the King a little before, repreP 
O omvcels Army. • 3. The Long- Parliament Members reftored, agreed 
todilTolve themfeives, and fee up a Council to call home the King: 

4. Sir Thomas Allen, Lord Mayor, and the Aldermen, invited General 
MonV^'wito the City, who joyning with him, turned the Scales. 

5 . The City Minifters (called. Presbytena?is) perfwaded the Lord May- 
or to this, and wrote to Mctiks Colonels (called Presbyterians) to be 
fortheTung: (fpeciallyMr. Afr, by Mr. Calamys Couniel.) 6. The 
Lord Alazarine, Lord Broghil, and others of the fame Party in Ire- 
land, contributed their help ; and Colonel Badges, with others, lur- 
prizedD/^//tf'Caftle. 7. Many of the Old Parliament Men openly* 
provoked Gen Monkj, and fecretly perfwaded and treated with him r 
to bring in the King (whom the Earl of Angle fiy, the Earl of Shaftf- 
bury, and others yet living, can Name to you.) 8. The Parliament 
called by General Mor\, (by agreement with the Lo-ng-Parliament,) 
accounted mollly of the fame Party, Voted the Kings Return : Which 
no doubt alfo, the Old Ro.yalifb molt earnefily dehYed, and en- 

Thisisthe Hiflorical Truth -, which if in this Age, Men will deny, 
I will bear any lies that they fliall fay or fwear of me. 

Now, either the f ore f aid Armies, Parliament men, Mi?;is~hers, &C. 
were Presbyterians, or not. If they were not *, then, I. Say no more, 
that it was Presbyterians that rat fed War agJtinft the King ; but that it 
was the Epifiof.il Men, if thefe were fuch. 2. Why then have you cal- 
led them Presbyterians fo long, and do fo ftill ? But if they were Prtf- 
byterians, then it was fitch that Reftored the King. But alas, how con- 
temptible, yea, how 7 odious is Truth grown to this Generation ! 

IV. There is yet a more Famous Hiftorian, than any of thefe, 
though unnamed ; who pretending to militate after Dr. Stilling fleet, 
as in a 2d. Part againsl Separatton,takcs on him to give you theHifto- 
ry of my Life. Partly making it my Reproach, that when 1 grew to 
llnderitanding, I reinembred how many Drunken or Ignorant Ren- 
ders had been my Teachers : Partly raking up retraced and oblite- 
rated Paifages of Old Writings *, while at once they perfwade me 
to Reviews and Retractations : Partly heaping up abundance of 
down right FaMhoods : Partly clipping Sentences, and leaving out 



the part that fliouU, *nake them underftood,and turning true Words, 
by perverfion, into Falfhoods : And partly by mixing this known 
Truth, [That I was on the Parliaments fide, and openly declared it, ,] 

But when at the uew Models I faw that they changed their Caufe, I 
changed my Pra&ioe, & was from the Day that I went into the Army, 
a.refolved Qppofer of all that they did,to the Changing of the Govern- 
?r:m, & their Vfurpation:, & was fent among them to that end } which 
was immediately after Nafeby Fight : And continued openly disown- 
ing the llfurpation, and the Means thatfet it up. And though I was 
Preaching and Writing againlt the feidllfurpers, when an Army was 
Fighting for them, a^aipft the King, and the King knew how to for- 
give and Honour them, that did fo much to his Refloration , yet are, 
the Accufers fo far from forgiving thofe that never perfonally hurt 
a Man, that they forbear not multiplying falfe Accufations -, yea, and 
accufing thofe Minilters, and private Men that never had to do with 
Wars: Yea, the feme Men that then wrote again ft me for the Chan- 
gers andUfurpers, have fince been the fierce Accufers of us, thatop- 
pofed them. 

And if thefe Men be unfatisfyed ofmy prefent Judgment, I have no 
hope of giving them Satisfaction, if all will not do it, which I have 
largely written in my Second Tie a for Peace, for Loyalty, and againft 
Rebellion; and all my Confutation of Head's Politicks, in the Lalt 
Part ofmy Chriftian Dirt fiery ', with much more. 
. But. this Book mull have ( if any) a Peculiar Anfwer. 

V. Lately, when I taught my Hearers, That we muft not make the 
World believe, that we are under greater Sufferings, than we are, nor be 
unthankful for onr Peace, and that we muft when any hurt us, hove and for ~ 
give them, and fee that we fail not of our Duty to them ; but not for fake 
the owning, andjittt defending by Scripture-Evidence the Truth oppo fed. 
They Printed, that I Bid the People Reftsl, and not ft and ft til, and dye like 
Bogs. And 1. was put tbe next Day to appeal to many Hundred Hear- 
ers, who all, knew, that the Accufation was molt impudent Lies* 
This is our prefent Cafe, 

VI. The Players, 1 hope, exped no Anfwer to their Part. 

LonoLony Printed for R. Javeway, in jQueeas-Hedd-dl/ej, in 
Pater-'Nofter- R on>, 1682. 


The General Tart containing the Dejign and Sum of this 
and the former SooA, that it may be under -flood Tbbat 
it is that Mr. Morrice defendetb, and oppofetb ; and 
what it is that I maintain or blame y and by what Evi- 


§ i.TF Have been thefe forty years much troubled with the 
temptation to wonder, why God fuffers moft of the 
World to lie drown'd in Ignorance, Infidelity and Sen- 
fuality, and the Church of Profeffed Chriftians to live 
in fo great Scandal, Contention, Divifion, and for the greater 
number, in a Militant Enmity againft the Word, Will, Way, and 
Servants of Chrift, while in Baptifm they are Lifted under him. 
But of late fince Experience tells me of the marvelous Diverfity 
of Humane Interefts and Apprehenfions, and the deep Enmity 
of the Flefhly Mind to Spiritual things, I admire the Wifdom 
and Providence of God, that there is fo much Order,and Peace, 
and Love in the World of Mankind as there is : And that all 
men live not as in a continual War. And I perceive that if God 
had not preferved by Common Grace fome remnants of Moral 
Honefty in the World, and had not alfo fanctified a peculiar 
People, whole New Nature is LOVE, the Sons of Men would 
have been far worfe than Bears and Wolves to one another $ 
and a man would have fled with greater fear from the fight of 
another man, than from a Snake or Tyger. But God hath not 
left himfelf without witnefs, in his Works, and daily Provider 
ces, and in the Confcicnces of thofe who have not finned them- 
felves into Brutes or Devils. And hence it is that there is fome 

B Govern- 


Government and Order in the World, and that fin is afhamed of 
its proper name, and even they that live in Pride, Govetoufnefs, 
Ambition, Lying, Perfecution, ch\ cannot endure to hear the 
name of that which they can endure to keep and praclife^ and 
cannot endure to forfake. 

§ 2. And indeed it is a great Credit to Hotiefly and Piety, to 
Truth, and Love, and Peace, and fufiice, that the deadliest Ene- 
mies of them are ambitious of their Names ; and though they 
will damn their Souls rather than be fuch 5 they will challenge 
and draw upon any man that denieth them to be fuch. 

And I muft profefs, that I fetch hence a great confirmation 
of the Immortality of Souls, and a Future Life of Retribution, 
For if there were not a very great difference between Moral 
Good and Evil, whatfhould make all the world, even the worft 
of men, be lb defirous to be accounted Good, and fo impatient 
of being thought and called naught, and as they deferve. And if 
the difference be fo vaft here, muft there not needs be a Go- 
vernour of the World that hath made fuch a difference by his 
Laws and Providence, and who will make a greater difference 
hereafter, when the End and Judgment cometh. 

§ 3. Among other Gaufes of Humane Pravity and Confufion, 
one is the exceeding difficulty that young men mefct with, in 
the communication of fo much Knowledge as they muft necef- 
farily receive from others. Knowledge is not born with them : 
It is but the power and capacity of ir, and not the atl in which an 
Infant excels a Dog. And how (hall they have it but by Objects 
and Communication ? And Oljects tell them not things paft, the 
Knowledge of which is necefiary to make them underftand 
things prefent, and to come; and without which it is not pof- 
fible to be wife. And God teacheth not Men now by Angels 
fent from Heaven, but by Men that were taught themfelves be- 
fore 5 and by his Spirit bleffing mens endeavours. And when I 
have faid {by Man\ how bad.how fad a creature have I named ? 
Alas ! David's hafte Pfal. 1 16, was not erroneous paffionj nor 
Paul's words, Rom. 3. a flander, when they called all men Lyers, 
that is untrufty 5 and fo little do men know that muft teach 
others, and fomuch doth all corruption incline them to love flat- 
tering LieSj and to take flefhly Intereft, the World, and the De- 
vil for their Teachers, and to hate the Light, becaufe itdifgra- 
ceth their hearts and deeds, and fo much goeth to make a man 


wife, that ic muft be a wonder of merciful Providence that fnaii 
help young men to Teachers that fhall not be their Deceivers. 
There were ever comparatively few that were truly wife and 
trufty, and thefe ufually defpifed in the World. 

§ 4. And bow fhould young men know who thefe are ? This 
is the grand difficulty that maketh the Errour of the World fa 
uncurable. It requireth much wifdom to know who is wife, 
and to be truftedj who can well difcern and value that Know- 
ledge in another, which he is a granger to himfelf ? Experience 
tells us, that young unexperienced men do commonly receive 
that man's Opinions, 1. Who hath by nearnefs, or fbme acci- 
dent the greateft advantage in their efteem and love : 2. Or his 
that fpeaks moft for their flefhly Intereft, and for that which 
they would have to be true : 3. Or his that hath the laft wordl 
It cannot be expected that they judge of any thing, beyond the 
advantage of their fenfes, and the Netitia communes y accord- 
ing to Evidence of Truth, which muft be received by long and 
ferious ftudy, and by willing honeft minds, and by the help of an* 
tecedent Verities. 

§ 5:. In this therefore Divine free Elettion is very manifeft $ 
As in giving the Gofpel to fbme Nations in the World, when 
moft others never have it, fo in giving fome young perfonsthe 
bieffing of good Education, and Teachers, and chufing for them 
that were unable to chufe well for themfe Ives 5 as alfo in blef- 
fing the fame helps to one, which are defpifed by another. And 
verily when I have been long ftalled with the difficulties about 
Election and Differencing Grace, undeniable Experience hath been 
my chief Conviction. If the Gofpel be true, the common world- 
ly flefhly fort 5 that areforChrift but by Tradition, Law andCu* 
ftotiij and are religious for worldly ends, and no farther than the 
Intereft of the Flefh and World will give them leave, have no 
true Saving Grace at all. And the reft that ferioufly believe 
and feek a better Life, and live above flefhly worldly Interefts, 
are in moft places few, and made the fcorn and hatred of the 
reft. And if de fatto, God do fanctifie only a peculiar People, 
who can deny his differencing Will and Grace ? 

§ 6. I was my felf in my Childhood ignorant what Teachers 
among fuch diverfity I fhould prefer. And firft God had fuch a 
witnels in my Confcience, that Virtue and Holinefs were better 
than Vice and Sw> that it made me think that the fort of 

B 2 Teachers 


Teachers who Traded meerly for the World, and never fpake a 
ferious word of Heaven, nor differed from fober Heathens, but 
in Opinion j yea, that endeavoured to make ferious Godlinefc 
ro feem but Hypocrifie, were not like to be the wifeft and moft 
rrufty men. And yet how to judge among the ferious, which 
were right, was long too hard for me, 

§ 7. When I came to confider ofthe Divifions of the Chriftian 
World.and heard the Fapifts pretend to Catholicifm, and call all 
others Schifmaticks or Hereticks,it fometime feemed a plaufiblc 
Opinion, that the greateft Power and Dignity of the Clergy, was 
the Intereft of Cbriftianity : By Ricbes,Honour and Power, they 
may protect the Godly, and keep Religion from Contempt a- 
mong the worldly fort of men, or from oppreffun at the leaft. 

2. And I faw that in all Ages and Countries of the World, 
Hiftorians tell us how rare a thing, a wife and holy Prince hath 
beeiij and how commonly by Wealth and Greatnefs they have 
been bred up in that Senfuality and Pride, which hath made 
them the Capital Enemies to ferious Piety 5 if not the Perfecu- 
tors of it. 

3. 1 thought with my felt if fuch godly Chriftians, as much va- 
lue the Intereft of Religion had lived in fuch times and places, 
where Rulers were Perfecutors of the Truth, how glad would 
they have been to have had the Power of Church-matters put 
into the hands of their Chofen Paftors, what would they have 
defired more ? 

4. And I read that till Riches and honours were annexed ro the 
Office, the People had ftill the Choice of their own Paftors, and 
therefore could not chufe but wifh their Eftates and Lives, and all, 
as well as their Religion, to be as much as might be in their 
hands. And fo no doubt when the Bifhopsw r ere advanced to great 
Diocefles, and Power, it was by thedefire ofthe moft Religious 
Chriftians, who valued moft the Intereft ofthe Church. 

j. And I could not but obferve, that though Cbrift gave his 
Apoftles no Power ofthe Sword, he fet them above other Mini- 
ilers, not only in Miraculous Gifts, and Infallible teftifying and 
recording his Commands and works, but in fome fort of over- 
fighr, which feemeth a thing appointed for Continuance as well 
as preaching. 

6. And I thought that if Church Grandure were the Intereft 
of Religion and Unity the ftrength of the Church, it lookt very 



plaufibly to reafon, that as Bifhops were over Presbyter?, fo 
iherefhould be fome over Bifhops ; and that National Churches 
(hou'd by fuch Government be hindered from Schifm and Here- 
fie as well as Parochial. And that Diocefans and Metropolitans 
Power mould be derived from a Superiour as well as Presbyters-. 
And tbat w hen poor Subjects dare not reprove a Prince, fome 
that are above fearing his Power may. 

7. And when I read the Popes Claim,I thought it feemed not 
improbable, that Petrus primus, and pafce oves meas, andfuper 
banc Petram were not fpoken in vain And thefe though:* 
pleaded thus for Church-Grandeur in Prelates and Popes. 

§ 8. On the other fide., I faw 1. ThatChrift faid, HisKing- 
com was not of this world, and comes net u*m J^/lnfo**, with 
obfervablePomp. And that when they ftrove who fbould be 
greateft, he reproved them, and Concluded [w >it b you it ft all not 
t>efo~j and that the moft ferviceable is to be accounted thegreateftj 
that Peter himfelf accordingly defcribeth their office, 1 Pet. e. 

2. I find that Chrift appointed them another fort of work to 
do, even- to -Preach the Gofnel # to all Nations through all 
(freights, difficulties and furferings, and to baptize, and teach 
Chriftians to obferve the Lawsof Chrift. And that as he never 
put the 5word into their hand, fo an official declaring and ap- 
plying hU Word to voluntary Difciples was all their Office, as 
ordinary Paftorsto be continued. 

3. I find that Chrift fent them out by two and two,as if it had 
been done on forefight, that men would erect a Church- Monar- 
chy : And tbat no Scripture tells us of any divifion of the Church 
into Diocefles, where ore Apoftle was a Monarch 5 or had Power 
above the reft,or was his Peculiar Province: Nor tbat the twelve 
fettled twelve fuch, or any as the feats of their Succeffors. 

4. 1 find not that ever any one ApoftleexercjTed Government 
over tbe reft : Nor that ever Chrift gave the reft any Command 
or Direction to obey any one $ Nor tbat ever the Contending 
or Schifmatical fort of Chriftians were directed to end their 
ftrife, by taking any one for the Head who muft determine all 
their Controverfies : And that they that faid [/ am of Cephas'} 
are reproved with the reft. And tbat all are called Mem- 
bers of the Body, and only Chrift the Head. And if it had been 
his will that One Vniverfal Head ox Power fhould have been let 
up as the Princlpium, or Center of Unity, it is a matter of fo 

great . 

yaence,that it is net to be believed thftt GUrh: 
.ave plainly commanded it. 
- f. 1 find that Chrift bath himfeifdone the work, for which 

HumMH Govtmmtnt (by Pope or 
Councils) ispretendc He hath made and caufed his a- 

pottles (peculiarly qualified fbr it J to record llniverfal ChurcU- 
l,2v. | even ai many u are UnivertaKy r.ecellary : And if lb, 
I cannot but think, I c hath done it better than Man can 

dOi 2. And that to add more unneceffarily mult needs be a 
c and burden to the Church; ;. A d that i: nmft be an 
ufurping the I ver of Chrift : For if chert be no other llniverfal 
there is no other that hath Authority to make Uni* 
veria! Law*. Therefore this is Trealbn againit Chrilt, and a 
making Man a Yice-Chritt, 

6. I found chat there is not Co much as a X.iturAl Capacity 
in any one, or many, for an llniverfal Government: Church- 
Government being of fuch a nature as maketh it far more im- 
partible, than for one Monarch or Ariftocracy to Govern all the 

:h : And to do it by a trujy General Council, or by the Dif- 
futed Fifhops of all the World is further from poiFibility than to 
do it bv a Pope. 

7. I torch t the Councils pretended to be General,to fee whe- 
ther they had made any better Laws than ChriiVs, or made any 
defirab'e addition. And I found 1. That while they were not 
wholly Papifts, they never pretended to make Canons for any 
Chrhtians, but only thofe in the acw.i» Empire. 2. And that it 
had been much happier for the Churches if they had made no 
more Laws than Chriir had made them, for holy Doctrine, Wor- 
fhip, and Church Difcipline, and had only as Teachers expound- 
ed and applied the Laws of Chrift. 

8. I confidered the Prclent State of the Church llniverfal, 
and I find it inch as no Party of Chriftians in the World doth 
own. The Pope pleadeth for an llniverfal Soveraignty, and all 
his Clergy do the fame $ fome faying it is in Councils, fome in 
the Pope, and moft in both together, or Councils approved by 
the Pope : And Proteltanrs, Greeks, Neftorians, Jacobites, and 
almoft all other Chriitians in the World, accufe this Rcmtn 
Church and Claim. 

The Papifts condemn the reft: The Creeks, Arminians, and aft* 
moft all the reft accufe each other, 

9. * 


9. I confidered what Popery is, that is. Clergy -Power in \:s 
height, and what it hath done in the World. And I found i. A 
wolul defcription of the lives of multitudes of Popes, recorded 
by their own moft credited Hiftorians. And x, I found multi- 
tudes of vicious Canons obtruded by them as Laws on the Uni- 
vcrfal Church. 3. I found moft doleful Hiftories of the Wars 
and Rebellions that they have caufed from Age to Age. 4. I 
found that they have corrupted the Doctrine of Chrift in abun- 
dance of particulars. 5. And that they have lockt up the Sa- 
cred Scriptures from the Vulgar, as they have not done their 
Canons. 6. And that they have turned God's Spiritual Wor- 
ship into a multitude of Superfluous Riies, and fcenical Cere- 
monies and Shews. 7. And that they have turned Spiritual 
Charch-Difcipline into a fecular fort of Tyranny. 8. And that 
they have moft fchifmatically unchurched the reft of the Church- 
es, becaufe they are not Subjects of the Pope. 9. And that they 
have branded the foundeft Churches with the name of Here- 
t '^ks,while they are the grand Herefie of the World. 1 o. And that 
they have been and are the greateft Silencers of found Preach- 
ers, and hinderers of true Piety and Reformation in the Church. 

11. And that they have wofully vitiated the People that are 
their Subjects, fo that cdious wickednefs fed by Ignorance, a- 
bounds among them 5 and it is their Votaries that are called Re- 
I'.gf'otu, and a few Canonized perfons Saints ; as if Religion and 
Sanctity were rarities, or any could be faved without them. 

12. Laftly, I find that they have lived upon Blood,like Leeches, 
and have been the cruelleft Perfecutors of holy men, on pre- 
tence of killing Hereticks: And that it is this to which they 

10. I took not this notice of them upon meer prejudice, but 
have read, I chink, as many Papifts Books, as Proteftants, or any 
other againft them. Nor have I taken it upon dark Scripture 
Prophecies, fufpecting my uoderftanding of them: But 1. The 
matter of fact from themfelves-: 2. Againft their Papal Supre- 
macy from fuch Arguments as are fully collected by Dr. Barrow. 
3. Againft their heinous Church- corruptions, from fuch Moral 
Evidence as Dr.H. Moore hath fully gathered in his Mjfiery of 
Iniquity. 4, Againft their pretences of Tradition and Antiquity, 
I fetcht my Arguments from the Hiftories and Authors which 
they themfelves alledge, and efpecially their Councils, with the 
Fathers Writings. § 9. Seeing 


§ 9" Seeing the Church in this fad Condition, and the Papal 
part lb greatly vitiated, I confidered how long it had fo been. 
And I round that the Pope and his Bifhops grew not up like a 
Mufhroom in aday$ but had been long in thriving to maturity: 
And I met with no man that could jufr tell what Year or what 
Age the difeafe or tumor did begin. Bifhop Bromball thinks if i 
they will abate their laft 400 years Innovations, we may have 
hope of agreeing with them. Bifhop Gunning will own no General 
Councils,but the ftti\ fixj fome will receive eights fomebut four. 
Mr, Momce here goeth no further in his defence of them, what- 
ever he think. Some begin Popery with Leo the great, fome 
with Gregorys SuccelTour. But it is moft certain that it was firft 
an Embrio, and next an Infant and fo grew up from Childhood 
to maturity bydegrees.And the firft Church-corruption was not 
that which we now call Popery. And it is as certain that the tu- 
mor did neither begin nor grow up in the Bifhop of Rome alone, 
but in other Bifhops, who grew up withhim,& were his ftrength 
and Councils, and he their Head. 

§ 10. It is known when the Greeks and Romans began moft 
notably to ftrive which mould be greateft, and how the divifion 
increafed, and when and how it came to an anathematizing or 
excommunicating each other. 

§ 1 1. It's notorious that it was from the Councils of Calcedon, 
and Ephefus, that the great feparated bodies of Neftorians and 
Etttycbians (now called facohites) that pofiefs the Eafi and South, 
were broken off with NeftoriM and Diofcorus i and fo continue 
to this day. 

§ n. I confidered who were the Chief Authors of all thefe 
lamentable Schifms, and Church- corruptions in the feveral Ages 
when they rofe, and who continue them to this day: And I 
found that many Princes were much to be blamed, and the Peo- 
ple not Innocent, no not the Religious Monks. But the Bifhops 
that had the main Church-power, by abufmg it, were with their 
Clergy the principal Caufes,and foare to this dayp The breaches 
might yet be healed in Eaft, Weft, and South, were it not for 

§ 13. Finding this in Hiftory of undoubted Truth, I next 
confidered what was the Caufethat the Bifhops and their Clergy 
fhould become fuch Church-corrupters and Dividers, and ftill 
continue the Churches miferies, 



And I found as followcth, i. That none are ab;c to do fo 
much hurt as thofe that have the greateft Parts, Poiverjr.urcft 
and Truft. None kill fo many (except SouldiersJ as thofe Fhyli- 
cians who are entrufted to heal and fave them. If five hundred 
neighbours miftake a man's Difeafe, whom he never trufted, it 
hurts him not : But an unskilful Nurfe or Parent may kill a lick 
Childjand an unskilful or unfaithfulPhyfician may kill multitudes. 

2. And there goeth fo much to make a man a skilful, faithful 
Paftor, as that fuch are rare. A% a Phyfician is like to kill his 
Patient, if he miftake but fomc one thing in his Difeafe, or fome 
Ingredient in his Medicine, though he were right in all the reft: 
So if a Guide of Souls were excellent h all other things what 
work one Opinion, yea or unskilful word may make , not only 
the cafe of the Nejlcri.ani 9 E*t)chians, Monot Elites, 8rp< tell us,., 
but even the ftriferhat arofe in the Church about Hjpjhtfismd 
Ferfina, which had almoft hereticated ferom himfelf, for all hi? 
skill in the Languages : And the cafe of the Greeks and Latines 
about [F/7/o^}j and abundar.ee fuch* 

3. And Frtde is the Heart of the Old Man 5 firft living, and 
laft dying. And grea^Power, great Parts, and great Efts em do 
feed it, iftrueGracedo not mortifie it. Knowledge purfeth up$ 
and efpecially when men live among the ignorant and unlearned, 
and are but half Learned themfelves, and are thought by the 
people and themfelves, to be much wifer than they are: Inter 
aoecos lujcus Rex. 

4. And Selftjhnefs is the very fum of all positive iniquity: And* 
Pride and Selfiffinefs make men ciefirous to be the Idols of the 
World, and to feem as Gods knowing good and evil, and to 
have their will of all that they have to do with. 

5". And the ftrongeft temptations ufe to caufe the greateft fins. . 

§ 14. Thefe Generals prefuppofed, it is moft clear, i.Thac 
the remnant of thefe fins', even in Chrift's Apoftles, fet them on 
ftriving whofhould be greateft, and made James dXidJohn defire 
preheminence, and alfo to have called for Fire from Heavenjand 
made them after Chrift's. Refurrection, hope that he would have 
reftored the Earthly Kingdom unto Ifrad. And it put Paul to 
vindicate his Apoftlefliip againft many that difparaged him 5 As 
it made Dietrepks, who loved to have the preheminence, to 
caft out the Brethren, and fpeak evil of John ; It gave Peter oc- 
cafionto warn the Bi(hops not to Lord it over Cod's Heritage, 

Q but. 


to be Examples to the Flocl^, overfeeing them net by- cort- 
ftrainr, but willingly. 

2. Even in good men this fault, though not in a reigning de- 
cree, did live more in others afterwards, that had nor that mea- 
sure of the Spirit as the Apoftles had to overcome it. And if 
even in Paul's daies he had none like-minded to Timdthj^ho na- 
turally cared for the good of all; for all (too muchj fought 
their own, and not the things that are Jefus Chrift's, as Demas 
forfook him for fome worldly Interelt -, what wonder is ir if af- 
terward Pride and Worldlinefs grew greater, and Herefies and 

• Strifes increafed. 

3. Yet while Chriftianity was a fuffering and laborious State, 
the Paftors of the Churches were commonly the beft men, thac 
had more Knowledge, Holinefs and Love than others, and the 
Churches profpered under the Crofs : They that fpared not 
their labours, but imitated the pattern fet by Panl, Atts 20. did 
not ftrive who fhould have the largeft Diocefs, and undertake 
that which they could not do, but they ftrove to do as much as 
they were able, and to increafe and edifle the Flock. 

4. But when extraordinary Gifts abated* and acquired Ones 
became more neceflary 3 and few Philofophers turned Chriftians, 
able Taking Preachers or Orators grew fewer, and thofe few 
that were eminent in knowledge and Speech were juftly pre- 
ferred before the relr. And ufually fome one man had the chief 
hand in converting men, and gathering a Church in each parti- 
cular Town, and then he rightfully was taken for their Paftor : 
And it being found that the publick and private care of Souls re- 
quired in each Church, where were fit men-, mo re than one Pa- 
ftor j \ It was not meet that more fhould be brought to him that 
8 was there before, without his approbation and confentj but that 
4 he were to the juniors as a Father; And becaufe the relt were u- 
fually below him in Gifts and Worth, it was thought but meet 
that they fhould do what they did by his confent : And alfo to 
avoid Divifions, to which they were over-prone, it was Judged 
fit that one fhould have the preheminence, and a negative, and 
partly ruling Vote. 

5. The Churches, which in the beginning had thefe Bifhops 
and Fellow- Presbyters, were fingle Congregations : And fhortly 
they grew to be more than could meet together in fome few 
great Cities % Perfecution hindering them from very large Af- 


(II) . 

femblies, beftties their want of large capacious Temples. Dr. 
Hammond thinks that there is no evidence, that in Scripture- 
time there were any other Presbyters than Bifoops, and conse- 
quently aBifhop had but one Congregation, unlefs he went one 
hour to one, and another to another, which was not their 
life. But doubtiefs in this he is miilaken, as the many Speakeis 
as Corinth (hew. 

6. TheGreatnefc of the Roman Empire was prepared by God 
to be then an exceeding great furtherance of the Gofpel : For 
under the fame Civil Laws and Power?, where one or two Lan- 
guages were underftood by moil, Chriftians had the far greater* 
advantage for Communication. Want of forreign Languages is 
now our great hinderance from Preaching the Gofpel to ether 
Nations of the World : And the Confufion at Babel was an un- 
fpeakable Judgment. But as Ships, yea Navies, can fail on the 
Ocean, when final! Barks or Boats only can pafs on Rivers 5 fo 
the vaftnefs of the Reman Empire was a great help to thcChurch, 
by Communication , Language and AccefTes : But efpecialiy 
when the Emperour became Chriftian, the advantage was ex- 
ceeding great : Whereas now the Greatnefs of the Tttrkjjh, Tar* 
tarian fklxdoftan Empire, are great Impediments to the Gofpel 5 
becaufe the Barbarians are more cruel Enemies than the Civil 
Romans (notwithstanding the ten Perfections) were; and their 
oppofition is the moreextenfive by the extent of their Domi- 
nions $. and the Chriftian Churches having now more fcandalized 
the Infidels by their corruptions. While they were not corrupt- 
ed by worldly power and wealth* the great holinefs of the 
Churches convinced the fober part of the Empire. Albafyintus 
fhews us clearly that their ftri&nefs was fo great, that they en- 
dured no notable fcandalous fin among them 5 yea and came ve- 
ry near to the Novatians in their Discipline : And that it was 
not for greater ftridtnefs that the Novatians were condemned, 
but for denying the Power of the Church to abfolve men peni- 
tent that finned afcer Baptifm. And their Canons (new it. And 
it is certain,, that Chriftians obeying ?aul t avoided the Heathen 
Judicatures as much as might be, and cenfured thofe that did 
not, and ended their Differences by the way of Arbitration, and 
took the Bifhop with the Confent of bis Clergy to be an Au- 
thorized Arbitrator 5 and thus the affairs of all the Chriftians 
being caft upon him, - and lie having no power to force any 

C 2 ma.v 

c 1l 



man, but only to govern Volunteers, theBimops were con- 
(trained to make their Rules of Difcipline fo much the ftri&er, 
that all that would not renounce Chriftianity, and Church- 
Communion, might be brought to Obedience to efcape Excom- 

7. God having made the Great Yowr and Extent of the Ro- 
man Empire, fo great a means for the propagation of Chriftiani- 
tv, the Chriitians thought that the Greater they grew them- 
felves, the more it would tend to the Churches deliverance,, 
from contempt and perfecution : And their advancement lay in 

"that advancement of the Bifhops, which private men could not 
expect, fave only by fubfequent participation. Hereupon the 
Bifhops, by the Peoples content, endeavoured to form the Go- 

\ vernment of the Church within the- Empire, into a conformity 
to the Government of the Empire: And they contrived that 
thofe Cities whofe Govemonrs had the chief Civil Power,their 
Biflhops mould have anfwerable Church-Power; the Glory of 
the Empire drawing them for Teeming Intereft, into imitation. 

8. From the like Principles they defired greatly the enlarge- 
ment of the Churches of which they were Overfeers : And 
whereas Chriflhad made fingle Churches like Schools, and eve- 
ry ftated Worfhipping Church, was alfo a Governed Church, as 
every School hath its School-Mafters, one, or more, by degrees 
thefe Churches were by degeneration quite altered into other 
things : Firft, They were like a Parochial Church, which add- 
eth Chappels: They thought not fo contemptibly of tbePaftoral 
work as we do, but found enough, as is laid, for many men in a 
Church of a few hundred or thoufand fouls .• And when by Per- 
fecution, or Numbers, or Diftance, tbey could not all meet or- 
dinarily in one place, they appointed them to meet. under feve- 
ral Presbyters, in feveral places, but without appropriating a 
particular Presbyter to each AfTembly. 

2. After they appropriated them to their diftincl: charges, 
and diftinguifhed a ftated Worfhipping company from a Govern- 
ed Church, the Bifhopand his Confiftory ruling all in common ; 
and the People tyed to communicate only at the Bifhops Altar, 
and elfewhere to be but Hearers and Worfhippcrs. 

3. After that they fetup Altars u-p and down for Monuments 
and Memorials of Nkrtyrs^nd then in the Presbyters Chappefsj 
yet fo that the People were at Eafic\ WhibftntMr, ana the Na- 


tivity, to communicate with the Eifhop in the Mother Church 
or Cathedral. 

4. Then when Country-Village? diftarrt had a great irxreafe 
of Uhriftians, they allowed Country-Bifhops, Chore pifcopos, (pro- 
ved by Petaviusxo be true Bifhops; if they were nor,Presbyters 
ordained.) But they muft be fubjeel: to the City Bifhop. f. Afrer 
this they decreed that very little Cities ihould have no Bifnope, 
ne vHtfcai nomsn Bpifcopi ; whenas before that every City had 
a Bifhop and Elders,that had Chriftians enow : And every Town, 
like our Corporations, or Market-Towns, were called Cities: 
*BA/<4jd not'fignific only fuch as we now call Cities diftinft from 
fuch Towns ; were they no bigger than Cenchrea, Majufna* and 
fuch others clofe to greater Cities, they had Bifhops. Yea every 
Church was to have their Elders, (and confequently Bifhops,faith 
Dr. Hammond) where ever it was, by the Rule of the Holy 
Ghoft, Acts 14.23. And God never faid, Let there be .no 
Churches but in Cities : Elfe when an Emperour would put 
down all the Cities, or many, he fhould put down as many 

6. After this they fet upPatriarks as before they had doneMe- 
tropolitans: And ir was three that they firft fet up (but no 
where out of the Empire: J And the Papifts find in thelnftitu- 
tion the myftery of Trinity in Unity : For they could not find 
any where Twelve Seats SuccefFors to the Twelve Apoftles $ and 
fo they feigned, that Veter being the Center of Unity, The Tri- 
nity flowed from him. 1. He as Bifhop erected the Antiocht- 
ai Patriarchate. 2. By St. Mar^hh Difciple, the Alexandri- 
an. And 3. By his final Epifcopacy the Roman, faith foh.Dar- 
tis t de ftatu Ecckf. tempore Apvftolt % pag. 23, 24, \Jmitatur 
Ecclsfa D um ut trinum in Per fonts & unum in effentU, quatenus 
fcilicef una dr eadem Ec clef a eft multiplex ratione locorum-, nam 
diftrihutio prima ( & generalis omnium Ecclefarum fait in tres Pa- 
triarcbat:is s Romanzm, Alexander mum, & Antiscienum y ut unum 
eptpcr tres Ami ft it es Saccrdotium ad Trinitatis in far cut una eft 
atque individua poteftas ut rette interpret atur S)mmachus Pap. ad 
Eonwm--- Dicendum eft quod ficut in Trinitate una exiftente ef- 
fcxtui, tamen perfna d'.ffsrentes exiftunt^ it a Ecclefa una eft effen- 
ti.i y licet plnres particuUres ex if ant : Et fcui omnes Trim tat is 
pcrfina ortginem fumznt d Patre y qui eft ortgp Fili: y & met que Sp. 
Santti) it a Ecclefa ortgo eft Roth ana aliarum.] 

7. After 

7. At the fame time ihey began to defcribe Churches or Bi- 
fhops Provinces by the Meafures of Land, which before were 
defcribed by the Perfons of Volunteers, inhabiting near each 
other, faith the aforefaid Dartis p. 128. Et fane din duravit Hit 
mo: tanquam Apoftolicus in Ecclejiis^ at non effent alii termini 
EpifcQpatUi qttam muhitudo tor am quos ad fide m convert ijf cm & 
baptiz-a/fent, which he proveth out of the Canons. 

8. Rome being the imperial Seat, the Bifhop of Rome was 
neareft the Emperour and fiibordinate Rulers, and (b mo ft capa- 
ble to make Friends for Chriftians under any Accusations and 
Perfecution?* by which advantage all Chriftians through the 
Empire needing and being glad of fuch help, did willingly give 
the Primacy to the Romane Fatriark. 

9. The Emperor Confi amine turning Chriftian, and taking them 
for his fureft Souldiers, refolved to raife them as high as he 
well could, for the intereft of Chriftianity and his own, and 
thereby to work down the Heathens by degrees, and according* 
ly gave them chief Countenance , and chief Power 5 and their 
Bifhops being their chief men, it muft be done by exalting them. 
He made them the authorized Judges of -all Chriftians that de- 
fired it, even in criminal cafes. He yet gave not the Bifhops the 
power of the Sword 5 but if any Chriftians had committed For* 
nication, Adultery, Perjury., yea Murder, the Bifhop was to pu- 
nifh them by Pennance and Sufpenfion from the Sacrament : 
Befides which,Chriftians had the chief Preferments as they were 
capable of in the Armies and Civil Government: So that they 
triumphed over their late Perfecutors, AndnowHonour,Power 
and Wealth, were moft on the Chriftians fide, but efpecialLy the 

10. Worldly Intereft being now on the Churches fide 5 much 
of the World by fuch Motives crowded into the Churchy and no 
man can imagine that it could be otherwife, who confiders 
which way the Vulgar go, and how apt to be of the Prince's 
mind, and how much nature inclineth to flcfhly Intereft: Who 
had nor rather be kept from the Sacrament and Communion for 
a crime, till be profefs Repentance, than to be hanged or ba- 
nifhed, or ruined for it ? 

But cfpecially the Temptation was ftrongeft to the Biftiops, ' 
whofe baits were the moft alluring: And ever fince then they 
that moft \ovttiYealthpowr nn&Honoitr (that is, the worft, molt 



vtorldly men) have been the moft eager defirers and teekers of 
Bifhopricks: And while humble holy men mutt rather be fought 
to, fuch earneft feekers are like to be the ordinary finders and 

ii. But yet three things kept up for fome tirme a confide- 
rabte number of godly Bifhops in theChurches, which with the 
humble Presbyters, kept up the Intereft of found and practical 

i. Thofe that had been tryed worthy men before Conftan* 
tines converfion, and the Bifhop's exaltation, kept their Integri- 
ty in the main j though in the Nicene Council their conten- 
tious Libels (hewed that we are more beholden to Conftantine 
than to them, that they fell not into fuch ftrifeas their Saccef- 
fors did. Good men may be carryed too far in Pride and Strife, 
but they will not be mattered by them, and turn againft the 
Power of Godlinefs. 

2. The People and Inferiour Clergy had the choice of their 
Bifhops : And fo (though they oft had tumults, as in popular 
Elections it will be) yet the worft ambitious men were long 
kept out, and the beft oft chofen, till the People and Presbyters 
themfelves were corrupted. 

3. And divers good Emperours arofe that took fome care to 
promote the beft : But alas ! this had fad and frequent inter- 

12, For the Arlans poffeft Conftantine hrmfelf with hard 
thoughts of Atbanaftm and his Adherents : And it could not be 
expected that Julian fhould countenance the beft, when Conftan- 
tim and VaUm had done fo much againft them, and got moft of 
all the Churches headed by Arian Bifhops 5 to fay nothing yet 
of after times. 

13. But now iW6 things became matter of Contention a~ 
mong the Bifhops and their Clergy, and increafed the ftrife 
from time to time. The firft and chief was the Old Caufe great- 
ly ftrengthened, *#'&, Whojhould be greateft t Who fhould have 
the largeft, fatteft, and moft Ruling Diocefs and Seat ? The 
other was, Wbofloottld be taken for the moft Orthodox , and wbofe 
Explications of the Faith Jhould be taken for the foundeft ; efpe- 
cially about the defcription of the Per fin and immanent atts of 
Chrift ? Or briefly, 1. Jurifdiftion and Greatnefs : 2. Wifdom 
and hard words. 

14. Now 


14. Now alfo Conftantinople contended with Rome, and being 
the Seat of the Empire which they judged to be the true Rea- 
Ton of Church-preheminence, they rtfirft modeftly took rbefe- 
cond place: And now the Trinity of Patriarchs was turned to 
ftvejertifalem being made the fifth. At all this Rome grudged. 

if. All this while the old Difcipline of the Church was tole- 
rably kept up; i.Becaufe though much of the world had got ir- 
to the Church., yet a very great part were tenacious of their 
HeathenifhCuftoms, and prejudiced againft Chriftians by their 
Contentions, (odioufly defcribed by Am. Marcellinus, and many 
others, and prejudiced againft Confi amine for his Son Crifpus and 
Sopaters death, &C. and againft Conftantiw for the Murder ©f^- 
lian'i Relations; and being taken with the plaufible parrs of p-i- 
Han, and with the great Learning and highly extolled Lives of 
Tlotinus ) VorphyriuS) fambhcbut, lALdefitis, Mavcimu^ VrcereJiM, 
LibaniuSy ChrjfanthiKs, and fuch others, defcribed by Emiaptu*) 
&C, fo that except Rome and Alexandria for 100 years/an j fbme 
few of the very great Churches for 400, the Churches were no 
greater than one Bifhop and his ConfefTus, might tolerably go- 
vern by the Keys. 2. And all this while all the Presbyters were 
Church-Governours as well as the Bifhop, though he was their 
Chief, and all Excommunications were to be done by joint con- 
fent; And fo many Church-Governours may do more than one. 

16. Tben Councils called General, having bytbe Emperours 
Grant, and the Clergies Defire and Confent,the Supreme Church- 
Power, it was in thefe Councils that the Pride, Ambition and 
Domination of all the worldly Prelates that were too foon got 
in, didexercife itfelfas the valour and wit of Souldiers in a field 
of War: And as 1. The good men yet among them ; 2. And 
the Articles of Faith yet retained by them, did caufe them to do 
much good againft fome Herefies and £>iforders,fo the Pride afid 
Turbulency, yea ignorance of the reft, caufed them to become 
theoccafions of the doleful Schifms, and Herefies^ and Enmity 
of Chriftians againft each other, which continue to this day un- 

17. Thefe hurtfal Contentions in Councils at flrft prevailed 
but little, and that at Nice did much more good (I think) than 
harm : And after at Qwjrant : a little more hurt was done, and 
lunch good: And thofe that followed did worfe and worfe, 
till the proud worldly Spirit contracted Malignity, and fo much 



^prevailed, that for a thoufard years at leaft the Bifhops with 
their Prelatical Clergy and their Councils have been the grand 
Corruption and Plague of the Church j which many of the moft 
Learned Expofitors of the Revelation^ take to be the Image of 
the Beajt 5 and Dr. H. Moore calls it a Heathemjb Chriftiamty 9 
which they have made their Religion. 1 ' ~*~ 

1 8. In their progreft to all this, as the Diocefles firft g*ew up 
from our Parochial Magnitude towards that of the prefer.c Dio* 
cefan, lb the very Paftoral Power of all the reft of the Presby- 
ters, was by degrees taken away, fo far as that they had no 
contenting power in Ordinations or Excommunications, unlefs 
the Bifhop would chufe a few for his Council : fo that the proper 
power of the King's was confined to one Bifhop over many 
hundred Parifhesj and fo Difcipline became an impoflible 
thing, fave as it ferved the Bifhops againft fome that theydif- 
liked : And fo the Church which was as the Garden of Chrifr, 
became like the Commons, and good and bad were little diffe- 
renced in Communion. 

19. Yet becaufe the Power muft ftill be ufeful to the Bifhops 
ends, as he fees caufe, fome fhadow of the old exercife muft be 
kept up : But the Bifhop having not leifure for the tenth part of 
the labour which this very fhauow required, Lay- men are made 
his Chancellours to decree Excommunications and Abfolutions, 
and to Govern by the Church Keys ; like a fecular Court : And 
CommiflaYies, Officials, Surrogates, and other hard names and 
things, are fet up inftead of the Presbyters and their Antient 

20. By this time the Antient Species of the Churches was a!- 
teredr and whereas it was long held, that a Church and Bifhop 
were Corre!ates,and there were no more Churches than Bifhops, 
cow many hundred or a thoufand Parifhes are become no 
Churches,but parts of one Diocefan Church,which is the lowefr, 
and manv fcore or hundred of the old fort of Bifhops, all caft 
out andfwallowed up by one. Juft as if a thoufand, or fome 
hundred Schools fhould have but one Governing Schoolmafter, 
and be but one School, but each part have an Ufher to read to 
the Boyes, and tell the one Schoolmafter as a Monitor what they 
did amifs $ but might correct none, nor put them out. 

21. 'By this time they began to live on blood $ and even as 
they fweiled in the beginning > cruelty grew up equally with 

D Pride ; 

Pride : For Reafon and Scripture were not on^their fide, nor 
would juftifie their Caufe and them, and therefore violence 
mult do it : They defired not the bare title of Power, but the 
exercife of it,to promote the Ifliies of their Wit and Will. They 
began with rafh filencing, ejecting anddepofing Difltnters, and 
thence to anathematizing them, and thence to banifhing, till at 
laft it grew up to tormenting in the Inquifuion, and burning 

2x. And whereas (rotwithftanding the petty Herefies among 
Chriftians too earlyj the glory of the Antient perfecuted Chri- 
stians was their entire Love and Concord, and the fhame of the 
Philofophers was their difcordjit came to that pafs,that where- 
as a Herefie of old did ftart up among a few for a fm all time, 
like our Ranters and Quakers, who fhame Religion no more than 
Bedlams fhame Reafon : Now the great Continents of theEartfc 
have been the Seats of the millions of thofe called Hereticks 
and Schifmaticks by each other, about 1400 or 13 00 years. Ea- 
fdius in Prapar. & Dcmonftr. copioufly fhevveth that the Philo- 
fophers were 'all confounded in diffention (and yet did not per- 
fecute each other) but that the Chriftians were all of One Reli- 
gion, cleaving to one Sacred Word ofGod : Of which alfo fee 
Rajm t Breganitim in Theol. Gent, de Cogn. Dei, Euar. $. cap. 8» 
To be Lovers of good men,was the character of the old Bifhops: 
To be dividers, and haters, and flanderers,and fi!encer*,and per- 
secutors, and murderers of them, grew up with corrupters 

23. And with thefe did gradually grow up corruptions of 
Doctrine, even while they pretended a burning Zeal sgainft He- 
refie j and corruption of God's publick Worfhip,. till it grew 
up to all the Mafs and Roman Impurities. 

24. And to fecure all this againft Reformation, ridiculous 
Legends, and falfification of Churcr>Hifrory, made it hard for 
posterity what to believe, or whom. 

§ 1 j. Being thus farfure of the matter of fad, by what de- 
grees Prelacy grew up to the height, that it hath now attained 
in the World abroad, I confidered what men thought of it now 
at home (I am fpeaking yet but of matter of faCty) and I found 
great diverfity in mens thoughts of it. 

1. As to the Reman heightj found that the Church of England 
ifmce the Reformation till A.BX^'s time took thePope to be the 



Antichrift; It was in thrir Church- books : Many other Bifhops, 
as well as Bifhop Downam, have written for it : W-hat Bifhop 
Morton. and Hall, and Abbot, and abundance fuch have written 
againft Popery I need not name. 

2. I found chat then the ftream began to turn/ and the name 
of Antichrift was -put out, and our Reconciliation with Rome 
wjs taken to be a hopeful work, and actually endeavoured 
(which by their converfion all good men defire.) 

3. I found thac many among us of greateft reverence and 
riamejiad laid down fuch tearms as thefe, Ct [That the Catho- 
" lick Church is one Vifible Society under one humane Govern- 
" ing Soveraignty : That this Univerfal Soveraign hath power of 
"Univerfal Legislation and Judgment: That the Colledge of 
" Bifhops through all the World, are this one Supreme Univer- 
" fal Soveraign : That they exercife it in GenerafcCouncils when 
c ' they (it: That every Bifhop is by Office the Reprefentative 
" of his Diocefan Church } and thefe Bifhops may, or muft have 
" Metropolitans and Patriarchs 5 and by thefe Patriarchs and 
u Metropolitans /w liter as format as, and their Nuntii theVm- 
c< verfal Supreme Colledge may exercife their Power over all the 
* c World : And what they do thus, the Church or Colledge doth, 
"in the intervals of General Councils: That the Pope of 
" Rome is to be acknowledged the Trincipium Vnitatis to this 
« f Univerfal Church and Colledge of Bifhops, and the Ordinary 
" Prefident of General Councils ex Officio. That Councils called 
*t without the Prefident who hath the fole power, are unlawful 
" AfTemblies, and punifhable Routs. That the approbation of 
" the Prefident, (if not of the moft of the Patriarchs; is the 
" note by which an authoriz'd obliging 'Council is to be known 
c from others. That the Pope "is to be obeyed accordingly as 
" Prime Patriarch, Vrincipium Vnitatis, Prefident of General 
"Councils, and Patriarch of the Weft. That all that will not 
Cf unite with the Church of Rome on thefe teafms, are Schifma* 
" ticks, and fo to be accounted and ufed. That thofe that thus 
" unite with the Church of Rome, are no Papifts : But a Papift 
" is only one that holdeth all to be ;uft and good thac is done 
^ by Popes, or at leaft one that is for the Pope's Abfolute 
f Power of Governing above Canon- Laws and Church-Parlia- 
t ments or Councils. And that if they will but abate their Jaft 
c< 4 00 years Inaavations, or at leaft not impofe them on others, 

D z "we 


•? we may unite with the Church of Rome, though they claim 
■f as Peter's SuccefTors, the Univerfal Supremacy at lea ft to be 
" exercifed according to the Canons of Councils. And that it 
ff is not the Chureh of Rome, but the Court of Rome, which at 
" prefent we may not unite with. That the Church of Rome is 
c< a true Church, and hath had an uninterrupted SucceiTion, and 
" its Sacraments true Sacraments :But none of thofe Proteftanc 
u Churches are true Churches, that have notDiocefan fiifhopsj 
" nor any of their Paftors true Minifters of Chrift, who have not 
n Diocefan Epifcopal Ordination ; nor any that have fuch,unfefs 
" it hath as fuch been conveyed down from the Apoftles by un- 
* c interrupted SucceiTion by fuch Diocefans. That fuch men have 
"no true Sacraments, God not owning what is done by any not 
Cc fo ordained : That therefore they have noCovenant-promife 
" of 3 or right to Pardon and Salvation, becaufe fuch right is 
cf given onJy by the Sacrament : That therefore all fuch Pre-- 
" teftants Sacraments are but nullities, and a prophanation of 
Cc holy things: And that the Holy Ghoft being the Inftituter of 
u thefe (acred things,it is the fin againft the Holy Ghoft to under- 
" take and exercife theMiniftry,&: celebrate Sacraments without 
c ' fuch uninterrupted fuccefllve Ordination. That an Ordained 
"Minifter, hath no more power than was intended him by his 
*' Ordainers : That in fuch Presbyterians, or Epifcopal Churches, 
iC which have their power from theOrdainers,and (o far for want 
" of Succeflion,are nullities 5 it is fafe for men (as e.g. in France) 
" to be rather of the Roman Church than theirs. 

§ 16. And as I found this Doctrine in the afcendent in Eng- 
land^ fo I met with fuch as were for ufing Proteftants according- 
ly, even for the filencing of them by thoufands, if they would 

not fwear^ profeft, promife, and do all that And for ufing the 

People accordingly. And abating neither big* nor little, an 
Oath or a Ceremony to unite or fave them. And I lived in an 
Age where thefe things were no idle fpeculations. 

§ 17. Being thus far fure of the Matter of FacT, I ftudied as 
tfeil as I was able to kuow which of theie waies was right : And 
I faw that either Popery that is, the Popes univerfal Headfhip 
or GoverjHnemr Is of Divine Inftirution, or elfs it is a heinous 11- 
furpation, and foimeth a fore of Church which is not on any pre- 
tence of Concord to be owned. And as to the flrft I hdve faid 
before and irj many Books what I have to fay againft it 3 which 



is all fummed up in Doftor Iz.. Barrow, and Doctor H. Moire , 
and largely told the world by Cb*mi$r s Stdscl, Wbitakjsf > J9Vfel i 
Vfber, Morton, Wh'ite % C'nlltngtyirt h^CrakenthoYne , and abundance 
more. And I thought it ftrange if either Papacy, or that Tym- 
panite of the Clergy which tended to it, were of God 3 that the 
Eerfons fhould be ordinarily fo bad,, and it fhould introduce fo 
great mifchief' in doctrine, worfhip and practice over the Chri- 
ftian world,and bring the Church into fucli a divided and pollut- 
ed (rate, and that as the Clergy f.velled the Body mould pine 
away, and the Spirit ofholinefs and Love be turned into the 
Skeliecon of Ceremony and Formality, and into hatred, cruelty, 
and tearing and tormenting pains. 

§ 1 8. Upon ail fuch thoughts I concluded in thefe refolurionsj 
i* That I muft not accufe any Office made by God, for mens 
abufe of it. 2. Nor mult I accufe the good for the faults of the 
bad. 3. Nor Confound the Office it felf, with its difeafe, and 
the accidental Tympanite. 4, Nor aggravate humane infirmities 
in good men, as if they were the crimes of malignant Enemies. 
5fc Much lefs lay any of the blame on Chriftianity cr Piety, when 
nothing in the world is fo much againft all thefe Evils, nor 
would they have been fo far limited, reftrained or refilled, had 
it not been for that Chriftianity arid Piety that was kept up a- 
gainft it $,nor is there any other cure of it. It is not by Religion* , 
bat for want of more true and ferious Religion, that all thefe mif- 
chiefs have fo lamentably prevailed. 

§ 19. 1 therefore refolving to avoid extreams, concluded thusj 
1. That it is moft certain that Chrift is the only Head of the 

2. And that as fuch he himfelf did make univerfal Laws, and 
will be the final univerfal Judge, and there is no other that bath 
univerfal Legiflative and Judicial Power but he. 

3. As fuch he inftituted necefTary Church-Officers ; firfr, ex- 
traordinary ones to be his Inftruments in Legitimation, as Mofes 
was to the Jews, giving them his Spirit extraordinarily for that 
ufe", to bring all that he taught them to their remembrance, and 
guide them to deliver and record all his Commands: And or- 
dinary Minifters fas the Priefts and Levites to the Jews) to 
teach and apply thefe Commands, or univerfal Laws, to the end 
of the World 3 but not to add, diminifh or alter them. 

4. That the formal Eflence of this continued Sacred Mlniftry 


ccnfiiteth in a derived Fewer and uj ligation lft iubofdination to 
Chrift as Prophet, Pried and King, to Teach, to Guide the 
Churches in holy Worfhip, and to Rule them by the Paftoral 
Power, which maketh them Ministerial Judges ofmens capacity 
for Church-Communion $ but they have as fuch no forcing 
power of the 5 word. 

f. That there are two forts of thefe Min'fters accidentally 
dUtinguifhed: i. Such as are only ordained to the Miniftry in 
"general, and not fpecially related to any one particular Church 
more than other • whofe work is to do their beft to Teach In- 
fidels, and baptize them, and gather Churches, and occafionally 
to Officiate orderly in fuch Churches where they come as need 
their help. 2. Thofe that have moreover an additional call to 
be the ftated Paftors,Overfeers. or Gu'des of particular Churches 
as fixed Officers ofChrift. All which have the three forefaid EC- 
fentials of the Office, to Teach, Worfhip and Rule. 

6. T*hat the Office of thefe men is to be performed by them- 
felves, and no Lay-man may do any Effential part of them by 
their deligation, and therefore ( as in Phyficians, Tutors, &C.) 
necefTary Perfonal abilities are as effential as the neceffary difpo* 
fit 10 materia is adreceptionem alicuj m ■forma. And ex qnovis ligno 
no n fit mercuriw. 

7. That it is very much,and great, and moft important work, 
which thefc Minifters have to do. To Preach God's Word un* 
xlerftandingly, faithfully, conftantly, fervently 5 torefolvethe 
doubtful, to reprove the fcandalous* to perfuade the obftinate, 
to confute gainfayers^ to comfort the fad, and ftrengthenthe 
weak, particularly as there is occafion. To vifit thefick, Cate- 
chize, Baptize, befides all ads of publick Government There- 
fore one man cannot poffibly do all this for too great a number 
of fouls, but great Congregations mud have many Minifters : A~d 
fb they had in the Primitive Church, where the moft able 
Speakers preacht ufually in publick, and the reft did more of 
the perfonal and more private work. 

8. And whereas it was very early that moft fingle Churches 
had one that had a preheminence amongft the reft (not as of 
another Office, but as a Prefident in a Colledge of Philofbphers, 
Phyficians or Divine Students, to be a Governour over thofe of 
his own profeftion, by moderate Guidance,) and it is not un- 
meet, that when one worthy Teacher hath guttered a Church, 


and brought up younger Chriftians to Minifterial abilities, that 
they when they are ordained fhould take him for their Father, I 
will never gainfay fuch an Epifcopacy in Tingle Churches ( that 
is, focieties of Chriftians combined for perfonal Communion in 
Doctrine^ Worfhip and Holy living under fuch Paitors as afore- 

9. And becaufe I find that the Apoftles and Evangelifts had a 
Minifterial care of many Churches to teach, reprove, exhort the 
Paftors and People; And though the Apoftles extraordinary 
power and work cea(ed,yet tyarch-Ovcrfight as well as Preach- 
ing being an ordinary continued work; and when I find Chrift 
Inch inftiruted fome Teachers over many Churches, I dare noc 
fdy that he hath repealed this till I can prove it. And the nature 
of the thing tells us, that if fome grave holy men have the care 
of coun felling and warning and reproving the Minifters of many 
Churches who are below them in parts and worth; It may d > 
much good and can do no harm . to the Churches, while they 
have no power of force or tyranny, Therefore I refolved never 
to fpeak or do any thing againft fuch Biftiops of Bimops, though 

§. 20. Thus far I have oft declared my felffor Epifcopacy: 
But finding in all the aforefaid Hiftory, how the Church came to 
fhe woful State that it hath been in thefe 1200 years, and what 
it furlereth by the Bimops and their Cergy in almoft all parts- 
of the Chriftian World j and that even the Englijh Diocefans 
can endure no more Parochial Paftoral Difcipline than they do* 
(I mean fuch as Bticer in Ssripr. Anglic, preft fo vehemently on 
King Edw. and the B;fhopsj and that they cannot contentedly 
hold their Lordfhips, Wealth and Honours, without filencing 
and ruining Twothoufand fuch, as I, or better ; and ufing many 
thoufands of godly Chriftians as they do 5 and finding that I and- 
(bch others are accufed as being difobedient to them — and 
for not fwearing,and covenanting*never to endeavour any alte- 
ration of their prefent Ciurch-Governmertr, and ail excommu- 
nicate by the Canon that fay there is any thing in it (even from 
the Archdeacon downward to [the refl in Office ] repugnant to 
tfo Word ofGody I took it at laft to be my duty to give the* 
Reafons of my diffent in a full Treatife of Epifcopacy. 

And becaufe I perceived young men and ftrangers to for- 
mer timeSj deceived by the general noife, How Anttint and 

"Vnivsrfitl Epifcopacy hath been-, as if all that is called Epifcopacy 
were but one and rhe fame thing; or as if .ve were againft the 
Primitive Epifcopacy j therefore I fuddenly (ard too b*?iti!y for 
want of time,) beftowed a few weeks in fumming up the Heads 
of the Hiftory of Bifhops ard Councils, out of a tew Hutorians 
which were moft common, nexr. at hand^ and of molt credit 
with thofe whole faults I opened :That it might be truly known 
Hurv much the tumifisd degenerate fort of Prelacy had canfed the 
Divifions and Calamities of the Church, 

§ 21. For this Mr. M^rrice fasia me faith) and many more 
are lb greatly offended with me, and fay of me herein what they 
do. And on pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church which 
untruly implyeth that I who vindicated it againft corrupters did 
oppofe it,! hedefendeth the corruptions and finful mifcarriages 
and difeafesof the Prelates : And this he doth, i. By ftriving to 
make me contemptible as unlearned^ as if that would excufe the 
fins which I rehearfe and lament:He findeth in one place through 
myihafte and heed Ie(hefs,a word ofTheodorer mifplaced, and the 
word [Calami"] tranflated JguMs, which he thinks (hould be 
Reeds $ and one or two more fachj as if he prevaricated, and 
had a defign to extol the Book,which he Mi ds no more and grea- 
ter fault in, than he really hath done. And he proveth it Iikelj 
that I never faw the Hiftories that ftood by me near twenty 
years, becaufe the Printer put a Comma between \Marquarduf] 
and [Freherw] (I think there are a dozen Comma's mifplaced in 
my whole Book ->) when he himfelf faith of his own Book {The 
faults that have efcaped are almofi infinite .] But of thefe things 
more anon* 

2. He loudly and frequently chatgeth me with malicious fal- 
fifying Hiftory 5 and when he comcth to the proof, I have 
{hewed you who the falfifier i?. 

3. The grrat thing I amaccufed of, is making the Bifhops 
more the c ufes of Herefie^Schlfm and Violence,than they were : 
And of th t 1 havefaid nothing, bur what 1 chi rrk I have fully 
proved. And let the Reauer ;u gebv this following Catalogue. 

Domineering Pride hath been <hc chief caufe of Herefies and 
Schilm?, dpecially working in theClergy to tumid Prelacy and 

I. I before noted how the Anoftles began roftrive who mould 
be greateft, till the effufion of the Spirit after Chrifts rebukes 



had cured them. And what tiranny Diotrephes ufed through love 
of Preheminence. 

U. If the doubtful ftories otSimon Magus be true., his tumor 
was more than Papal ; And Epiphanim makes Mcnander, Satur- 
mlw, Baftlides, to be but his Off-fpring. The Original of the 2Vt- 
colaitans and Gnoftickj (who Epiphamus faith, had enfnared him- 
felfonce ) is utterly uncertain; Carpocras, Cerinthus, Ebion^a- 
lenunusy Secundtts, Ptolomaus, were all but Birds of the fame 
Gnoftickj Neft, a crazed fort of men that mingled Chnftianity, 
Platonifm, and Magical Imaginations 5 and what they were 
themfelves, is not kno^vn : Such was Marcus, Colarbafus, He- 
racleo/ty the Oph:ta t the Cainites, the Sethians, Cerdo\ Martion 
was a Bifhop's Son caft out for vice 5 and Lucim> Apelles and 
Severn* his Off-fpring, the Heads of their little Sefts 9 whether 
Bifhops or not, is unknown. What kind of Hereticks Tertullian, 
Tatianus, and Origen were, and how many faults as foul Lallan- 
n'/^and many not numbered with Hereticks havens well known : 
And among all thefe in thofe early daies, till there were Popes 
and Diocefans (fuch as now) in the world, none fuch could be 

III. Many Councils contended about the time of Eafter, and 
ViEior with one part of Bifhops, excommunicated Polycrates 
and the Arian Bifhops 5 while, as Socrates and Socmen tell us, 
the Churches that left it indifferent had peace. 

IV. A Council of the belt Bifhops at Carthage decreed Re- 

V. A Council of the Bifhops of Cappadocia.Ciliciafialatia^c^ \ 
at Iconittm, for Rebaptizing thofe Baptized by Hereticks : And yf- 
Stephen Bifhop of Rome excommunicated them all. 

VI. A Council at Synadis, and divers others decreed the fame 

VII. Divers more African Councils of good Bifhops with 
Cyprian, decree the fame, whom Stephen Bifhop of Rome con- 

VIII. Divers Bifhops are faid to be Sabellian Hereticks. 

IX. Paulus Samofatenus Bifhop of Antioch was a Heretick.! 

X. The Council of Bifhops at Cirtain Numidia under Secun- 
dum Mr. M. calls worfe than I do. 

XI. A Carthage Council of 70 Bifhops An. 306. fet up the 
Donatifts Schism, ftriving for the preheminence. who fhould be 
Bifhop of Carthage, E XII. An. 


XII. An. 308. Another Donatifts Council had 270 Bifhops. 
Many more Councils they had. 

XIII. The firft General Council at Nice wehonour,and affent 
to its Creed: But thank Confiantine for burning all their Lrbels, 
and keeping peace by his p-refence and fpeech. 

XIV. The Schii'm made by MeUtin* and Peter, Bithops,is well 

XV. The Here(ieofv4n'//.f (a Presbyter that would have been 
a Prelate ) quickly infefted Eafebms Nicomed. if not Efffebim 
Cafarvnjis, and divers other Bifhops. 

XVI. Epiphanies faitb 3 that Audius was driven to his Herefie 
by being Jong abufed, beaten, and at laft excommunicated for 
reproving the Bifhops and Pfiefts for their Covetoufhefs^ Luxu- 
ry, and other fins: And fo he became a Bifhop himfelf. 

XVII. EvJebiHs Nicom. made Bifhop ofConftantinople fwhom 
you tell us VaUfins thinks was no Heretick) hired a Whore at 
^intiocb, to father her Child on Eufiarhius the Bifhop there, and 
got more Bifhops to depofe him, and the Emperour to banifh 

XVIII. A Council of Bifhops at 7y;'eun;uflly condemn and per- 
fecute Athanapus. 

XIX. Three Bifhops (faith Mr. M. overcome with too much 
Wine and perfuafion) ordained Novatian falfly Bifhop of Rome 
(before this aforementioned.) 

XX. A Council at ^emjakm An. 335. tryed and approved 
Arim Faith, and reftored him. 

XXL A Council at Constantinople condemned Marcellus Ancj- 
ranus, and Athanafins, and juftified Arius. 

XXII. A Council of near 100 Bifhops at Antiocb, 36 being 
Arians 9 depofed At b ana fins. 

XXIII. Another Council ixAntioch make a new Creed with. 

OUt [ouaxnQ- ,1 

XXIV. A Council of 576 Bifhops at Sard.ca^ decree Appeals 
to Rome, which Anguftin and the African Bifhops were againfr. 

XXV. The Semi-Arian Bifhops went to Pbilippopolis^nd con- 
demned fuch as the other at Sardica had abfolved, but call out 
[ooca^©-] as not fcriptural, and caft dreadful accufationson Atba- 
nafiw, Paulas C. P. and Marc e Has. 

XXVI. An, 3 yo. A Council at Milan received Vrfacius and 
Valens^ Arians. 

XXVII. Stephen 


XXVII. Stephen an Arian Bifhop hired a Whore to go in to 
Bifhop Euphrates-, and this Enphratas after turned Photinian. 

XXVIII. An. 3 5* 3. A Council at -^r/n condemn Athanafius. 

XXIX. ^w. 35?. A General Council at Mihn of above 3 as 
Wcftern Bifhops (though the Eaftern that were moft Arian could 
not come,) where Athanafixs was condemned, and communion 
with the Arums fublcribed. 

XXX. An, 356. A Council at Byterris condemned and ba- 
mmed HUarv, and condemned them as Separatifts or Schifma- 
ticks that renounced the Arian Communion. 

XXXI. A General Council at Sirmium of 300 Weftern Bifhops 
befides the Eaftern, made three different Creeds, condemned 
Athanafws, left out the word [Subftance] made P. Liber itts^nd 
old Ofius fubfcribe againft Athanajms. 

XXXII. The Oriental Bifhops at Aneyra were only for 
£ opufafftt ] and not [ ofioiaiQ- ] and wilh Macedonia againft the 
Godhead of the Holy Ghoft. 

XXXIII. A General Council 400 Bifhops met at Ariminum } 
of whom moft at firft were Orthodox; but after when the Em- 
perour interpofed,fubfcribed to the Arian Party. 

XXXIV.The reft fate at Selettcia^nd were moreOrthodox,but 
divided into Acacians, who were for leaving out [Subftancc] and 
Semi- Arians, who were for [LikeSubftancei] Sulp, Severus tells 
ui 3 that many Bifhops quieted their Confidences by [[ubjcribing 
in their own fenfe'} and fo deceived the Avians that thought 
they had won them. 

XXXV. A Council at C> P. made a Ninth Creed, leaving out 
ISubftance and Hypoftafis, The Semi-Arians for this banifhed the 

XXXVI. A Council at Antioch caft out Mdetitts, and made a 
Tenth Creed, worfe than the reft. 

XXXVII. fulian Re igning, A 'thanafius calls a Council ztAlex* 
tndria, which had almoft divided Eaft and Weft about the 
names \_Hypoftafis and Perfona {] but that fbme wife men per- 
fuaded them that the words were both of the fame fignificationj 
which yet was hardly entertained afterward. 

XXXVIII. A Council at Antioch of Semi-Arians Petitioned ?o- 
vianus to caft out the Acacians 5 till they knew his mind,and then 
the Arian Bifhops turned Orthodox. 

XXXIX. At a Synod mTyana Euftath.Sebafl. denied [^i«©-] 
and the Godhead of the Holy Ghoft* E a XL, An 

XL. An Arian Council of Bifhops in Carta under Valens : And 
another at Singeduni in Mifia % 

XLI. Damafus in a Roman Council condemneth Sifinnius for 
Conventicles : For at the Election in the Church they fought 
for thefe two: And Damafus his Party one day left 137 dead 
bodies behind them, and got the better. 

XLII. Falensby cruelty fet up Arian Bifhops in a great part 
* oftheEafr. 

XLIII. The firft General Council at C. P. is commonly called 
the Second General, when yet that at SardUa , Ar'tminum , 
Sirmium , Milan, were General alfo.: They were many 
good men, and did good : But how they ufed Nauan^en to the 
great grief of the Church of C. P. and how Naz.ianz.en defcrib- 
eth them, I defire the Reader to take from his own words., 
and not from mine, or Mr. M. 

XLIV. The Council at Cafar jiugufla did that which made 
Martin feparate from them and all their Councils after to M\% 

XLV. A Council at C. P. fet up Flavian at Antioch y and a 
Council at Rome were for Paulinas : The former advance C. P. 
and ferufalem. 

XLVI. Many Schifmatical Councils of Donatifl Bifhops fol- 

XLVII. For Theophslus cafe I refer you to Socrates and Svxjir 

XLVIII. Epiphanim his Schifmatical ufage ofChryfoftomis un- 

XLIX. Andfo xsTheophilus profecution of him, and a Synod 
of Bifhops caftinghim our, and Cyril* s refitting the reftoring of 
his name when dead, and reviling the foannites that kept fepa- 
rated Meetings for his fake. 

L. The Diofpolitan Council abfolved Pelagius. Divers Car- 
thage Councils condemned him. P. Innocent condemned him* 
Zofimus once abfolved him,, and condemned his accufers. 

The Bifhops caft out for Simony, I will not number here. 

LI. The Contentions between Boniface jand Eulalius, and o« 

thers after them to get the Bifhoprick of Rome, are fo many as 

I will not number them. And the ftriving of three Bifhops fuc- 

ceffively againft the African Fathers for the Roman fuper-emi- 

v nence and Appeals to Rome, are commonly known, 

LII. One 


LIL (Jnc of Bifhop Boniface's Decrees is, That £A r a Btjfbop 
/ball be brought before any fudge, Civil or Military either for anj 
Civil or Criminal Cauje.~\ 

Llir.Whac the firft General Council at Ephefw did intheOufe 
ofNefiorias I have fully opened: Derodons Evidence is undeniable, 
that Neftorius was Orthodox as to the Matter, though he mif- 
took as to words, in thinking that Mary fhould no't be called 
Tb: Mother of God, but ofChrift who is God, ( which Luther alfo 
fhews.) Yet fince that Councils anathematizing him, a great body 
of Chnftians in many Eaftern Kingdoms, to this day are a party 
hereticated by the reft. Is not fuch an effect of 1200 years con-r 
tinuance, a witnefs of the failing of that Council? 

LIV. TheBiftiops of C. P. and Alexandria ft riving which 
fhould be greateft, a Council at C P. decided it forC. P. where 
Thsodoret was for Alexandria, and fell under difpleafare. 

LV, Leo M. Bifnop of Rome, claims the title of Head of the 
Catholick^C hutch. 

LVI. Two Councils at C. P. one againft Emyches and the other 
for him. 

LVII. The fecond Gouncil at Ephefm is fo heavily accufed by 
Mr. M. and fuch others, that I need not accufe it more. FU- 
iiianus of C. P.. was there hurt to death. Yet Bellarmin confef- 
feth it wanted nothing of a true General Council but the Popes 

LVIII. A Council at Alexandria under Diofcorns excommn- 
cateth Leo. 

LIX. What the Council of Calcedon hath done I have ihewed: 
Inftead of reconciling the > Neftorian and £/#/^V2« Controverfics / 
by a skillful explication of their ambiguous unfit words, they^yL 
Anathematized both and banimedDi^TV^.And ever fince to this 
day, the Eutjcbians and Neftorians are feparated DhTenters. 

LX. Ac Alex and. the Bifaops party that the Council was for 
(ProteriM6)ax\& Timothy whom Diofcorm party werefor,fb raged, 
that they murdered Proteriw, and.dragg'd his carkafs'in the 
ftreets,and bit his ftefh : Avd each party ftill accufed the other. . 

LXf. Pulcheria (Theodojiw's Sifter and Martian's Wife ) be- 
ing for the Council, and Eudocia Theodofuii's Widdow for Diofcc- 
r/^, they animated the feveral Parties of Bifhops and Monks : Ani 
in Palefiine fuvenalB'iihop of ferufalem was expelled, Severianu* 
Bifhop of Schnhopolis killed, &c. 



LXII. Leo the Emperour commanding obedience tp the Cat- 
cedm Council, at Alexandr ;<*and Am loch the Armies of contend- 
ing Bifhops were in continual war, calling each other Neftorians 
and Eutjcmnns 5 one Bifhop banifhed by the Emperour, the con- 
trary Bifhop murdered by the people, and cart into the River % 
the next getting the better again, ehr. 

LXIIF. In Martiarh and Leo's daies mcft Bifhops fubfcribed 
to the Council. When Bafilifcm ufurped, and was againft the 
Council, faith Nicepb. three Patriarchs, and Hvc hundred Bifhops 
renounced it, molt before having damned its adverfaries. Btfi- 
lifius recanteth his Commands, and commandeth all to be for 
the Council, and the Bifhops obey him, fave thofe of A fa, Zcno 
recovereth the Empire, and is for the Council, and the Afian 
Bifhops turn for it , and fay they fubfcribed to 5^///r«/atfirft 
for fear. Zeno feeing it impoflible otherwife to make Peace, 
leaveth all indifferent whether they will fubferibe the Council 
or nor. Then the War grew hotter between the Bifhops and 
their Armies againft each other, fpecially the Patriarchs 5 all be- 
ing in Confufion , at Alexand. Antioch and C. P. and no Em- 
perour wife enough to quiet them. 

LXlV. Anaftafipts a peaceable man, made Emperour, leaveth 
all te th'nk of the Council as they will : Then the B (hops fall 
into three Parties 5 fome for every word in the Council 5 fome 
anathematizing it, and fome for the indifferency : The Eaft one 
way, the Weft another, and LybU another; yea each Country 
divided among themfelves : Saith Niccph. So great confufion 
And blindnefs of mind befell the whole World. The Emperour falls 
upon the impeaceable of both fides : At his own place C. P. the 
Sedition of the People overcame him, for their Council Bifhop, 
which tarred the Emperour more againft the Council, and that 
Bifhop and the reft. 

LXV. At Amioch the Armies of two Bifhops fought it out, 
and theCouncil Party getting the better, killed fo many Monks, 
as to fave the labour of burying thtm, they caft their bodies in- 
to the River: And after another Party of them made as great 
a (laughter. For this blood the Emperour banifh'd FUvianus the 
CouncilBifhop:This was called Perfecution./Vf.^tf.beingdead, 
tie Bifhops of Alex, Egypt and Lybia, fell all into pieces among 
themfelves,and had feparate Meetings : The reft of theEaftfepa- 
rated from the Weft, becaufe the Weft refufed Communion with 



them unJefs they would anathematize Neftcrius, Eutjch-s, Di- 
cfcorus, Moggus, and Acacius : And yec faith NUeph. J$*iger- 
mani Diofcori & Ew y >cbst it feB at ores jnere, ad max imam pauat li- 
tem redattifstnt .Note ihziFlavian theCouncilBifhop for fear with 
his Fello v Bifhops frhreatned by Bifhop Xenaits) fubferibed an 
Anathema againft Theodore^ Theodorite, Ibas, as Neftorians: The 
IfdHrian Bifhops yield to anathematize the Council. Sevsrm a 
fierce Enemy of the Neftorians made Patriirch at Antioch, for- 
ced many Bifhops to renounce the Council 5 and many ro fly. 
The Ifamriz* Biih)ps repent and condemn Severm : Tne Empe- 
rour commanded out two Bifhops for condemning their Pa- 
triarch : The People defend them, and force the Emperour to 
defift, becaufe he would fhed no blood for Bifhops. HeLas 
Bifhop of Jerufalcm 9 Qvi all the Bifhops in f'uch confufion, that he 
would communicate with none of them, but the Bifhop of C. P. 
The Monks at Jerttfalem proclaim Anathema to all that equal not 
the jour Councils to the four Evavgelifts, and write to the Emperour 
that they vconld make good the conflicl to blood, and went about to 
engage men to the Council : The Emperour commanded the 
Bifhop to reform this: He refufeth. The Emperour fendeth 
Souldiers to compel them, and the Bifhops and Monks forcibly 
caft theTn out of the Church. He fent Olympic with a ftronger 
band, who cifl out the Bifhop: The next Bifhops and more 
Souldiers had yet more conflicts after this, and the SouIJiers 
driven away by force. 

LXVI. Fdix of Rome, with 77 Bifhops, excommunicate Aca* 
ciftsof C. P. f with a \^Nanquam Anaihematis vincutis exnendui) 
and their own two Bilhops that obeyed the Emperour in com- 
municating. The Schifm between Laurent ins and Symmachvs, 
came to blood-fhed, when five or fix Councils laboured to heal 
it. Symmachns excemmunicatetb the Emperour and Bifhop of 
C. P. as communicating with Heretick* 5 but not an Arian 
King then at Rome. 

LXVII. A Council of 80 Bifhops at Sidon anathematize the 
Council of CtlcedoHj. 

The ft riving Parties keep upftill in great Bodies, and the Met- 
rites (as they call thofe that obeyed Kings and the Council) 
have one Patriarch at Damafius, the Emychian Jacobites one at 
Mefopotamia, the Maronites one at M. Libanus, all called Pa- 
triarchs ofAntioch) (and the Remans make a fourth of the fame 



title) and the NeftoYians have their Patriarch at Muz.nl. 

Of the many Herefies or Seels that rofe up from the intem- 
perate opposition to Nefforias, and the woful ruines they made 
in the Eaft after the Calcedon Councils, and all caufed by Pride 
and Profperity, and wantonnefs of Wit, and ftopt only by the 
Conqueft of the Saracens and Arabians, and how orthodox now 
in their Captivity and Poverty they all are, even the Jacobites, 
the Neftorians, the Armenians, the Cophti, the Abeffmes^ the 
Indians, and the Maronites, fee the notable words of Brurwrod 
Enquir.p. i8o, i8i 3 182, 183. As alfo how the Verfim King 
was a great caufe of the fpreading of the Nefiorians through 
his Dominions, 

LXVIIL The Eaft and Weft were divided in fufi'irh Reign 5 on 
the Qjeftion, whether the names of two Orthodox dead Bifhops 
fhould be reftored into the Dypticks, even Euphemius and Ma- 
cedonius, whom the Pope had damned as communicating with 
Hereticks 5 the Bifhops of the Eaft being for k 9 and the Weft a- 

LXIX. fuftin turning theftreamfor the Calced. Council, the 
Bifhops in a Council at ferufalem, and another at Tyre are for it, 
and condemn Sevems. And a Roman Council condemneth the 
three dead Bifhops of C. P. Acacius, Euphemius and Macedo* 


LXX. So far were the Bifhops yet from Peace, that Jufliniatt 
being Emperour, headed the Council Party, and his Wife the ad- 
verfe Party. 

About 30000 they fay were then killed inCsP; at an Infur- 

LXXI. A mifchievous Schifm for the Bifhoprick at Rome, be- 
tween Boniface 2. and Diofcorus and Agapetus after Boniface* 

LXXII. In fuftinians time a Controverfie arofe, whether we 
may fay [One of the Trinity was crucified? ] Hormifda Bifhop of 
Rome CM No. The Nefiorians took hold of this and faid, \Jhsn 
we may not fay Mary was Mother to one of the Trinity."] Jujtinian 
fent for a Council about it to Pope fobm He and his Bifhops 
concluded contrary to Hormifda, that we may fay [One of the 
Trinity was crucified."] And fay Baronius and Binius [_Ita mutatis 
hoftibus arma mutari neceffe fuitT] Faith changeth as occafions 
change. Reader, if chou feeft not here how Bifhops have bro- 
ken the Church in pieces , Irauftnottell thee, left Mr. M. be 
angry. I in. 


I Intreat the Reader to fee what I faid, Hift. p. i J 2. of the 
Conference of Hypatius and. the Eutychians. 

LXXIII. A Council at C. P. calls their Bifhop Patriarch* 
Oecumenicus, and condemn divers Bifhops, as doth a Council ac 

LXXIV. At Rojne the Arian King made Silverius Bifhop,' 
and others chofe VigUius that murdered him. VigUius excom- 
municated Mcnna or C. P. which fuflim'an revenged. 

LXXV. A new Controverfie is ltaced whether thrifts body 
was corruptible: The denyers had Gainas A. Bifhop 5 The affir- 
mers had Thecdofius ; The firft were called Phantafiafta, the o- 
ther Corrupt icol#. Moft were for Gainas, but the Soldiers for 
Theodofmr. They fought many daies, and the Soldiers killed ma- 
ny, and many of them were kiHed, and the Women withftones 
from the top of the houfes, and the Soldiers with fire, continued 
the war: And thedivifion continued in Liberatus's daies: fufti- 
nian was fo zealous for the Council ofCalcedon, that he murder- 
ed thoufands (as they fay ) in Egypt, and yet dyed a reputed 
Heretick himfeif, being for the Corrupt UoU, and Evagrius faith, 
when he had fet the whole world in tumult, he was damned him- 
feif. But God beft knoweth that. 

LXXVf . A Council at Barcelona Decree that Priefts muft cut 
their beards, but not fhave them. 

LXXVII. By the Cheat of an Eatycbian Bifhop fuftinian was 
perfuaded that the condemning of fome Writings of Theodora 
Afopfueft, Theodorite and Ikas 9 would reconcile the Bifhops: He 
calls a General Council at C. P. to that end (ufually called the 
jth)His Letters are read opening the doleful divifions, that 
the Churches had no Communion with one another, &c. The 
three Bifhops writings are read : Theodorite charged by this Ge- 
neral Council with that fait Epiftle againftdead Cyril, and a like 
Speech at Antioch, and none vindicated him : Binitts and Mr. 
Morice and others fay the Letter is forged : I know not 5 But 
the Tria Capitula are condemned. And now this General Council 
hath made a new dividing fnare. Many that were for the Calce- 
don Council feared this was a condemning of what they did in 
receiving Theodorite^ &c. The Adverfaries were never the more 
fatisfyed j but faith B mitts himfeif [ The end-was not obtained, but 
a moft grievous mifchief added to the Church— The whole Catholic^ 
Church was torn by Schifm, and worJe,the Emperourftir^dup Per- 

F jecution, 

'[edition, depofed or banijhed P,V\g\\\US: But left the Eaft Jhould 
allforfakethe Weft, he recanted and conferred to the Council. Doth 
cither the work, or the effect commend this General Council? 

LXXVIII. A Council of ferujalem fave one Bifhop, prefently 
received this Decree. 

LXXIX. A Weftern Council at AquiUia condemn this fth 
General Council atC. P.and (faith Binim)feparatedfrom the whole 
CatholickChurch(even from Rome) for an hundred years tz'l Sergius 
reconciled them. J^Were the Weitern Bifhops or the Pope then 
the Weftern Church ? -So many feparated, that Vigiiins being 
dead, there could but two Bifhops (and a Presbyter ) be got to 
or Jain Pelagius his SuccefTor. But the Emperour and his Pope 
perfecute the Bifhops, and the Schifm feemed defperate. 

LXXX. Another Council at C. P. An. 5:87. decree that John 
Bifhop of C. P. be called The Vniverfal Bi/Jjop 5 which greatly in- 
creafed the Churches divifions. 

LXXXI. King Gumhram called a Council at Mafcon An. 589. 
finding all things grow worfe and worfe, & all long of the Bifhops 
©nly, faith Binivu, 

LXXXII. Even Great Gregory called a Synod againft the dif. 
fenting Bifhops, and they not obeying hisfummons,the Bifhop 
ofAquileia was ruined ( the Weftern Head) Sabinian that fuc- 
ceeded Gregory would have had his Books burnt. Boniface the 
third got Phocas the Murderer to declare Rome the Chief 
Bifhops Seat (He to whom Greg, had fung L&tentur coe'i, & ex- 
tiket terra^Scc.) 

LXXXIII. Next rofe up the Monothelite Controverfie. Cyrus. 
Bifhop of Alexand. to end the Controverfies aforementioned., 
was told that to ufe the word [Dei virilis operatio & voluntas} 
would unite them alJ,which paft as fattsfatlion in a Council at A- 
lexand. 1\ Honorius perfuaded them to filence [One~\ and [Tir*?.] 

But this Counfel was rejected., and now whether Chrift had 
[One or Two Wills and Operations^ became as defide^ the new- 
War of the Bifhops through the world. Some were for [One] 
and fome for [Twoj as if [Will and Operation, and One or Tw~]- 
were words that had but one fignification; When every Novice 
in Philofophy muft grant that Chrift's Will and Operation in fome 
/enfe, was bur One, and in other fenfes Tiv<? 5 as I have proved. 
But Sergius Bifhop of Conh 1 . fet it on foot, TIeraclius being'for 
ir 3 and Pjrrhus his SuccefTor followed it oa. And Sergius by a 



Council of Biftiops at C. P. decreed for [One Will-] 

The Opinion and the Emperour Conjtans his fifencing both, 
are condemned at Rome, The Pope, Emperours and Bifhops, 
are all condemned, and perfecting each other about ir. 

LXXXIV. Cottft. Pogonat. called a General Council at C* P. 
called the 6tb, which condemned Macarius Bifhop of Ant % and 
the pacificatory Epiftles of P. Honorius and Sergius as Heretical, 
and all that were for One Will^ and Que Operation of Chrift $ 
I. As denominated anaturis & earum principiis feu facpiltatibus^ 
the Divine and Humane Will and Operations were and are Two : 
i. As denominated ab unit ate perfona j they are the Will avid Ope- 
rations of Oneperfon, and (b far may be called One. 3. As deno- 
minated ab unit ate okjetliva they are One : The Divine and Hu- 
mane Nature will the fame thing, fo far as the Humane willeth s 
and do fo far the fame work : But if any will make a new He- 
refieby difputing whether the Divine Nature alone do not 
will and acl fomewhat without the volition and aUion of the Hu- 
mane (fince the Incarnation^ they (hall have no company of 
mine in it. 4. In the fenfe as the Operation of the principal 
and inftrumentalCaufeare One^ producing One Efetl- y foChrift's 
Divine and Humane Operations are One. $\ As Confent deno-* 
minateth Vnity^nd the Old Chriftians are faid to be of One heart 
and foul, One mmd and mouth $ and Chrift prayeth that we may 
be One in him,fo his Will and Operation are One % 6. Yea if there 
be a fort oiVnion between Chrift & his Members, and between 
the Bleffed in Heaven, which is quite beyond ourprefent com- 
prebenfion, it is much much more fo between drift's Divinz 
and Humane Will and Operations. 

And now Reader, whether it was well done topafs over thefe 
and many other needful diftin&ions^ and to put men barely to 
fay that Chrift's Will and Operations were not One^but Two^vhttl 
really they were both One and Two 5 :nd to make the Pope him- 
feif a Heretick, for one of the wifeft Epiftles that ever Pope 
wrote (lam no fuch enemy to a Pope as to be partial -J and to 
divide t&e very Weftera Church from Rome, and make AquileU 
its Head for an hundred years, and to. fet all the Roman Empire 
in a fl3me, anuthemariz-ngand fcparating from one another, tie- 
ask each 'other , 
ste wifely and 
to blame for 
F z blaming 

blaming it, then good and evil is but what every difeafed foul 
will make it. Mr. Mortice and his Matters, that honour their 
Leviathan for fuch works asthefe, do tell us/bat they would da 
it themfelves were it to be done again. And let it be their work, 
and the reward be theirs: For my part I abhor and renounce ir. 

LXXXV. Faith and Salvationnow depended fo much on Arith- 
metick, that % the Bifhops of Spain raifed another Arithmetical 
ControverUe , afTerting Three Subftances in Chrifi, bis Divinity^ 
his Soul^ and his Body y and fay 5 [ A Will begat a Will, that L% 
the Divine, the Humanc.~\ Thefe things are true. But the wife 
Pope was fo affrighted with Arithmetical Cuntr over fits by expe- 
rience of the mifchievous Effects, that Ifc cautioned them much 
about ir, and for that fome judged him errone 

LXXXVI. The Council at Trull was one of the heft that ever 
they had, yet (hewed the Core of the Churches Plague,, by de- 
creeingj That whatever alteration the Imperial Tower mtketh on 
any City^ the Ecclefiaftical Order Jhall follow it. This Clergy am- 
bition nurft up Anti-Chrift. 

LXXXVIL A Council at Aquileia condemned the 5th General 
Council for condemning the Tria capitula. 

JLXXXVIII. Pope Sergius condemning the Trullans Council, the 
Emperour commanded him to be a Prifoner, and the Soulditrs*. 
bribed refcued him. 

LXXXIX, Bardanes Thilippicus being made Emperor, he cal- 
ieth a General Council at C.P. where, faith Bwius, out of the 
£aft there were. innumerable Bifhops, (which is notfaidof any o- 
ther Council) who all condemned the 6th General Council, and 
their Decrees of Two Wills and Operations. 

Here (not I, but) Bar oni us and Bmius fay [Thus at the Beck of 
An Emperour, andthe Will of a Monothelite Patriarchy the holy 6th > 
Synod is condemned \and what they f aid of Two Wills with Chrifi y and 
two Operations, and all retraced by the Decree and Subfcription 
efvery many Oriental Bifhops, that were in one moment turned from 
being Catholick to be Monothehtes\ But do they forget the 100 
Year, that even the Weft made a head againft-the ? th Council 
and the Pope. 

XC. Next all the World is fet together by the Ears about 
Images, for which the Pope rebelled againft and rejected the 
Emperour for Charles Maxteloi France. 

Ajid FopeZachary bid Boniface call a Council to eject the Af- 
(kllQizti Antipodes* XCI. It 


CXI. Ffl a General Council at C.T. 338 Bifhops condemn- 
ed the worfhipping of Images^ and fwear men not to adore 
therm, and derrroyed reliques, &c. and decreed, that Chrift's 
Body is not flefh in Heaven: Bat the Pope and Weftern B (hops 
of his Party, condemn this Council. 
XCll. The C7r^Bifhops condemn the RomanB\(hov$ for add- 
U wg [F///^] to the Creed, and fo another occafion ofSchifmis 
1 raifed> 

XCIII. The Schifms in Italy zvARcme itfeif now grew fo great 
and the Effect's in Blood and Confufions fo difmal , that I mult 
not number them one by one. 

XCIV. Conji amine and Let Ijkkri Emperours, being dead, a 

(Woman Irene, and her Infant Son are for Images, and call a ue- 
ncral Council for them at Nice, where Tharafws Bifhop of C 
P. got the B.fhopsto carry it for Images and Reliques, and the 
Chief Bifhops that had condemned them before, nowcryed/w- 
cavimus, and condemned thefe that were againft adoration of 
Images, &c. If Mr. Morrice call me an Enemy to Repentance 
for reciting this, I cannot help ir. 

XCV. Yet more Schifm : Two Bifhops, F'celix and EV.pandus, 
fay, Tluti Chrift as the eternal Word was Gods natural Son l but as 
Man he was but his adopted Son : (thinking that duo fundaments. y 
viz. Generati* tterna, & temporalis, duas faciunt Relations, fili- 
ationis in uia perfona. ] But Councils condemned them as mak- v 
ing two Sons. And the great Council at Franhjord condemning 
the fecond Council of Nice, and Image-worfhip, condemn alio 
thefe two Bifhops, 1, For faying Chrifi was God's AdcptedSon j 
2. And that bj Grace j 3 . And that he was a Servant. Is any of. 
this falfe 5 not excluding a higher title ? 

The Council concludeth that Cbrifl was not a Servant fubjetl-- 
ed to God bj penal fervitude: Sure it was part of his fuffering for 
our fins, to be in the form of a Servant, Phil. 2.7. 

XCVI. Binius faith the FUioqt was added to the Creed by 
the Spanijh and French Bifhops without the Pope. 

XCVII. One Council at C. P. reftored him that married the 
Emperour adulteroufly to another wife: And another condemn- 
ed Theod. Studita and Plato, for being againft it. 

XCVIIL The moft excellent Emperour Ludov. Piuswu fo> 
zealous to reform the Bifhops, that they hated him, and in a 
Council at Compendium (Compeigne) moft perfidioufly depofed 


Dim, ana aicer oaieiy aouieci mm, even witnout me rope. 

XCIX. As to pleafe his Son Lothariw, they depofed the Fa- 
ther 5 fo when he was beaten by his Brethren, they after in a 
Council at Aquifgrane {Aken) depofed Lotharias t accufing him 
as they did his Father* 

C. At c. P. a Council was called by the power of another 
Woman Theodora and the Bifhops that had under divers Empe- 
rours condemned Image- worfhip, now turn to it again, and ana- 
thematize on a fudden the oppofers. 

CI. The Bifhops own Lotharios Adulterous marriage with 

CII. The Councils that fet up and pull'd down Ignatius and 
Tintim at C. P. and the woful ftir that they made as Emperours 
changed, were lamentable. 

GUI. Many contrary Councils were between the French 
Bifhops that were for Lotharius divorce and the Pope. 

CIV. Bafd the Emperour writes to the Pope to pardon all his 
Bifhops, or e!fe they fhould be without, becaufe all had mifcar- 
ried, and turned with the times. 

CV. A General Council at Conft. called by the Paplfts, Ujs 
Eighth General Come //, condemned Photitts again, and-fetup /g- . 
natiuS) and the Changers crytd, peccavimus^ and make extreme 
Decrees for Images (But they well condemn Subscribing to be 
true to their Patriarchs and Bifhops-,) but decree that all Princes 
and Subjects worfhip the Bifhops, who mult not fall down to 
them. Other horrid Elevations of Prelates above Princes they 
decreed — faying, A Bifhop, though it be mamfefi that he is defti-, 
tute of all Firtue of Religion, jet ts aPafior $ and the Sheep muft 
not refift the Shepherd. 

CVI. A dangerous Rent between Rome andC. P. what Bifhop 
fhould have the Bulgarians. 

CVIL A Council at JVLtz. called Prtdatorium, gave the King-. 
dom : to Car. Calv. unjuftly. 

CVIIL A Council at Pavia falfly make Charles Emperour. 

CIX. Another (Pontigonsnfe) confirmed it 5 (the Pope: chim- 
ing the Power.) 

CX. A Roman Council unjnftly made Lndov. 3. Emperour. 

CXI. A General Council at C. P. again fet Mp-Pbotius, and call 
out IFUiofa] 

CXII. The*Roman adlions for and againft P. Formofus, are 
odious to allfober Chriftians Ears, CXIII. A 



CXIII. A Council at Sojfons confirm the A. Bifhoprick of" 
Rhemss to a Child of five years old, Son to the E. of Aqmtane, 
Divers other Councils do and undo about the fame Caufe. 

CXIV. TheHiilory of the Bifhops of Rome and their Councils 
from hence forward is fo lamentable that even the mofl: flattering 
Papift Hiftorians mention them with deteftation. So that I limit 
not fray to name many particulars. 

CXV. An. 1049. A Roman Council wis fain topardoo Simo- 
niacal Bifhops and Pried?, became the Cy was, that elfe none 
would be left to officiate. 

CXVI. Beirg come into rhe Rowan fmfe, I will pafs above an 
hundred more of the Councils of this woful fort of B mops, left 
Mr. Mrrrice think that I fuppofe him to vindicate them, or not 
to abhor them. Only remembering my Reader ofafew General 
or notable things : vfc. 

I. The multitude of Schifm% and long vacancies at Rone $ 
and the horrid incapacity of very many Popes, which prove an in- 
terrupted fucce.Tion. 

II.The horrid wars that long infefted Italy by the Popes means.. 

III. The difmal wars with many Emperours, and the Bifhops 
and Councils half on one fide and half on the other. 

IV. TheC^uncil that called the Emperours and others Prin- 
ces power of inverting Bifhops, the Henri ci a nHercfie,. and ; 
judg'd the Bifhops that had been for it to-be dig'd out of their 
graves and burnt. 

V. The Subjecting and debating of all Chriftian Princes, mak- 
ing them but as the Body, and the Moon, and the Bifhops, to be 
as the foul and the fun. Efpecially the General Lateran Council 
which decreed Tranfubftantiation, and all to be Hereticks that 
denied it ; And oblige all temporal Lords to exterminate all fucU 
Hereticks on pain of Excommunication, depofition & damnation. 

VI. The Councils ofConflance and Bafils that were for Refor- 
mation how falQyand cruelly they dealt with ///wand Jerome 
and rejected the four great requefts of the Bohemians, and fixed 
their pollutions. 

VII. The Councils of Florence, and that of "Trent, ,which had 
more Learned men, who yet more obftinately managed the En- 
mity to Reformation. 

VIII. The p re fen r State of the Univerfal Church throughout;- 
the World as it is divided into Papifts, Pr weft [ants, Greek*, Mof- 



-covites, Georgians, with the Circajfians and Mengrelians, Ame~ 
nlans 9 Neftorians, Jacobites, Copbtts, Abafinet, Maronites, Aiel- 
chites\ And what thoughts thefe have of one another. 

And I would deiire Mr. Momce to tell us, 

i. Whether he believes not verily that all thefe Inftances 
prove that the Bifhops have been the chief caufe 3 and that by 
Ambition, Pride and Worldlinefs ? 

2. Whether it be not the Bifhops that in the Roman and 
other Parties now, are the greateft hi nderers of Reformation, 
and of Concord ? and it would not be foon done were it not 
through them ? 

*. Where it is that he will (top in his Vindication of the 
Bifhops and their Councils, and go no further ? and by what co- 
gent reafon? 

4. Whether he thought he had well defended the Church- 
Tyranny which I accufed ? i. By vindicating the firft Ages, and 
others whom I praifed,and accufed nCt^i, And by letting fall his 
Vindication (favea few confequent quibbles) at the fourth Ge- 
neral Council; which was in 451. Andfo feems to vindicate the 
Bifhops and Councils but for the fpace of iyo years of the time 
that I mentioned their degeneration? 

5. Whether if the Bifhops had been willing when they had 
the King's Commiffion to make neceflary alteration, or were but 
to this day willing to prefer things neceflary before things hurt- 
ful or indifferent, we might not live in happy and holy Love 
and Peace in England ? 

6. Whether he can blame a man that believes in Chrift, for 
lamenting the doleful corruption and divifion of the Chriftian 
world, and for enquiring of, and lamenting the finful caufes.. 

7. If that Church Prelacy which they juftly call the beft in all 
the world can endure no more Parifh Difcipline than we have* 
nor can endure fuch a Miniftry as are filenced by hundreds or 
thoufands ("than whom no Nation on Earth abroad that I can 
hear of hath better) can you blame us for fufpecYmg that fome- 
what is amifs with them, and more with others r 

8. I hope ycu w4il.y<et remember that I did not appear as an 
accufer of Prelacy or Conformity, but as importuned by your 
fdvcsto give the reafons why I dare not take your Covenant 
and Oath never to endeavour any alteration of your Church Go- 
vernment: and that after feventeen yeers filence. My prayers 



to God fhall be my endeavour for thefe following Alterations. 

i. That the Primitive Difcipline may be exercifed intbePa- 
rifh Churches,as Bucer importuned the King and Bifhops de Regno 

2. That to that end we may either have fo many Bifhops un- 
der the Diocefan as be capable to do it, or the Presbyters ena- 
bled, allowed and oWjged to do ir. 

3. Ancfthatwemaynot inftead of it have only ad iftant Court 
of men that know not the Parifhioners., where a Lay Chancellour 
decreeth Excommunication, and Abfolution, which the Paridi 
Prieft mult publifli, though his confcience be againft it. 

4. And that Diocefans may not filence faithful Minifters with- 
out fuch caufe asChrift will allow, nor fet up ignorant bad ones 
and bind the Parishioners to hear and communicate with no 
other. I am fo far from precife expectations from Diocefans, or 
from reviling them, that I do conftantly praife them as very good 
Bifhops who do no harm, or but a little,and if they fhould never 
preach themfe!ves,fo they will not hinder others. 

9. And as for my calling Things and Perfons as they are, I 
hope you will not fay that it was out of Malice thtt'Anaftajius 
Plat in a, Majfonius, Stella, Sigibert, Baronius, Genebrard, Bin- 
nius, &c. have recorded fuch horrid crimes of Popes, and others 
alfo of Prelates. And is it malice in me to tranfcribe their Hi- 

I am of Dr. Henry M core's mind, who faith, \My fiery of Iniq* 
p. 388. " Hence it is plain that they are the true ft friends to 
" Chriftendom, even to Rome it felfo that do not foot h them up in 
u their fins, by mitigating and hiding their foul mifcarriagcs i but 
€< deal apzrtly and plainly with them for their ownfafety 5 that nei- 
" thcr admit; nor invent fubt erf uges to countenance or palliate their 
ef Idolatrous and foperftitious pratlices, but tell them plainly how 
Cf much they are apoftatiz,edfrom the trueWorJhip ofGodandChrifi 
tc into Paganifm and Idolatry. Better are the rebukes of a faithful 
fi friend ', than the hired flatteries of a globing mercenary.'} I pray 
mark this well 

10. I take two things to be the degenerating and corruption 
of Epifcopacy, 

1. When they became fo bad that they were not willing to 
do good according to their undertaken Office. Bad men will 
do ill in any place. 

G 2. When 


2. When they had put themfelves into a ftate of incapacity'^ 
that they could not do the Good undertaken, were they never fo 

i. Since great Baits of Wealth and Domination have tempted 
the worft men to be the Seekers,Bifnops have rarely been good, 
except under a Saint-like Prince or People ihat had the Choice 5 
nor are ever like to be. And what work mk Enemies of Holi- 
nefs will make by abufing Gbrift's Name againft himfelf, is eafie 
to know 5 *fuch will take the beft men for the word, and call 
them all thai's naught, tlut they may quiet their Consciences in 
deftroying them. 

2. And fmce a Diocefs of many hundred or fcore Parifhes- 
hath had but one Bifhop for Discipline, the work is become 
■impofltble to the belt* But when a few Bad men will rnercinarily 
undertake Impolfibilities,and fo.Badvefs and J&poflibility go to- 
gether, alas, what hope, but of a better world above ? 

Saith Lptthzr ds Concil. & Ecckf.p. 300. Ssdquam fttnt intent* 
hanc craffktn & afininam fatttitafem f(WnU$ Epifcopxs nownnqnam 
babet ires Epifcopatus vel Diocefes > & tamen vocal ur Vnitts Vxo- 
ris mar it us, & cam habet tantum unum Epifcopatvm s tamen inter- 
dnm habet centum^ due cat as, qningentas Varcchias, ant etiam 
flares, & vocatur tamen Sponfus unim Ecclejia —Hi .non font 
digami- —Tarn infwlfas & inept ifjimas n&<>iasrecipit mens humana\. 
it a permittente Deo cum a vet bo difccHimxs, & omnia limatius & 
fxbtilitis fcrtitamar .qitam ipfe vnlt nos fi*AN&k] Whether you re- 
verence Lifar any more than Calvin I .know not. 

1 1* To conclude this matter, two things I defire you, or at 
leaft the Reader to confider, 

1. Whether it be not a dreadful thing for a man to make the 
Church corrupting, dividifrg and confounding fin?, to be all his 
own by defending or exculing them, on a falfe pretence of Vin- 
dicating the Primitive Church Government, which was contra- 
ry to them ? 

2. Whether you rruft to Truth and Evidence, or to Intereft 
and depraved Judgments, if you ttiink men fhall believe that 
you have confuted all this undoubted Hiftory, and the prefent 
experience of ail the woful Chriftian World, by a general Cry 
thitX write falily and malicioufly, or by faying that I. am un- 
learned, or that I trufted to a Tranflation, or Binnius, or that 
Mmifis miftook the year, (things that I. will not turn over my 



Books to try,) or that I mifplaced or mifunderftood a word of 
Iheodorite, or miftranflated CaUmi, or fuch like. Such Believers 
of you are guilty of their own deceit. 

§ 22. There is lately publifhed by a namefcfs Prelatifr, to 
fhew the World what Spirit he. is of, a Book pretending by the 
defcription of my Life from J640. till 1681. to prove me one 
of the worft men alive. To that I will now fay but thefe few 

1. That let them take me to be as bad as they will, fo they 
would have fo me mercy on their own and others Souls,and the 
Church of God. 

2. That it's no wonder that we differ about Antient Times 
and Hiftory, and prefent Impofitions, when the main difference 
in our Times is, who are godly, yea tolerable Chriftians, and 
who are intolerable Rogues 5 and thofe that fas before God) 
by long and intimate acquaintance^ judge to be the moft ferious, 
confcionable, humble, holy MinifterS and People that were ever 
known to me, are the Perfons that the Prelatifts profecute, fi~ 
lence,and cry out againft as the moft intolerable wicked Ene- 
mies of Piety, Truth and Peace. What is it that is the root of 
this ? 

3. That this forefaid Book is one continued Calumny,un wor- 
thy of an Anfwer, partly-making my duty my fin fas that I di£ 
liked the many drunken Readers that were the Teachers of my 
Youth, &c.) and partly perverting fcraps of fentences 5 and 
partly reciting one revoked Book,, and a few retraced fentences 
of another, when Augttftin is commended for retracing far 
more, and filling it with a multitude of moft grofs untruths,of his 
own fiftion. 

• 4. That as to his and Mr. Mortice and others talk of the 
Wars I fay." 

1. That I never thought the Parliament blameleft. 

2. That yet on Bilfo>f$ grounds I was in my Judgment, and 
Speech, and A&ion, comparatively for them while they made 
their CommilTi ons to Effex for King and Parliament. 

3. That from N^sby Fight I wholly laboured to have drawn 
off their Souldiers from Errour, and Rebellion, and Ufurpationj 
in which I did and fuffered more than multitudes of my Ac* 

4* That I never went fo far againft the Power of the King as 

G z R. Hooker 


R. Hooker whom I have long ago confuted. 

5. That I never (truck or hurt man in the, wars. 

6. That I will confent to be filenced and imprifoned if they 
will but give tkofe Minifters leave to preach Chrifts Gofpel that 
never had to do with wars (unlefs for the King.) 

7. That when our beginning Concord had reftored the King, 
the 5<7<tf j,though unfuccefsfully fought for him,Mow^& his Army, 
that had blood ilyf at D//«£W,&c.)fought againfthim,had with the 
Concurrence of Sir Tho. Allen, the Londoners and Presbyterians 
reftored him, when the King by them came in Triumph, Ho- 
noured Monk and others of them, confeft them the Caufe of his 
Reftoration, paft an Aft of Oblivion that we might all live in fu- 
ture Peace, I fay, If after all this it be Prelacy and C'ergy In- 
tereft and Spirit, that will rub over all the healed wounds, and 
itrive again what ever it coft us to ulcerate the peoples mind3 3 
and refolve that the Land and Church (hal! have no Peace, but 
by the deftruttion of fuch as reftored the King ; I (hall think ne- 
ver the better of Prelacy for this. But ask them, why did you 
not Speak it out in 1660 to M<?«^and his Army, or till now. 

§ 23. And whereas that Advocate (defcribed ?«h,8.) and you 
are (till deceiving the ignorant by facing men down with Confi- 
dence that Hie in faying that [ Two Epifcopd Parties began the 
War in England and the Papifls and Frefbyterians came in but a*s 
Auxiliaries^ I again fay, 

1, Allow me but reafonable leave, and I will prove it to the 
fhameofyou if you deny it. 

2. At prefent I will but recite one claufe in Whitlockj Memo- 
rials, pag. 45:. even after they thought themfelves under a ne- 
ceffuy to pleafe the Scots as far as they could. [" Anno 1640. 
u The Commons had debate about a new Form of Ecclcfiaftical Gc- 
u vernment, and fuly 17. agreed, That every Shire Jloall be a fevt- 
cc ral Diocefs ; a Presbytery of Twelve Divines in each Shire, and 
cc a Prefident as a Bijhop over them 5 and he with the ajfiftance of 
<c fome of the Presbytery to ordain, fufpcnd, deprive, degrade and 
<c excommunicate. To hzve a Diocefan Synod once a year, and 
iC every third year a National Synod, and they to make Canons , but 
<c none to be binding till confirmed by Parliament, 

C( The Primate of Armagh offered an expedient for conjunBio* 
u in point of Difcipline % that Epifcopal and Presbyterian Govern- 
^ mcut might not be at 4 far dlfiavge^ but reducing Epifcopacy to 

cc th* 

n ths Form of Synodical Government in the Primitive Ciurch 

Were not thefe men Epifcopal ? It's much like Mr. Tho/n- 
dik/s own motions faving his Opinion for Forein JurifdicYion. 

§ 24. As to your fir ft and laft Chapters, and about the 
Antient Extent of Churches, while my Treatife of Epifcopacy, 
which fully confuteth you, is unanfwered j if I repeat it again, it 
will not be read by weary men. And another hath anfwered 
thofe parts of your Book, which is ready for the Prefc. 

I after tell you where Chrjfoftcm even in his time numbers 
the Chriftians in that great Imperial City to be an hundred 
thoufand,that is as many as in Martins and Stepney Pa-rimes, and 
perhaps in Giles Cripplegate too. 

§ 2f. To conclude, Whereas Mr. M. in general chargeth me 
as falfifying H ftory, I frill call myftlfa HATER of FALSE 
HISTORY, and loath W[r.Morrict 9 $ Hiftory, becaifc it is falfe: 
Bat if he will inftead of falsifying and trifling, (hew me any falfe 
H.ftory that I have owned, I will thank him unfeignedly, and re- 
tracl: it. Bat factious reproaching of good men, and painting 
the deformed face of Vice, go not with me for convincing 
proof. If I am not nearof kin to Eftfrnxs, I am a ftranger to 
my feif, even as Memla, and M. Adamus defcribe him, \_Ingeni* 
er at (implex ; adeo abhorrent a mendacio, tit pxellus etiam odijfet 
pwes - menttentes ; & fenex ad illorum adfpeftum etiam cor pots 
commoveretur. Dignitatem 1 magnarum divitiarum contumax 
contemptor ; neqae quicqaam pritis itio babttit ac li-jeitate.'} And 
I think, as it isfaid otCtifpinian, [_Ratus fe fattsfaclnrt<m mgenuo 
Ldhri, fiqua vcrijftma ejfe comperijj'et ftmpLc'ffima oratione man* 
daret pofteritati : fatis enim eft h'ftorico (jit pr&cUre dixit apfid 
Cicsronem Catullus), non ejfe Mendacem."] 

And as to my ends and expectation?, I am not Co vain as to 
write with any great hope of perfuading many, if any who are 
pofleft of large Diocefs, Wealth and Power, to for fake them, 
muchlefs to cure the common Thirft that corrupted Nature is 
pofleft with, and to be the means of a Publick Reformation : if 
I may fatisfie my Confcience, and fave fome from being decei- 
ved by falfe Hiftory about the Caufes of the Antient Schifms, 
it's all that I can hope for : Hid I lived in Alb. Crantzius daies, 
I might perhaps have faid as he of Luther [Frater, Frater 9 abi 
in cetlam tuaP^% & die Mtferere m:i Deus ;] Et de Canonic it 
«pt (£ylty&nv diftis, Nwquam pojfe cos redHti ad meliortm frngem* 



nijlprius a vlrU dottis expu^utta arcs (*. e. Vap.tttt.) 

' And for my felf, none of the Inter cfted mens reproaches are 
unexpected to me : Anger will fpeak. I know what tbePapifts 
fay of the Reformers, and all the Proteftants : And yet I expert 
that all at laft will* turn to thedifgrace offalfhood,- by putting 
men to fearch Church-Hiftory for the Truth. 

The cafe oi Capnio is worth a brief recital. A covetous Jew 
pretending Converfion, contrived with the Fryers and Inquifi- 
tors, to get a great deal of money from the Jews, by procuring 
an Edift from the Emperour to burn sll the Jews Books, that 
fo they might purchafe them of the Fryers. The Emperour 
will firft hear what Capnio a great Hebrician faith : Capnio ad- 
vifeth to fpare all that only promoted the Hebrew Literature, 
and burn only thofe that were written againft Chrift. Hock? 
ftrate and the Fryers were vext thus to lofe the prey, and accu- 
fed Capnio of Herefie : The caufc is oft tryed,efpecially at Rome : 
All the Learned Hebricians were for Capnio : The Fryers raged 
the more: This awakened many Learned men to fearch into the 
Caufe, and armed them againft the Fryers. Galatinm, Hmten^ 
Erafmus, cVc. are for Capmo. The Fryers accufe them alfo of 
Herefie : But by this they ftirred np fuch a Party of the moft 
Learned men againft them, that when Tez,elitts came to vend 
his Indigencies, Luther hud fo many ready to /oyn againft the 
Inquifitors and Mercenary cheating Fryers, as greatly furthered 
the Reformation. And two or three ingenuous Conformifts who 
have lately written againft the violent battering Canoneers, do 
tell us that fome are like to be excited by the Overdoing of the 
Accufing filencing Party, to fearch better into the matter of 
Fact and Right, till they can diftinguifh between an Eucrafic 
and a Tympanite. 

Or if this world be incurable, they cannot keep us out of the 
heavenly femfalem, where there is no Errour, Schifm, nor Per- 
fection, becaufe no Ignorance, Malignity or Pride, but the 
General Aftembly of perfect Spirits, are united in one perfect 
Head ^ in perfect Life, and Light, and Love. 



The particular Defence of the HiPcory 
of Councils and Scliifms. 

Art Account to Mr. Morrice why my mentioning the Chu>xh» 
difl ratling fins cj the Clergy ', when worldly grandeur cor* 
ruptedthem, is not a TJijhoymr/hig, but a Honouring of 
the Primitive Church. And to vindicate thofe fins is no 
Vindicat ion of the Primitive Church. 


The Reafon and Dcfign of my Hifiory of Bifoops and Councils.. 

i.TH E Y that know the men with whom I have to do, and 
A the Caufe which 1 have in Controverfie with them, will 
eafily underftand my purpofe.. The Perfons with whom I am to 
deal, are fuch as bold, 

i. That a General Council of Bifhops or the Col ledge of 
Bifho'ps Governing per Litems format as out of Council, are the 
Supreme Governing Power over the Univerfal Church o % n Earth, 
having the Power of Univerfal Legiflation an*d Judgment-.. 

2. That among thefe the Pope is juftly the Patriarch of the 
Weft, and the Principitimunitatis to the whole, and the ordinary 
Prefident in fuch Councils. And fay fome, It belongs only to the 
Prefident'to call them, and they are but rebellious Routs thataf- 
(emble without a ;uli call. 

3. That there is no concord to be had but in the Obedience to< 
this Univerfal Governing Church. But all Perfons and all Nati- 
onal Churches are Schifmaticks who live not in fuch Subje- 
ction and obedience. 

4. that fuch as the Diocefah Epifcopacy which is over one 
loweft Church containing hundreds or multitudes of Parifhes 
and Altars without any other Bifhop but the faid Diocefan is 
that Epifcopacy which all muft be fub/ett to 3 while it is fubkclr. 
to the Univerfal fupreme. 

5. That every Chriftian muft hold fubjecYive Communion 
with the Bifhop of the place where he liveth: And fay fome^ 


Draft not praftife contrary to his Commands, nor appeal for fuch 
practice to Scripture or to God. 

6. That if this fupreme Power filence theDiccefans, or thefe 
Diocetens filence all the Minilters in City or Country, they muft 
Ceafe their Miniftry andforftke the Flock*. 

7. And fay divers of them, They are no true Churche*, or 
Minilters, that have not ordination from fuch Diocefans, yea by 
an uninterrupted fuccdfion from the Apoftles : And for want of 
this the Forein reformed Churches are no true Churches, but the 
Church of Rome is. 

Much more of this Nature I have already tranfcribedf and 
confuted ) out of A. Biftiop BrombaII,Dr. Heylins Life of A. Bi- 
fhop Laud, Mr Tb$mdiki t Mr Dod-well and divers others. 

§ 2. The firft thing then in my intention is to (hew that the 
Reman Grandeur which is thought to be the Glory of the Church 
on Earth, and the*neceflary means of its Unity, fafety and true 
profperity,hath proved dean contrary, even the means ofCburch 
corruption in Doftrine, Worfhip, Discipline <Sc Convention, the 
Soil of the moft odious crimes, the means of tyranny, fuppref- 
fion of true piety, and perkcution of Gods faithful Servants, and 
of rebellious, War and cruel blocdfhcd, 

§ 3. To this end I defcribed the fteps by which the Clergy 
afcended'to the Papal height : For as all Proteftants juftly main- 
tain that their Corruption of Doftrine & Worfhip came not in at 
once but by flow degrees, fo do they alfo of the Papal Govern- 
ment and difcipline. And they con>monly (hew the vanity off he 
Papifts demand,who ask us who was the man,and which was the 
year, as if the world had gone to bed in fimple Chriftianity, and 
awaked Papifts thenext morr.'rg.Whercas it is moft evident in all 
Church hiftory that theCIergy^eaving the Chriftian Purity,Sim- 
p)icity and Love, did climb the Ldder ftepby ftep till they amen- 
ded to the Papal height. And it's a meer dream of them that think 
it was the Bp- of Rome alone that thus afcended,and not the Army 
that made him their General : As'the boat nfeth with the waters, 
fo did the Pope with the attending Clergy : Others ftrove for 
fuperiority as he ftrove for Supremacy :The ftrife began an.org 
Chrii'ts Apoftles who fhouldbe greateft, and who fhould, fir next 
him in his Kingdom } And though Chrift then fupprcit it by his 
Word and Spirit, and the fufrerings of the Church took down 
thofe afpiring thoughts, as foon as Cwftwtine had fet tbem the 



Ladder, what fcrambling was there who fiiould climb higheft. 
Yea Confl ant inople ftrove for the Supremacy h(c]f. 

§ 3. And I rhe rather mentioned this becaufe I found fome late 
learned Expofitors of the Revelations, taking this* inordinrte af- 
cenr, for the promifed glory and felicitvof the Church on Earths 
and taking it for the fulfilling of many ofthofe prophecies and 
promifes which fome applyed to the Millennium, and fome to 
the heavenly (rate. And doubrlefs H.lddrand and his adherents 
had (ucli thought*, and did believe that their rule over Emper- 
ours 3 Kings and Kingdoms, by the Power of the Keyset the 
Kingdom of heaven, was the true Glory of the Church, and rhe 
Reign of Chrift, and that all the honour W2s indeed given to 
Chrift as King of the Church, which was thus given to the Pope 
and the Church-Parliaments of Bifhcps. C-.itnpa,:. Del 

doth but fpeak the thoughts of greater Clergy men when he ?p- 
plyeth the forefaid Texts to prove that the Popes Univcrfal Mo- 
narchy is the true Ivn-dcm of Chrift on Earth, to v.hicli all 
Monarcbs and Men muft ftoop. 

And Nature is fo apt to entertain fuch thoughts, efpecially in 
the Clergy, who think of it as their own profperky and glory, 
that it is no wonder, if as J^w;***, and his Fifth Monarchy men, 
did itch to be getting up under the name of the Reign of Chrift, 
and Co did John of Lejdcn and his Company at Mu*jjkr\ fo the 
Fifth Monarchy C'ergy men, who can afpire more [ lauflbly, do 
long to be climbing,' and are very reconcilable to Papal Great- 
nefs; and where* Popery is become a diftafied name 3 they nev 
thelefs defire their fh:re in the Power, Honour and Wealth, and 
under pretence of Peace and Concord among all Chriftians, and 
reftcrirg the Church to its Unity and Strength, they ftrive for 
much of the famethinf, and think it enough ro avoid the n?.me : 
And the Pope mail be but I itis, and the Prefi- 

cknt of the Clergy or Councils, Get but the poor trick of cal- 
ling nothing Popery but the Pope's Arbitrary abfolute Power, 
and do but tiebim to Ru'e by the Content and L 
Parliament?, tfm fe, let up the French Cluirch-Governnoit, and 
then they arc no Paptfis. Do net the French Proteftants de'erve 
all their fufferings then for calling the CHorefi or Bifhops there 
Papifts, and (eparating from I vernment ? 

§ 9. And it was not the L-aft of my Motives to try, were it 
polfible to cure their Lcve- kill; lit, who think that all 

H are 


are Enemies to Unity and Peace, who are not for Obedience to 
this Univerfal or Superlative Prelacy,and to fave us all from that 
confufion and calamity, which this Opinion is carrying on, while 
the Patrons of it think that all arc to be profecuted, filenced, 
ruined as Rebellious Enemies to the Ruling Church, who do 
not fub)e& themfelves to fuch a Prelacy $ and that we muft or 
can have no Chriftian Church- Concord, but by Obedience to 
the Univerfal Church, as Bifhop Gunning hath over and over 
told me, that is, to the Univerfal Colledge of their fort of 
Bimops : Yea not only the Papifts, but thele Bifhops among us, 
to this purpofe repeat and apply P/W.72.1 i. Yea all Kings fhall 
fall down before hrm : All Nations (hall ferve him. Or Ifa. 
<~o. 12. For the Nation and Kingdom that will not fcrve thee 
Jhali penjh: Tea thofe Nations JJoail be utterly vcafted } '] which 
Bifhop Gunning applyeth to the Epifcopal Univerfal-Govern- 
ing Colledge. 

Thefe are terrible threatnings, as they fhew the principles 
and purpofes of men, however they miftake the mind of God. 
Few parts of Europe have had more long and cruel Wars, than 
Italy it felf, where thefe Principles have obtained : But the 
blood ofthoufands of fincere Chriftians hath been a Sacrifice to 
thefe Principles in the Clergy. When we read in Jefuires,Fryers 
and Prelates, found Chriftians called Hereticks, and all fuch He- 
reticks called, mortal, odious, wicked, pernicious, intollerable 
Enemies to the Church, whom all good men are bound to en- 
deavour to root out and deftroy ; when we hear our neigh- 
bour Papifts fay, It is no more (in to kill an Hcretick^tban a Dog : 
And when we hear and read our Clergy calling out to Magi- 
ftrates for yet more Execution upon m^ for not obeying them 
sgainft that which we undoubtedly take for the Law of God 5 
and the nearer any man is to the Papifts, ufually the more he is 
for our deftrucYion, and for their way of cruelty, I thought it 
time to try if it were poflible. if not to fave the Land from this 
confuting fire, yet at leaft to fave fome Souls who elfe were 
like to be tempted to malignant Enmity to the beft and trueft 
Chriftians, and to perifh-for ever by this deceit. 

How many honeft paffages are in Mr. Thomdikt which mew 
rhat it was not any worldly j'ntereft of his own that moved himj 
but yet the Power of this Errour [ Of a, Church that xvasVm- 
verfillj One hj One Ruling Colledge or Council of Vrelates^ of 



which the Tope was the rightful Prejidcntfoc."] which muft be ac- 
knowledged by all Nations and Perfons, that will have Chriftian 
Communion and not be condemned Schifmaticks, prevailed with 
him to theexclufion of all DifTenters, and confining his Commu- 
nion to thofe only who owned and obeyed This Vniverfal Go- 
verning Church. 

§ 6. And as long as this Opinion prevaileth,efpecially in men 
of Power and Reverence who take other mens belief and obe- 
dience for their unqueftionable right, where can we think hatred 
and Perfecution will ftop. Will not they (till think that they 
that kill or filenceor imprifon or banifh us,, do God fetvice, and 
that the Magiftrate that doth not punifh us deferveth puniQV 
ment from God, if not alfo from the Church. And they that are 
moil: for Seldom preaching, and can difpenfe with our Minifte- 
rial labour therein, will not be indifferent as to the filencing, im- 
prifoningor deftroying us. 

§ 7. Whether we have any reafon to refufefwearing orfub- 
fcribing to them, and never to endeavour any alteration of their 
Government as it is in England, I have fincerely endeavoured to 
(hew in my Treatife of Epifcopacy. And if Chriftian Conco.rd 
and Communion be fo hard and narrow a thing, as that no men 
are Capable of it who are not of a higher form than I, as to un- 
derftanding, impartiality and wiliingnefs to know theTruth, the 
Church andChriftianity are things beyond my capacity and reach: 
But I doubt not but ic is humane errour that would dwindle it 
into fo fmall a SeeX 

§ 8. Alas what Perfons for Knowledge and Life can they 
bear with in their Communion, who cjunotbear with fuch as 
they fi'er.ce and ruinein this Land ! And the Papilte can receive 
even thofe that know notChrift if they do but profefs o&edience 
to the Clergy-Chr-c*\ Lathers words are harm, but I will re- 
cite xhtm a; Co-idh:: P**t 3. Pag 2QI. Si monZr-ivsrint mihi 
unum aliqttem ex 4 mzhttudine q;ti pejjit aqxare umm 4/- 

pha'vitarium in all qua erudita Schola, ant in fuwma dotlrlu<z 
Cbrifiiana, vel in Scriptura Sacratantum prof cerint, quantum una 
aliq'id paella feptem annorum \ tunc illis concedam palam— nip 
quod plus callent traditionum httmanarum, & S)<!cphantiarum : 
Jgjtcd valde credo, & firmius quam in Deurn credn^ cum me con- 
vacant fatlo ipfo ut credam.To this pafs did the Clergies afpiring 
then bring the Church, when worthy men were filenced and per- 

H 2 fecuted . 


fecuted.And we are unwilling of any thing that looketh towards 
a differencing men ib contrary to that which Chrift will maks 
at laft. 


Whether we have any reafon to repwt the Faults of fome Bijhops 
and Councils, from the beginning of their Depravation till the Lijl ? 

§ i.'irHat I had great reafon for it^ I think what is before 
A fdid will evince 5 when we fee men deitroying Chri- 
ft ian Love, themfdves, and us, and the Land, could they pre- 
vail, by their erroneous endeavour to grant no Concord, Com- 
munion nor Peace, to no Chriftians how ccnfcionabJe otherwife 
foever 3 who cannot unite in a fpecies of Prelacy which they be- 
lieve (by fuch evidence as I have given) to be contrary to the 
Law of Chrift". To the fdving men from Herelie and Schifrn 
now, our oppofers ( and we) do judge it ufeful, to know how 
Hereticks and Dividers mifcarried heretofore, that others may 
beware. And is it not as true if Bifh ps be the Dividers i And 
alfo when the Clergies Ambition ind Uiu'pation have brought 
that upon the Chriltian World which it languifheth and groan- 
eth under in Esft and Weit , is irnot needful to open the be- 
ginning and progrefs of the difeafe, by fuch as had rather ic 
were cured, than the Church deftroyed by it ? 

§ i. Among the mult, ude of Pruteltant Church- Hiftorians 
anu Ctt«)no!bger$ 3 how few are there that do not do the fame, 
though in various degrees ? He that will read the Msgdcbur- 
gtnfcf, or Lucas O/iandcr, Iliytiei Tcft. Vtrit, Mc'antlhon hi'mfelf, 
and Car ion FuKccivs^yta. peaceable holy Bncholtz~er^ Alicrelim, 
Nenr.der, Phil, Parens, Hen. Gather let h^fke. yea or f alius or 
fof. Scaliger, St>lm*fius, Hot toman, Hottinger^ Morney^ (hall lee 
the faults of Bifhops opened before this day. 

§ 3. The pious and moderate* Papiftt themfdves report and 
lament them : Such as Clemangis, Vdagius Alvarus, MtranduU, 
Feru>, fof.^cofla, Lud, Vives, Gcrjon, Ersfmus, an J many other 

§ 4. The antient Godly Bifhops are they who for the moft 


part have been freeft in reprehending the vices of the reft* e 
^cially Greg. Naz.ianz.en, and Chryfoftom, and many antient godly 
Presbyters have been as free_, as Gildas, Ifidore-Petufiota, Sal- 
vian, Snip. Severn*, Bernard. 

§ f. And if I have wronged the Bifhops or Popes in this 
Abridgment, their ownHiftorians,yea their chief flatterers have 
wronged them. One Pope angered Platir.aby imprifoning him : 
Yet if he be partial it is for the Clergy, and not agairift them. 
But who will believe that Binning Baronius 9 Crab, Gencbra d 
Bellarmine^ Petavtas, and fuch others have fpoken too hardly 
of them. There is no one man that I took fo much from as 
BinniUs: And what mould move him to name fo many of the 
mifcarriages of the Councils, but the neceflity of reciting the 
A els ofthe Councils hiftorically as he found them ? 

§ 6. The Sacred Scriptures record the Crimes of the befi: 
men in all the Ages of which they write, even Adams ^ Noes, 
Lots, Aarons, Davids, Solomons, Heztk^ahs, fofiabs, Peters, all 
the ApoftJe* 3 dv. And it was not done out of fpite or malice y 
but as a nectffary warning to us all. 

§ 7. The fa 1 (hood of Hiftory is an intolerable abufe of man- 
kind : To know nothing done before our times 3 : s to {hut up man- 
kind in a -dungeon $ and falfe Hiftory is worfe than none. And 
it may be falfe and deceitful in defeft as well as excefs. He that 
fhould record all that was good in the Popes, and omit all the 
reft, would be a dangerous deceiver of the world, and do more 
than hath been done to make all Chriftians Papifts. Yen 
tell us your felves, that he that fhould write the Hiftory of 
Crcmivell, e. g. or of any Setft that you are againft, and mould' 
leave out all their faults, would be taken for a falfe Hiftorian. 

§ 8. They that write the Hiftory of mens Lives, do ufe to 
record their Parentage, Birth and Education :' And fomuft he 
that will truly write the HiHory of Gburch-Tyranny, Perfec- 
tion and Schifrn. Thcf end is not well underftood without the 
beginning. Who is it that heareth how many Ages the Chri- 
ftian world hath been divided into Papifts, Greek?? facobius,Ne- 
fiorians, A'hlcbites,&c, and that feeth what work the Papacy 
msde, but will ask how all this came to pals f Did 
the man thntdied of Gluttony, fwallow all at onemcrfel ? or 
rather one bit after another f And when the Clergy have ven- 
tured on one merry Cup, or one pleafant mcrfel in excefs, it's 



eafie to make them believe that one,and one 5 and one Cup mores 
one 3 and one, and one bit more, is no more unlawful than the 
firft. Tvinvipii) ubfta % is the Rule of Safety. 

If Papifts intending the recovery of England to the Pope 
fhould fay [ rc La us but firft get them under the Oaths ^Covenants 
u wd Practices which we will call Conformity^ and fo caft out mo ft 
c that daft not fn^ and by th s engage them as two Armies in con- 
*? trarj Inter eft to fight agairft each other , and it will be an eafie 
" waiter to bring \ 'he fiv allow. \g Tarty to go further by degree s 3 and 
<c to believe that as a Farifh Church mujt not be t no 1 - pendent as to 
u the Diocefan y nor the Diocefan to the Metropolitkal or National, 
" fo neither muft a National be independent as to the Vniverfal : 
(i And that the Vniverfal therefore mu ft have its known flat ed Go- 
" vernment as well as the National, J Were it not neceflary here 
for him that would fave the Land from Popery to (hew the 
danger of the firft degrees. 

The ufual Method is not to ufe Boccalines Roman Engine, 
which will help a man to fwallow a Pompion that he may get 
down a Pill, but to fwallow alelfer Pill firft and a bigger next, 
till the Pompion will go down. Infancy is before manhood. 

§ 9. But the great neceffity wasasaforefaid, from the reviv- 
ed or rather Continued attempts, of imitating the fatal ambitions 
and Contentious malady. If Prifcillians, or Gnofticks fhould rife 
row among us, were it not our duty to fet before them the 
hiftoryofthe mifcarriage of their predeceffours. And when men 
are fo much fet on reftoring an Univerfal Supremacy, is it not 
meet to (hew them where, and when, and with what fuccef* the 
afpiring humour did begin. If we have fmall vifible probabili- 
ty ofefcaping, we muft yet before we come to Smithfield,tmz- 
fy aur Confidences that we betrayed not the Church. 

Of Mr. M's notice that I am Vnlearned. 

§i.AyTR. AP% Preface Contradeth the Chief things which 
iVX he hath to fay a gain ft me in his book, that the 
Reader may find them there all together. And of thele [that I 
urn unlearned ] is not the leaft. And ifthat be any of his queftion 
I affure him it (hall be none of mine. I am not yet Co vain as 



to plead for my Learning : Yea, I will gratify him (though 
heaccufe me of being againft repentance ) with an unfeigned 
confefllon that my ignorance is far greater than his accufatiort 
of mharnednefs doth import. Alas I want the knowledge of far 
more excellent things than languages. I do but imperfeftly 
know my felf,my own foul, my own thoughts and underftanding: 
Ifcarce well know what knowing is. Verily if no knowledge be 
properly true that is not adequate to the object I know nothing : 
And fubferibe to Z anchez.^uod nihil Scaur, (by fuch as I.) Alas 
Sir I groan in darknefs from day to day,Sr I know nor how to be 
delivered ! How little do I k«iow of ihat God whom the whole 
Creation preacheth,and of that Society which I hope to be joyn- 
ed with fur ever, and that world which muft be my hope and 
portion, or I am undone. Many whom IamConftrained to difient 
from upbraid me with my ignorance,andI fuppofe it is that for 
which they filence me, reproach, hate and profecute me 3 even 
becaufelbave not knowledge enough to difcern that all their 
impofuions are lawful ( or elfe I know not what it is for ) Bjt 
none of them all can ( and* will ) tell me, how I mould be deli- 
vered from this ignorance: If they fay, [/* muft be by bardftudf] I 
can ftudy no harder than I have done.If they fay [[muft be willing 
to k*ow the truth j I take my felffor fure that I am fo : If in thac 
alfo lam ignorant, in thinking that I know my own mind when 
I do not, what elfe then can I hope to know ? If they fay [ Ton 
mnft be impart id ] I think I am fo, faving that I muft not deny 
or a ft away the truths already received. If they fay [ Ton 
Jloouldr-ad the ftme boot's which have convinced us~] I read far 
more of the P^piftsand PreUtifts and other fells that write againft 
me, than of thofe that are for me. And the more I read the 
more I am confirmed. And when thefe men preach and write 
againft the Cdvimfts, they render them odious as holding thae 
menars mccjfitated to fin and to be damned, and that it is long of 
Gods Decree which cannot be refifted: Therefore I fuppofe they will 
not lay the Caufe on God. I do then eonfefs my Ignorance., of 
matters a tboufandfold greater and more needful than thofe 
which they mention in their accufations. I eonfefs my fel fun- 
learned : But I intreat them that tell me of my difeafe f which I 
know to my daily grief much better than they ) to tell me alfo 
how I may be cured.If they fay that it muft be by Fines aid Im- 
frifonment it hath been tryed & I am yet uncured 1 I hope they 



^riil not pronounce me remedi!ef3 and not te!! me why 5 who 
ufe themfelves to fpeak againft thofe that preach men into de- 
fperationjwould they but tell me the fecret how fb many thou- 
fands of them came to be Co much wifer than I, in farlhorter 
time.and with far lefs ftudy., it would be (if true) an acceptable 
deed of Charity ; rather than to tell me of the Ignorance which 
I cannot help. Could I but know needful truth in Engtifh, I would 
joyfully allow them to glory of being more skilful in all the Ori- 
ental Tongues 3 and alfo in French, Ir if >, Spamjh and Italia?: ,than 
I am. 


■ Of his Accufation, that I vainly name Hiflorians which I 
never f aw or re. id. 

§ i.T Muftprofefs that it never was my purpofe to tell the 
X world how many Hiftorians I have read $ nor to abridge 
all that I have read i And thofe that I have moft read I have 
there made no mention of* as not being for my intended end : 
.And multitudes that ftood by me, I never opened to the writing 
of this hiftory, my defign being chiefly againft the Papifts and 
thofe Proteftants who moft efteem their writings, and had rather 
unite with the French Papift Church, than with us Nonconfor- 
ming : Therefore when I was part the firft 400 or 5*00 years, 
it was the greateft and moft flattering Popifh hiftorians that I 
abriged, as ad hominem being Jikeft not to be denyed. 

I toM the reader that I made not ufe of Lutfar the Magde- 
6tirgenfes, nor the Collections ofGoldaftw, Marquardns Frehertts, 
Reaberus, Fifloriiu^fkc. ] And the Printer having put a Comma 
between Marquardu* and Frehcrm^ he Conje&ures that I took 
him for two men 3 becaufe I added not the Chriftian names cfths 
reft : And he concludes that Twhoever this mifia^e belongs to, it's 
■plain that M'.R. had but little acquaintance, with thofe CoUetlions.'} 
For I nam? fome of the Authors therein. 

Anf Seeing thefe things are thought juft matter for our ac- 
cufers turn,- I will crave the Readers patience with fuch little 
tilings while I tell him the truth. It is about 25: years fince I 
read the German Hiftory in the Colleftions of Freherns, Renbe- 
rm wAP/forim, and about 30 years firxe I read the Golleftions 


4>f Goldaftm : The Magdelwgenfes ^Ofunder ^Sleidav^ or any fuch 
Proteftants I thought vain to alledge to Papifts. About feven 
or eight years ago as I remember, I was accufed for Preach- 
ing, and Fined by Sir Thomas Davis ; and the Warrant was fent 
by him to Sir Edm. Bury Godfrey ro levy it on me by Diftrefs : 
I had no way to avoid it but bona fide , to make away all that I 
had : Among the reft I made away my Library, only borrowing 
part of it for my ufe. I purpofed to have given it almoft all to 
Cambridge in New- England : But Mr. Knowles f yet living) wliD 
knew their Library,tc!d me that Sir Kenclme D'gby had already 
given them the Fathers 5 Ccuncils and Schoolmen, but it was Hi- 
itory and Commentators which they wanted. Whereupon I fent 
themfome of my Commentator?, and fome Hif.orians among 
which were Frcberus, Reuberus and Ti florins Collections, and 
Nauclevus^ Sibellicus, Thuanus^ Jof. Sczhger de Emendat, Temp. 
&c j B : t Gddafrtis I kept by me ( as borrowed ) and many 
more which I could not fpare * ard the Fathers and Councils 
and Schoolmen I was ftopt from fending. Now whether I was 
unacquainted with thole that partly ftand yet army Elbow, and 
which I had read fo long 2go, muft depend on the Credit of my 
Memory • snd I confefs my Memory \% of late grown weak, but 
not fo weak as to think that Marquardfts Fsefcrtts was roc 
one man, ard a Palatinate Councillor, though it be names that 
I moft forger ; why I gave not the Cbriften names of Rcubtrtu 
and PtftvriKs, whether becaufe I for gat them, or becaufe I mind- 
ed not fo fm all a thing, rot dreaming what would be inferred 
from ir, [remember nor. But when I wrote that abridgment, I 
made ufe of none that I thought the Papifts would except a- 
gainft ; For the firft apes I pothered what I remembredout of 
the Fathers, and out of Evftbiu*, Socrates, Soz^omen^ Evagriw, 
Theodoret, the Tr ipa? t tr e ^N ' ,c?fhor w, Lihcrat w , Brev. l r i€zor Vtic. 
Beda,and fuch others as are by them received: Be fides which I 
principally followed and E< i orfrzed Binning and Qrab, and part- 
ly Baron Hi , wish Fia;i;.^ i Oxughrizs Bantir.ius^ Stella, Vet alius > 
and others of their own. And i 'rtfolvrd I would not ib much as 
open Goldjiftiss, Or any Proteftant Collector, that thev might not 
e.xcrpt againit their Credit, aud reje<ft them as m&liciet'S curf.d 
Jhrttick** as Ltl-be do:h M Ichlor G>l<J»ft*s and alrnoft ajl 
fjch others as he mention? ; *nd as Gretfer i Sanders, snd other 
Papiils tomihenly do. Therefore even thofe Hiftoncs which 

J be 

be in Goldajlm.l would not take as out of him, but fome of them 
from the books published by others, and fbme as cited by 
BinniiU) Petavittsfx other fuch. And this is now the proof of my 

§ 2. It is a miftake if he think that I intended fas he fpeaks^) 
to be a Compiler of General Church Hi ft or j ; When I profe (Ted but 
to acquaint theEnglifh Reader with the true matter of fa&out of 
the Papifts themfelves, whac the ambitious part of Blfliops and 
Councils have done, and by what degrees the Papacy fprang up, 
and whether fubjection to the afcendent exort Prelacy be ab- 
folutely neceffary to Concord and Salvation. 

§ 3. As to his faying [ / am the fir ft that ever reckoned Na- 
zianzen among Hi fter ians , ] I take the writings of tbe Fathers, 
efpecially fftjtifi^ Clemens Alex. Tertttllian, Cyprian, Eufebius, Ba~ 
Jilj Na7~ianz.cn, Hierom, Chryfoftom, Auguftrn, to be the beft part 
ofChurchHiftory, efpecially their Epiities. And of this opinion 
I am not the firfr. 


Of his Accufation of my citing Hanmer and ether Irar.fl-ttors^ and 
being deceived by Binnius andfuch others. 

§ 1. I.TTE accufeth me for not uling Valeftus his Edition of 
X"l Eufebius and thofe Editions of the Councils which- 
he accounteth the beft : To which I fay, 

1. I am not Rich Enough to buy them, nor can keep them if. 
I had them. Muft none write but Rich men f The French Coun- 
cils would coft more than many of us are worth : We have had 
no Ecclefiaftical maintenance thefe 19 years 5 and we cannot 
keep the books we have. Luther wrote his book de Conciliis 
when it feems he had never read many of the Councils Acts, but 
as related by Eufebius Socrates, So&omcn, and the Tripartite Hifto- 

2. Dr.Jamcshtth long ago warned all Scholars to make much 
of Crab and other old ones, ( and the Fathers as Printed zt>Ba~ 
Itf by Erafmus, Amcrbachius % &c.) and not to trull much to new 
Editions, as coming through untrufty hands. 


3. l&Valefius a man of fo much credit with you ? Do you be- 
lieve what he faith oiGrotim as being in judgment for the Pa- 
pa! Church, and only in prudence delaying his yifible Communion 
with them, that be might draw in many with him ? ( rale fin 
Orat.de Petavio: ) If he lye in this, and the fuccefs otPetaviws 
on GrotwS) why fhould he be more trufted than others ?If not, 
I need not tell you what to think of thofe Bifhops and Drs.who 
profefs to be of the fame mind and Church as Grotius j nor again 
to tell you who they be. 

4. My defign led me not to make ufe of Criticks, but only to 
tell the world 3 what the Papifts themfelves confefs, fuchas I 
have throughout cited. 

§ 2. As for my ufing Hanmers Tranfiation of Eufeb'ius and 
Socrates, my cafe was as before described: Vak ft 'us I had not : 
Grineus I made ufe of heretofore. But fince I was by conftraint 
deprived both of my books and money to buy more, when I 
wrote that Abridgment I bad only Hanmers Tranfiation left me. 
And if that fort of men that forced me to give away my book?, 
to keep them from heing diftreinedon 3 will make ufe of this to 
prove me ignorant of them, the matter is very final! to me. 

If you fay, I fhould not then have written, I anfwer, could 
they fohave filenced us in the Pulpir, they had more anfwercd 
theirown judgment than mine. I had no ufe for Criticks, nor for 
any thing in Eufebius and Socrates that depends on the credit of 
the Tranflator. 

§ 3. As to his oft noting that in Tranflations., and fometime 
in Chronology I err by following Binmus^ I anfwer, had I written 
a full Church Hiftory, I fhould better have examined him and 
others. But I lay no ftrefs of my caufe of any oiEinnius hisTran- 
flations, nor will I undertake for any Hiftorian that I cite: My 
bufineVs was but to tell thofe that believe Binn'mszx\<\ BaroniHs % 
and fuch other, what they fay. Nor do I yet intend to beftow 
any time., in examining whether he wrong Binmus or not, it be- 
ing nothing to my caufe nor me, whether he miftook a year, or 
the meaning of a word of the Authors- whom heciteth. 

§ 4. He faith I ufe an old uncorreYt Edition of Binmus 1 606. 

< An[. It is thar which is in mod common ufe, entituled, Rtagru- 

ta^ AucIa^ notis l/tufirata, dedicated to the Pope, and to C^Ba- 

ronius, ejus monim fcripta, qtiivetercm itUm i m€ndofam > mutilim 

& confufan ccmpilAt^j-.em mlUe locis iil*ftravit,<kQ. commonly 

I 1 preferred 


Preferred'befjre Crab, Sarins, Niaolinus, Sec. But any quarrel 
fcrveth fome men. 

G H A P. VI. 

Oj his Acc^tions of my -own M$ rat fiat ions and Mifiakfs. 

§ i /^\P tnc fe there are two real Overilghts which he 
\J nameth, committed by too much haft and heedlef- 
nefs : The one is, that I mifplaced {} r ere~\ in the TrunlLtion of a 
Speech of Theodoras -, a grofs overfight I confefs : The other, 
that I put [Epifcoptyas if it had been the Genhive cafe, when it 
was the Nominative plural } which alfo was a heedlefc ever fight. 
And about the death of Sttphanw, he noteth my miftrarfLting 
Calami 3 and I imagine yet he is fcarce certain what it fignitied 
himfelf. As for his note of my ufe of [Scripture"] about the 
Epbcfine Council, I purpofely kept to the literal Tranflation, that 
none might fay I did miftranflate it -, but I never faid that by the 
Scriptures was meant the Bible. 

§ 2. This \Accufer puts too great an honour on flicha Hiftory 
2$ mine, which goerh through fo many ^ges and A<fb,i n noting 
To few ? and fuch iictle things. Lnever pretended to be as good 
an FMorian as he is 3 yet I do not think that it v\as any thing 
but a flip of memory that made him put BujiaihiM ir.ftead of 
Flavian, as kickt to death at Eph>fw. And me;hinks he thit 
thus begins his Errata of his own Book [H><? faults that t>ave 
efcapedare almjft infinite :] mould not for one fd}fc Com,na of 
the Printers, have paffld the forefaid cenfure of me. 

But doth not this Learned Hiftorian know,, how ordinarily the 
greateft of them do charge one another with manifold Errcursi 
*nd of far greater moment than thefe fore mentioned. How few 
Hiftorians do not this ? Yea what bitter cenfures doth he pafs 
hkn r elf on no lower Hiftorians than Socxates and Sozomen f h 
would be tedious to give you the Inftances that every fuch Book 
afTordetb. I fee he value th Lalbe the Jefuite. How oft doth 
he accufe Hiftorians of Errour, Ignorance, Malice, &c. e.g. de 
sfnaftajio Biblioth. fo eminent a Writer of the Popes Lives, yet 
£ Err at Pofiim & fiqni alii enm Anaflafio Vresbjtero, & c. ] And 



even of that famous Hiftory of the Popes,, [_Onnphrius Punm- 
nifif, Gerb. Pojfias, & plenque alii nitimam cenfent effe *b An#- 
ftapo fcriptam y Nicoiai I. Papa Vttam 3 & a Gululmo S.R.E, Bib* 
liotbecario additas fttiffe Hadr. 2. & Stepb. 6. P. Pitas : Verum 
Cafdinalis Barouifts its fefrdgatftr eidemque auclo r i omnes til At 
afcnbit $ fum qaoqac qui a Damafo Papa t &c.^ Here the greatcft 
Hiftoruns differ about one of the molt noted Hittories. 

Of Augttftiti 's- Works (To. 1, p. 129.) he rells you that BclUr- 
mine tells us not what Edition he ufed : But it's certain he ufed 
not the AntwerpyOT VUminian Edition, which was the belt., and 
the Original of all the reft.] 

T 7 . 132. Rivet and Ptrkjns are derided for difowning lone' 

P. 1 3 f . Erafmi, Riveti fimiliumqwe ridctxr a doclis cenfxra 
(viz.. de lib. Cfinrinetj.) Antf I profefs my (elf Jefs skilful in fuch 
matters than Efafmus, 

Et ibid. Erafmus & He fins Juliana opus ' illtid tr -buer evident ur % 
Pamtluts tanq^im incerti Author is aliegat : Nos cum Livanien*- 
ftbus BcllarmiKo, alufqne Catbohcis siugufiim effe cenjemus, nee 
trie a Rivet 1 dftcrrent, 

V. 136. Qiaft. Vet % & Novi Te/t. non- fitnt Auguflini tit facile 
tmncsconfentixbt ; Jj)jdamv+s jub ejus nomine citato reperiantar ab 
£pi [caput Ltttetia Par if An. 824. Con$r egat is & quibufdxm alas. 

Of Aufomus the Poet, p. 171. he faith, [_£>*am falfa fmt qua 
de eo fc'ipfic Jo. Tritbtmms qu'ivts vel ex tpfa lellione innlliget. 

Of AiAMHAB* p. 173. \J^x Trithemit encomia h&c dnbio proad 
omni oi>litcranda: [J§Jj« metro Virgilium i Cicercnem profa aqttat, 
ne dicamfhpsrat : J Sunt cnim falfijftma iis qtti gufittm aliquem la>- 
tinitatis babent. 

Of Beda 3 p 184. See what he faith of Will Malmsburj^ Mat,. 
Wcftminft. f^i'jfixs and Baroniw. 

Of B.etbitit, p. 204. Hi.norim Augnftod. — ubt falfo narrat 
Medio la n 1 intt rft ttttm fuiffi - - - 

P. 217. Piura adverfts Lemclavium 3 primnm eorum editor ent' 
dtcUmavit Jac. Billius (de Cdfario.') 

DeCljuAioScote,p.zl8. Tbo. Dempftertis mtilta pro more fm 
indigefta tffudii— 

De Gerfone^p. 565'. E'rat pofl Pcfftvinum Maraccius qui Joan, 
htinc Monacham or Amis cce!efti—*JJerri~_—Idtm quoqtte ex Patro~ 
loqo eradendnm, 
& Sec. 


'"See what he faith dejulto Africano, that the Annot at tones 
eruditijf. in Eufeb. Ecclef. Hift. — Opinioni nofira in plerifque ad~ 
vet{antm\] I fuppofe he means that Olefins which I wanted. 

And de fuftino MaxttScaligerum erraffe, &c.~] Et p. 8^3 . (/«- 
figne mendttm ex Trithemio 9 Gefnero y Simlero^ Sexte } Fojfevino, 
Bdlarmino, Mira?o, aliifque propagatum--) 

To. 2. p. 361. Smaragdos duos in mum conftidermt, Trithe- 
mitis, Sixtus Sencnfis, Pojfevinus, Bellarminus^ Mir&ui aliiqut 
pkjfim — ] Abundance fuch charges tell us how much greater 
Errours are charged on thegreateft Hiftorians, than Mr. Morrice 
chargeth on me, with the leaft (hew of probability. 

How many fcore of Hiftorians doth Blondell cite, who he thinks 
have falfly told us of a Pope Joan ? 

What abundance of faults would Caufabon have found in Baro- 
titis, if he had lived to go through him as he began ? And I pro- 
ftfs my (elf much more ignorant in Hiftory than Baronius. 

It would be tedious to number all the grofc Errours that 
■Vojfius cite th de fcript or. Gr<ecis& Latinis j e.g. in the Later. 
p. 230. Hos duos confudit Trithemius — vid. qua habet de Flac. AU 
cuino > p. 290,291,292. De Vfuardo^p. 29 j. com. Gualterium & 
Baromum, Wicelium^p. 29 6. & cap. 32. deTwpino contra Trithe- 
mium & altos. Et cap. $$.de Walafr, Strab. Tritthenius vehemen- 
ter errat—Et Laur. Surihrn Bellarmin. in Cat ah CT alios non- 
nullos in err or em induxit. 

Vid. & qua de Atmoino, p. 308, 309. habet t & contra Vejfe- 
< vinum,p. 3 10. & contra alios, 311. Et contra Baronium, Brest- 
Hum. &c. 5 1 2. Et de Haimone cap. 3 5*. contra itritthenitim, & de 
Rabano Ad aura, p. 215. Et de Landnlph. Sagace contra Ctf.Or- 
landium. De Anajtaf.c. 3 $'./>. 319. De Hincmaro contra Tritthc- 
nium^CxiG.p. 320. But I muit not tire the Reader: Multitudes 
of fuch Inftances this one Author gives us : And how few Histo- 
rians charge not others wkh Errours (b much greater,and more 
than Mr. M. with any Truth accufeth me of. 

§ 3. As to his notes on my Titles of fbme Councils, it's paft 
my memory, whether it was my carelefnefs, or (as I think) the 
Printer's Errour^to put [a Council at Aranfxcan^Toletan Regien[s t 
for Concilium Aranficar.um t Toletanum i Rhegienfe.~\ If it was my 
a6r 5 i forgot that I had firft put the Subltantivc in Englifb. But 
he may oft find the fame names ufed to his mind : And fure it is 
[io falsification of the.Hiitory. 

§ 4 But 

J ' 

§ 4, But he hatha far greater charge againft me, that I 'did 
not apprehend the mind of the Council at Tours ; why f> ? The 
words are [_Nos veto Jiquos Lex perimi j bet 9 fi cupiunt audire 
pr&conem, vdumus ut convert ant ur ad v it aw : Nam perimendi font 
oris gladio & communione privandi fi relitla fibi feniorum deer eta 
obfervare noluerint, &c. Here he faith the meaning is, [The Ec- 
cleliaftical Laws do punifh fuch with perpetual Excommunica- 
tions, yet this Council thought fit to mitigate ir,£h\] The Que- 
ftion is. Whether [\J§>*/*j Lex perimi jubet, fignifie Dtatb, or Ex- 
communication ?] 1 take it to be Death, and that the Council 
faith [Though by the Law fuch are to Die, if they will hear the 
Preacher, we will have them converted to Life i But fb that if 
they will not be feparated, the Church Sword of Excommunica- 
tion (hall cut them off inftead of Death. ]My Reafons why [Lex pe- 
rimi ;«^r]fignifiethDeatb 5 are from the exprefs foregoing words,. 
\_£hna etiam Lex Romana confiituit, ut autcunqae Jacratam Deo 
Virginem vel Vidnam fortajfe rapuerit, fi poftea eis de conjuntlione 
convenerit, capitis fententiaferiantur. ltemfiquis^ non dicam ra- 
pere } f:d attentare matrimonii conjungendi caufa % Jacram Virgmem 
aufus fuerir, capitis fententia feriatur. Cum etiam in Chrcnicis 
babeatur de rirqinibus G ent ilium -tempore y qu<t fe de& Vefla Jacra- 
verant, poflmijfo propofito & corrupta virgwa/i gratia, Legalifen^ 
tentia vivas in terra fuijfe defojfas. If none of this fignifie Death : 
I confefs I underftand not Latine. I thought the Council meant 
Death by [Lex perimi jubetf] but they would be more merci- 
ful 5 which I blamed them not for, but noted here what many 
other Canons inftance, where they alfo punifh murder but with 
keeping men from Communion, that this agreeth with/ foinc 
Sectaries Opinion. I leave Mr. M's. great skill in expounding 
Councils here to any equal Judge. But if I ignorantly miftake 
in all this, and neither [Capitis fententia feriaxtur] nor [Vivas 
in terra defojfas'} fignifie Death, but Excommunication, yet 
many other Canons after cited fully tell us of the Bifhops 




Mr M's.Expofttion of Church Hi fiory try eel fy his Expo ft ion of my 
own words : slnd I. Of his falfe fuppofition that I am orVyfor * 
•Church of one Congregation meeting in one place. 

§ i/lFfo many repetitions of my Opinion cannot fave Mr M. 
A from Co untrug a fuppofition of my (elf, I mult not too 
far jruft him, of the fence of thofe that he is as diftant from as I. 
Yet this fuppofition running through all his book, (hews that he 
wrote itagainft he knew not whom nor what. His foundation is 
becaufe I define a (InglcChurch by Perfond prefent Communion, 

§ 2. I do Co; And i. Doth he think there is no fuch thing as 
Chriftians conjoyned for aflembling in Gods ordinary worfhip, 
•under the Conduct of their Proper Paftors.l will not cenfure him 
lb hardly as to think he will deny it. ' 2. Are thefe Churches or 
not. I fuppofe he will fay, Yea, 3. But is there no Perjonal Pre' 
f nt Communion but in publick worfhip. Yes fure Neighbours who 
vvoTfhipGod in divers places, may yet live in the Knowledge 
and conversion of each other $ and may meet for Election of 
Officers,and other Church bufine(Tes,and may frequently exhort, 
reprovcand admonifli each other, and relieve each other in dai- 
ly wants j and many meet (bmetimes by turns in the fame place, 
where they all cannot meet at once: We have great Towns, 
( like Ipfvich, Plymouth Sbrewfbury, 6Vc. ) which have many Pa- 
rimes, and yet Neighbourhood maketh them capable of [Perfonal 
Communion in Prejence ] as diftinct from [ Communion by Letters 
or Dciegats with thofe that we neither fee nor £tf<nv.]And we have 
many great Pariihes which have feveral Chappels, where the 
People ordinarily meet yer per vices fome one time and feme ano- 
ther come to the Parim Churches. Have thefe no Parochial Per- 
fonal Communion} 

To the well-being of a Church, I confefs I would not have a 
firgfc Church of the lo^vefrfpccies have too manv, nor too few : 
No more than whofe Pe» f >nal Communion fhould be frequent in 
Gods publick worfhip. Nor fo few as fhouU not fully employ 
more Minifters.of Chrift than one. Burto thei>e/>gofa Church, 

L^ . Ion, y 

l oniy require mat tne una 01 tneir Aiiociaujon De rerjonai Com- 
munion as diftincT: from diftant Communion by Letters and dele- 
gates. And by [ Communion ] I mean not only the Sacrament. 

§ 2. It is in vain therefore to anfwer a book that goeth on 
fuch falfe fuppofitions, and a man that will facedown the world 
that I plead for that which I never owned, and fo frequently dis- 


Of b'<s falfe fuppofit ion that I amagainft Dioc-efan Bifl:cps % bee au fc 
I am againjl that fpecies of them which puts down all the BiJJjcps 
of jingle Churches, and thefe Churches thcmfelves* 

§ i.HTHis fuppofition goeth through almoft all the book: In 
his preface he faith [ The ftperiority of Bifhops over Prc- 
fbyters is acknowledged by Catholicks^nd Schifmat'ickj & Heretick/^ 
&c. and yet this Church hiflory would have us believe the Contrary,^ 
And fo throughout. 

§ 2. And yet to.fliew that he knew the Contrary in one 
place heconfeffeth it, and defcribed part of my judgment, and 
faith that none will be of my mind in it, but it is lingular to 
my felf: Yea I had in my Difput. of Church Government, 
which he taketh on him in part to anfwer, and in my Treat, of 
Epifcopacy which tic alfo pretends to anfwer in part ? told them 
of mure forts of Bifhops than one that I oppofenor 5 no not A. 
Bifhops themfelves : And cne of them hereupon notes it as if I 
differed but about the name, fubmitting to Diocefansfo they may 
but be called A. Bifliops. To whom I anfwered that A. Bifhops 
have Bifhops under them, fo that though I over and over 
even totedioufnefs tell them it is the depofmg of all the fir j for 
I owe ft Species of Bijhnps and Churches^znd Corfftquenfiy zWFoffibi- 
lityofirtie-Di\ip!ine that I oppofe^md (ubmit to any that overfce 
many fuch Churches without deftroying them and their privi- 
leges inftituted by Chrift] I fpeak Kill in vain to them: Thefe 
true Hiftorians face down the world that I write whole books 
to the clean contrary. 



Of bis [apportion that I am an I nde pe ndcM^ and )et that ~I plead for 
the catijeoftb$ Prefbyterians. 

§ i HpHis is alio a fuppoficion that is part of the Stamina of 
his Book ; and how fir he is to be believed herein 
judge by the evidence following. 

i. He knew what I (aid before for three forts of Bifhops, 
i. Epifccpi Gregi*, Overfeers of fmgle loweft Churches, as of 
Divine Infticution: 2. For Ep'fcopi Epifcoporttm, or Prefidents. 
Bifhops ejufdem Ordinis jion ejnfdsm Gradxsjn the fame Churches, 
as of early Humane Inftitution, which I refift nor. 3. Epifcopi 
EplfcopoYum, Overfeers of many Churches, which I fhfpectto 
be SuccefTors of the Apoftles, and of fuch as Timothy 3 Titi&, &c. 
in the continued ordinary part of their work, (exercifing no 
other Power than they did :) Infomuch that Dr. Sherlock would 
be thought Co much lefs Epifcopal than I, as that he faith ; It H 
Antichriftian to ailert Epijcvpos Epifcoporum. 

§ 2. And Dr. Parker hath newly wrircen a Book for Epifco- 
pacy, which I hear many defpife $ but for my parr I take to be 
the ftrongeft that I have feen written for ir thefe twenty years ^ 
but to no purpofe againft me ; fur it is but foi* Epifcopacy in -ge- 
neral, which I oppofe not. It excellent well improved* the Ar- 
guments of the K. and Bifhops at the Ifle of Wight 5 even th.it 
one Argument that a Superiority of fome over others being 
fettled by Chrift and his Apoftles, that Form muft be fuppofed 
to continue, unlefs wetoave clear proof of the Repeal or Cdia- 
tion. I have oft (aid the fame 5 I could never anfwer that Ar- 
gument : But this will not juftifie the depofing of thousands of 
Bifhops ar.dthurches, and of their Difcipline, to turn them ali 
into two or three Diocefans. 

§ 3. Affo he knoweth that I have written thefe 35- years 
aguinit Lay Elders ; believing that the Colledge of Elders which 
of old affiled the Bifhops, were none of them Lay- men, nor un- 
ordained, but of the fame Order, though not Degree, with the 
Biihop himfelfi 

§ * 

{6 7 ) 

§ 4- And I have alfo written that Synods of Bifhops or Pref- 
tyters tfte but for Concord, and have not as fuch by a major 
Vote a proper Government of the minor part or abfent: Much 
lefs that Gaffes, and other Aflemblies, are the flared Church - 
Government which all moft obey : And are the Presbyterians 
of any of the three forementioned Opinions ? 

§ $\ I ever held a neceffity of manifold dependance of alj 
Chriitians and Churches. As all depend on Chriir as their Head, 
fo do all thePeopleon the Paftors, as their authorized Guides, 
whom they muft not Rule,butbe Pviiled by,r The f,<$. 11,11. H(b. 
13. 17, 24. And all tbete Churches depend on each other for 
Communion and Mutual Help, as many Corporations in one 
Kingdom. And frequent Synods well ufed, are greatly helpful 
to thefcends : And the Command of doing as much as we can 
in Love and Concord, >loth bind all the particular perfbns to 
concur with the Synods in all things that terd to the Peace and 
Edification of the Church, or are not againft ir. And more 
than fo, if the general Vifitors or B'fhops that take care of ma- 
ny Churches, do by God's Word direc\, inftrucl, reprove, ad- 
monifh the particular Bifhops and Churches they ought with 
reverence to hear them and obey them. And if Independents 
really are for all this, why do thefe Accufers reprefent them 
odioufly, as if it were no fuch matter, but they were meerly 
for Church-Democracy ? Either you are not to believed in 
what you fay of them, ©r of me. 

§ 6. I know we have men that fay, that on pretence of ac- 
knowledging all this Epifcopacy, I pur down all, becaufe I take 
from them the power of the Sword, and leave all to defpife 
them if they plcafe. Ar<£ This indeed is the power that under 
the name of Epifccpacy now too msny mean. Bifhop Biijon 
knew no Power bqt Magiftrates by the Sword, and Minifters -by 
the Word. But why name I one man ? It is the common Opi- 
nion of Protectants, and moft fober Papifts, that BiOiops as fuch 
have no power of force en Body or Purfe. But we deny not the 
forcing Power of the Magiftrate. 3. Ratwc heartily wi(h that 
they would keep it in their cwn band?, and never ufe it to force 
unwilling men into the Church, or to Church Communion; high 
Priviledges which no unwilling perfon hath any right to. This 
is my Independency,- 

K z CHAP. 



Of his Accufation, That I make the Bifhops the Authors of all 
Hertfes and Schifms , as diftintt. from Presbyters 3 Monks 
and People. 

§ i.T^His alfo runs throughout his Book 5 and muft fuch 
A Books be aniwercd or believed ? I never denyed the 
guilt and concurrence of others with them. I only fay, That as 
Bifhops were the Chief, Co they had the chief hand, as far as I 
can yet learn, in Herefies and. Schifms, fince they came to their 
height of Power,, and fpecially in thofe grand Herefies and 
Schifms, which have broken, and keep the Churches in thofe 
great Se&s and Parties, which in Eaft and Weft it cor.fi fteth of 
to this day. I never doubted or denyed but that 1. The He- 
refies that were raifed before the Church had any Patriarchs, 
or the turgent fort of Bifhops, were certainly raifed without 
them. 2. And afterward fometime a Presbyter began a He- 
refie. 3. And the Bifhops were but as the Generals of the 
Arrny in all theChurch Civil Wars. But I never denyed but the 
Prelatical Priefts, Monks, and multitude were their obfequious 

§ 2. Mr. M. faith, That thofe Bifhops that were Herericks, 
were moftly fucb, or inclined to it before. Anfvr. 1. Was there 
then a good Succeffion of Ordination , when the World groan- 
ed to find, it felf Arian ? Were all thefe Avians before their 
Confecration ? 

Anfw. 2. Were they not all Prelatical Presbyters that afpi<- 
red to be Bifhops, and fo as they fay had a Pope or Bifhop in 
their bellies. I never thought that Prelatical Priefts that flu- 
died Preferment, and longed to be Bifhops, had no hand in 
Herefies nor Schifms, no- more than that the Roman Clergy are 
innocent herein, and the fault is in the Pope alone. What a 
deal then of this man's Book is loft and worfe, on fuch fuppo- 
fitions i 


(6 9 ) 


Of his confident Accufation, that f mention all the faults of t-:f 
Bifhops, and none of their Goodneft^ or Good Deeds. 

§ i.TPHis a! Co is a chief part of the Warp or Stamen of his 
Book. In bis Preface he frith, ["This Hifiory of 
" Bifaops is nothing elfe but an Account of all the faults that Bifkupt 
" have committed m the fev:ral Ages of the Church, without Any. 
" Mention of their Good Aftions, of their P/ety and Severity of 
lt their Lives 5 of their Zeal for the Faith t &cf] 

Anfiv. 1. Whether this Fundamental Acculation be true or 
falfe, lee the Reader who loveth Truth fre 1 . in the very h:fo 
Chapt. from § 41. to the end. 2. Through all the Book 
where I oft praife good Bifhops, good Councels, and g;ood 
Canons, and good Books and Deed?. 3. In the two laft Chap- 
ters of the Book, written purpofely to hinder an ill ufe of the 
Biftiops faults. 

In tbetirlt Chapter [" Very many of the Bfoops themfelveswere- 
" humble , hoi/, faithful men, that grieved for the mifc carriages of 
"the rcfl : Though fuch excellent perfons as Gregory of Neoat- 
<: farea, Greg. NazJanz*. Greg. N/ffcn, Bafil, Chryfjjtom, Augit- 
" fline, Hillary, Profper, Fulgent iua^fke. were not very common,. 
u no doubt but there were many that wrote nor Books, nor 
f* came Co much into the notice of the World, but avoided con-- 
* c tention3 and factious ftirs, that quietly and honeftly conduct- 

ed the Flocks in the waies of Piety, Love, and Juftice. And 
u fome of ihem (as Sr. Martin) feparated from the Councils and 
tr Communion of the prevailing turbulent fort of the Prelates,. 
*'to figmfie the difwung oj 'their fins .] 

Of the Ahtients before the world crowded into the Church, 

1 never trade qu eft ion ; Such as Clemens^ Folycarp, Ignatius Jre- 
nxuf,and then ft. 

Kow oft I have praifed holy Cyprian, and the African Bifhops 
and Councils, he fometime confefletb. 

1 What I fay cf Atticus, Proclus, and other peaceable Biftiops, 
you may fee/?. 17. and very oft. Yea of the Bifhops of many 
Sect?i much oithe Albigenfesp&.p* 17, 1 8» Yea- 


Yea of the good that was done by the very worldly fort 
p. 18, 19, 20. Yea of the Papifts Bifhops that were pious 
/>. 20. § 46. 

And § 47. I vindicate the excellency of the Sacred Office. 
And § 53, 5*3, 5-9, 60. I plead for Epifcopacy ic fe!f in the jufti- 
fiable fpecies of ft: 

§ 2. But perhaps he will fay, that at leaftl fay more of 
their faults than thcir.virtues: I anfvver, of fuch good Bifhops as 
Cyprian, Baft, Greg. Naz.ianz~en 3 Chryfoftom, Attinfkin, Hillary, 
Martin^ &c. I fpeak of their virtues and nothing at all ('that I 
remember) of their faults. Of fuch zsTheophilus, and Cyril Alex- 
andria 2iT\<iEpiphanii44,<&cA fpeak of their virtues and fome of 
their faults ( as thefcripture doth of many good mens. ) Of the 
more ambitious, turbulent forr, I fpeak only or moftly of their 
faults : For I profefs not to write a Hiftory of their Jives, but 
to inform the ignorant what Spirit it is that brought in Church 
tyranny and divifions. I denyed none of their virtues^ though it 
was not my '~ ork to record them. 

Whiielam confuting the Errours ofyourbook,do I wrong you 
unlefs I write a Catalogue of your good works. Monuy, Wyri- 
cm, and many others have gathered a Catalogue of old witnelTes 
for Protdtant Verities. And Bifliop Morton hath cited multi- 
tudes of Papifts againft their party : Have they wronged them 
becaufe they have notalfocited all that the fame (aid for the 
Roman canCel I have mentioned the virtues of fome of thr Popes, 
even of Greg, 7. but of many others I have only mentioned their 
vices: This is not to deny any good that is in them: Nor do 
you accufe vour (elves of any injuftice when y^u tell the w Id 
how bad mi., the Parliaments have bin, and 'how bad Cromwell 
and the Armies, and how bad the Nonconformiits are, and I in 
particular, without naming any of their geed deeds or virtues': 
Becaufe ir is not yo'ur bufincft. 



C H A P. X 1 1. 

Of his Accufation that I do all in fpitc and malice again fi Bifoops, 
and as fifing ill language of them, 

§i.4 Nfw. i. Spite and Malice are heartfins : If the fame 
j^jL etfrcV may come from other Caufes, how know you 
that thefe are the Caufe ? 

Anfi.t. Is it from Spight and Malice that Proteftants common- 
ly defcribe the vices of the Popes, fuch as Greg. ^.Sergi^^AUx- 
.indr.%. Bomface 8. fob.il. and i 3. & 22, 6c 23. 6c Evgcn.^, &c. 
And alfothat they fb hardly fpeak of the fefoites,Yea afcd Pa- 
pifts commonK 7 ? Sure it may come from fome other caufe. 

Anf. 3. Is it from Spight and Malice that you recite the tu- 
mults of theGVrm^ Anabaptifts,the fsults of thofeat^##jrVr,tbe 
Errours of David Gtoygt^ the many Enthufiaftick Sects defcribed 
by Bakmm Exercit. (of whom many z$TbattkrHs,Ker/;Pi<^ 
Behm.n had much very commendable $ andGrotitts praifed fob. 
Arr.dc. )ls it from Malice that the Families, Seekers, Quakers, 
Anabaptifts,cyf. a7e ufuaily by your party defcribed by their 
faults, without any mention of their goodnefs ? 

Anf. 4. Is it from Spight and Malice that your Party have 
written what they have done of the great faulcinefs of theNort- 
conformifts, both former and latter; and that Cahinifisavefo 
odioufly reprefented 3 that the Reformation by them isdtfcribed 
by H:yliri and others as Rebellious? That fuch books are written 
as Htjlins Aerifts Rcdivivt/s, H. Po'tvUs, the EvangeL Armatntm, 
The EccUfi Pcliu the Friendly Debate, the Ccunterminer, the 
Vindicar. of Dr. StMhgfieet, the pretended fecond parr 3 (which 
is a continued Calumny againft my ftff, fo full of particular hlf- 
hoods as are not to be without a tedious Volume anfvvered : 
And a multitude fuch written to render the N',nccnformifts 
odious and unfufferabJe. If all thefc be not written in MaIice,how 
knowyoii that mine were . ? 

Ar,f. y. And whereas fome pretending moderation accufe 
me of too bad provoking language, 1. Is there any Comparifon 
between the language of any of thefe books 5 or yours and Dr, 


w^wK/i,^oaiia num. r ividu uul i_»tai ucu vjuuiy iuuuciaic pirilUU 

Downam his Defence of his Vifir. fermon, his frequent charges 
[ of fhamdefs, impudent Lying, and much more ] againft a Noin 
conformift that gave him no fuch language. Read but the ordi- 
nary Writings of fuch as Bifhop Bancroft, Dr. Sut cliff, and molt 
others againft the Old Nonconformifts ; and of the Lutherans 
againft the Calvinifis, even men that I am perfuaded meant ho- 
neftly, but by Faction were exafperated, as Hunnnu, Brentius, 
MorUnus, Mir backus, Snepfius, Wigandus, Hejhufius, Andreas, 
Selnecerus^ Heerbrand, Caloviut, and many fuch. Read but our 
Grammarians, fuch as you may find in the many Volumes of the 
Collections of fanus Gruterus, even thofe of Cramer^ and P£/7. 
Faraus, and others againft himfelfj where Fools, Knaves, Lyars, 
Sots, and worfe, make up much of the ftyle. 

Read but our Old Grammarian Reformers againft the Popifh 
Priefts, and Schoolmen, I mean Erafmus, Hutten^Faber, and the 
reft, what Scorns their Writings do abound with. 

I will not refer you to the Qjcen of Navarre, and Stephanas 
his World of Wonders, againft the Prieft?, left you think I ap- 
prove of theexcefs. 

Yea read but the Writings of our famous Learned Criticks, 
^«/.and fofeph Scaliger, Heinfms, Sabnafius,&c. from whom the 
railing Jefuite Labbe took advantage to fay, Tom.i.p.S^o. [ ct Ri- 
tc veto pr diver at ^o/epbus Scaliger, homo mi que modefiijfimus, 
"qui Edit of es S. Irandi vocat, clamofos , male die entijftmos. 
^Ccrcopas, Tartar eos, Fyrifhlcgetkontas, virulent id & probrorum 
" concionatores^ editiohtm eolonienfem, cloac'am Sjccph ant i arum, 
cC latrinam convitiorum, & (tabubim in[atid7\ Through God's 
great mercy, while Malignity is the Complexion of the Ser- 
pent's Seed 3 and Lying is their Breath, and Murder is their 
Work, the names of all thefe fins are odious in the world, and 
guile is impatient, and Cannot endure its own name. 

Should I but mention the Language of Papifts, how they re- 
pretent the holieft Proteftants as Lyars, Deceiver*, Devil?,intol- 
lcrab!e 5 whom -it is as lawful to kill as D:>gs, Foxes or Toad?j 
h vvoufd concern none but thofe of you that ufe to fay, I had 
rather be a Papift than a Puritane, or Presbyterian ; -or thofe 
that renounce Communion with us, and own it with the Church 
of Rome -, who arc, alas, too many. Such Language as Labbcs, 
P'oh 1.P.819. is of thefvreeter fort, viz.. <: J^ijqtsis cs [aim is 



u tm 4MMv,s t Omncs illico Calviniftas^ Luther anos^ SUkinianos 
u u4nabaptiflas y Jimilefyue generis humani peftes, Cacod&mor.um 
st tnftar e.vecrabere, This is but what we daily hear: But while 
we hear it in a Language Co very like from the Papifts, and the 
Pulpits and Prefs, and Roger Le Strange is become the Church's 
Advocate and Mouth, it will harden them that did ill joyn to- 
gether Popery and Prelacy in their rejections. 

Honeft Thuanus is amiable and honourable for Speaking well 
of all that deferved ir,without partiality: But GerhVofius is pur. 
to defend his Father-in-law Junius againit his unjnft cenfure. In- 
dcedjunius was a man of Eminent peaceablenefs and moderation, 
(I would Armlnius and he had been the utmoft profecutors of 
thatControverfie, notwithftanding Dr. Tmjfes undervaluing his 
skill in School Divinity) And few men were more unlike Thua- 
nus his ill Character than Junius :But Dr Manton hath told me 
that he hath been fully informed that it was not Junius that Thua- 
nus meant but anetber that dyed that year(" which Junius did not} 
and that by fome ill chance a wrong name was put in Contrary 
to Thuanus intent. 

§ 2. Dr. Bumet is a man whom I much value and honour, and 
pleadeth much for peace and moderation, and therefore much 
the more amiable to me : I thank him for his reproof of me to my 
face jbutbecaufe hegoeth on to vend it as ;uft behind my back,, 
where I cannot anfwer him, I tnuft do it here. He faith that [ / 
began and that with unchriftian t pr choking language tgainft the Con- 
forwifts in my frft Plea for peace, which caufed all the fucceeding t 

jinf. 1. 1 have to him and oft in print appealed to humanity 
and common fence whether one that was feventeen years filenr,<3: 
communicated in the Parifh Churches, and under fcorns, and 
ejecYion,imprifonment & mulcts did peaceably continue Commu- 
nion with them without reply orfelF defence, and never wrote 
againft them, till they had long called out to him to give thern 
an account of the reafons of his Nonconformity, and then durft 
not provoke them by a difpute, but barely named the matters- 
which we /udge unlawful, profefllng not to be the Accufer of 
Gonformifts, but only to anfwer the Call of Parliament- men,, 
Bifhops, and others that urged us, and threatned us if we would 
not tell them what we (tuck at 5 and made this the Juftirlcation 
of their profccution of many hundred men: I fay, whether fuch a 

L man 


man tffed a Call to fpeak ? When the King Licenfed us, I bad 
before briefly defended our Preaching as Licenfed : But being 
thus fummoned by our Profecutors andSuperiours, I told them 
what we judged unlawful 5 and was this a beginning of the 
Flame ? Was Seventeen years Poverty,, Prohibkioi and Profe- 
cution, and all this Importunity,, no provocation or call to fpeak ? 
Did this begin? If he were in the Houfe of Cor recti on,and were 
beaten but Seventeen years, or Seven years, to confefs the 
Caufe for which he fuffere'd, and at laft confeffed it, and one 
fhould fay, This was the beginning of the ftrife 5 Would he take 
this for a good Hiftorian ? And it he bad written Hiftory, would 
this report advance the credit of it ? 

§ 3. But the fecond thing accufed,isthe unchriftian Language 
ofthacBook. Anfo. Doth a genera) Accufation fignifie more 
ill of the accufcr, or of the accufed, if it be not proved by par- 
ticular Inftances ? I urged him to name the unchriftian words, 
and I remember but two Inftances he gave me. 

The firft is, that I ufe the word [untruths'] againft my Accu- 
fers. And 1. I think the Reader will very rarely find that 
word in that Book. 2. Is this fo harm as the common charge 
of Lying, ufed even by the moft Learned fuber Conformifts ? 
3 . J thought it had been a modeft word : What /hall a man fay 
when fuch Volumes of Slander are published againft him and 
others, as tends to preach all their Neighbours into hatred 
and perfecution of them ? Alas! Doth ,it increafe our crime 
to fay, It is untrue i How (hall we then anfwer for our felves 
at any Bar ? Is it tollerable voluminoufly to tell the World 
down-right falmoods of us ? and is it railing for us to fay, [Thej 
are untrue f] What's this but like him that run a man thorow in 
wrath with his Sword 3 and indi&ed him for crying,oh ? This is 
the Church Juftice even of our moderate Hiftorians. 

§ 4. But he fairly I fhould not call it[a/rf//£»W 3 or untruth^ 
but a miftakj. Anjw* This is a {harper word 5 for it fignifieth 
tne fault of the mittaker ufually j whereas by fpeaking de objetto^ 
that it is falfe, I leave it to others how far the reporter is to 
be blamed. But fure moft Logical imputations are Railing?, if 
the words \jalfxm~] and [fallaci*] be fiich. 

§ 5-. About a month or fix weeks ago the Obfervator, the 
Churches Advocate published, That [" a Captain of Horfe of 
*' the King**, had the fortune to be diftnountcd, wounded and 



cr ftript, and ai'ChapIain (naming me before) cut from about his 
cc neck a Medal, which the King had given him, and thcSouJ- 
Cf diers fpared in the heat of blood] I fent him word how falfc 
this was : I never faw the man in my life that I know of} much 
lefs ever medled with him : But was in a Houfe where a Soul- 
dier brought a fmall filver-guilt Medal,about the bignefs of a big 
Shilling, and faid, he took it from about the neck of one Captain 
Jennings, whofe Life he fpared; He offered it to fale 5 and no 
one offering him more, I gave him eighteen pence for it in 1643. 
as I remember : And about 16481 hearing where Captain fen* 
nings was, fuppofing it might be of great ufe to him, I fent ic 
him as a gift by one Mr. Sommerfield.'] And this flander is all 
the thanks I had. The Church-Advocate wrote me back, that 
he had it formally attefted. I craved as a favour of him to 
tell me if Captain Jennings be living, how I might write to him. 
Heanfwers me, that one was out of the way that he muft firft 
fpeak with, and I mould (hortly hear from him. The next I 
heard was as a fecond part of Dr. StilUngfleet, the forefaid 
Book full of cruel falmood, taken from my having been for the 
Parliament, and from many diftorted words of mine : Now 
when this Book renders me worfe than a Jew, or Heathen, and 
unfit to live, fome I fear will tell abroad that I am a Traitor, 
for faying, that [/r is flandtrous or untrue, ~\ 

§ 6. His fecond Inftancewas thefe words of mine [ cc Pardon 
<c me for faying, I thinkjhtf Mr. Tombs hath faid more Ufa' truth 
"for Anibaptiftry, the late Hungarian for Polygamy, many for 
cC Drunfannefs, Stealing, and Lyings in cafes of Neceffity, than ever 
w I yet read for the Laivfulnefs of all that I have here defer ibedf\ 

Anfiv. 1. Is there any Railing or unchriftian Language in theie 
words t. which be they ? 

Anfw. 2. Do I here fpeak of any but my felf and the Non- 
conformifts ? Do I not proteft againft accufing others, and only 
fay, what it would be tome, fhould I conform ? And muft I 
not, when importuned by Bifhops, Priefts and Rulers, fay what 
I fear, left others mould think it intimateth their guiltinefs ? 
Can I help that ? 

Anfw. 3. Did that man ever underftandingfy confider the 
matter, who can doubt of the truth of what Kay ? 

I. On the one fide how heinous and many the fins that we fear 
are,if we mould conforiD,Imuft not again name,fcr that's it that 
provoketfa, L 2 II. Now 


1 1. Now as to the Comparison; 

i. Fie appeal to Learned Bi (hop Barlow whether Mr. Tombs 
hath not made the Cafe of Anabaptiftry more difficult? Let them, 
that deny it confute him better than I have done. 

2. And why doth none anfwer the Hungarians book for Poly- 
gamy if it be eafier done than the task in queftion.I have known 
the man that maintained, that if a King had a barren wife,and his 
Kingdom like to be undone by a deftru&ive fucceflor, he might 
as lawfully take another wife, as Adams Children might marry 
inceftuoufly. And indeed themany unreproved inftances of Po- 
iygamy in Abraham, facob, Mofes, David, Solomon, &c. will 
allow men more pretence for it, than ever I (aw brought for all 
( I fay, but For all ) that I hare named in that hook. 

3. And many Phyficianshave faid fo much ("though arnifsj for 
the lawfulness of a Drunken Cup inftead of a Vomit & a Cordial 
in fome difeafes, as have made it a harder cafe than ours (cems 
to me : And I fay not what it (eems to others. 

4. And de necejfario concubitu legantur qua a medic is dicim- 
tur de far ore merino. 

y. And for ftealing nothing but prefent food tofave life 5 he that 
Confiders what God allowed a man to take that went through 
an Orchard, Vineyard or Corn-field, and what the Law of na- 
ture is, and whether the Kings Army on whofe ftrength the 
Safety of King & Kingdom depends,may not violently take food 
without the owners content rather than perifh, will find it har- 
der to juftifie the denying Chriftendom and Communion to godly 
Perfons that fcruple our fort of God Fathers^CrofTmg andKneel- 
\x\g t &c. than to confute the aforefaid ftealing, or that which is 
meerly tofave life. 

6. And as for Lying in cafes ofneceflity,No left men of their 
own party than Grotim de fpire Belli and Bifhop fer. Tajlor in 
Dttft. Dnbit. have written for it. And though I be againft it, 
and many Conformifts for it, yet I will not deny but if the Life 
of the King might be faved among Enemies by a Lie ; or the 
Life of a Patient by his Phyficians deceiving him by a Lie,much 
more may be pretended for it, than for all the heinous fin which 
I fear. 

§ 7. And if thefe words be uncharitable Railing,what means 
have we left to give them that demand it, the Reafons of our 
Nonconformity ? 



What if we had gone further, and taken it for a crying 
Church Crime, and called all the Clergy to Repentance ? If that 
which we judge finful be not fo, let them confute us: If it be 
fo,and as great as we fear, is it not our duty to bewail it, and 
mourn for it? Ez.ek. 9.4. Zeph.i. 17, &c. And is not mincing 
and extenuating great fin, an implicit hardening men againft Re- 
pentance ? Should one Preach againft Adultery, Fornication, 
Perjury, Murder, as about a doubtful Controverfie, or a fmall 
thing, and fay but \G00d men are on both fides 5 / dare not fay it 
is a fin, though I dare not do it my feif: Or if it be one, it is but 
fuch as good men are ordinarily guilty of \ We mufl not judge one 
another.'] What were this but (worfe than Eli to his Sons) to 
cherifh Sin, and Preach Impenitence, and ferve Satan againft the 
Evangelical Preaching of Repentance ? 

§ 8, For my Judgment, I profefs it to be the duty of me, 
and all men, to ufe no Language of Good mens faults, no, 
though they turn Perfecutors upon fome particular Errour, but 
what is confident with true Love to the men 3 and to cover 
their faults that are private, and meerly perfonal, as far as law- 
fully we may 3 but not to make light of publick, aggravated 
Crimes, fuch as thofe of Hophni and Phinehas iuor to (hew indif- 
ferency towards Buyers and Sellers in the Temple 3 nor to 
ftrengthen the Sin which threatneth a Land. If I thought that 
hundreds or thoufands of Chrift's faithful Minifters in any 
Country were unjuftly hunted and forbidden to Preach the Gof- 
pel to a People that truly need it, and this to the unavoidable 
-dividing of the People, and the plain making way for a Forreign 
Jurifdi&ion, I (htuld take my felf as a guilty hinderer of Repen- 
tance, and Enemy to the Publick Safety, if I fhould fay only 
[ This is a doubt fnl Controvsrfie between Good, Wife, and Learned 

Labbe ends his To. 1. as justifying his bittereft Reproaches, 
with the Authority of Chrift, Peter , /W 3 fohn,fude, Ignatius. 
And if he had only given great and publick fins, the true names 
neceflary to mens knowledge of them, for Repentance orPre- 
fervation, thofe Texts, and many more would have juftified 




Of his Suppofition that I /peak, againft all Bifhops Come Us. 

§ l.'THis Is not fo. i. I write ofc for the great ufefulnefs of 
A Councils. 2. I juftly praife no fmall number of them, 
efpecially before the great Riling of the Bifhops, for the firft 
300 or 400 years: He once acknowledged it of the African 
Councils : And he might have feen the like of many Spanifh^nd 
fome French and Germane Councils : The EngUJh I little medled 
with. 3. The Firft General Council at Nice I juftly honour $ 
yea and the Three following, and miny more than three,for the 
foundnefs of their Faith, and as having many very laudable 
perfons in them; though I (hew the ill effects of their conten- 
tion and ambition. 

I have heard fome Conformifts confefsthe great Learning and 
piety of the Weftminifter Synod in 1642. and of the Synod of 
Dort^ where we had Delegates : and yet (harplier fpeak againft 
the Acts of both by far,than I have done by any fuch pious Per- 
fons. Even they that have honoured Bifhop Carlton, Bifhop 
Hall, Bifhop Davenant, Dr.Ward^&c. that were there, have yet 
bitterly reproached the Decrees which they fubfcribed. And 
how many as well as Dr Heylin have written and fpoken ill of 
A. Bifhop VJherJof A. Bifliop Abbot A. Bifhoo Grindai, A. Bi- 
fhop Parker (yea of A. Bifhop Whitguift for x)&&Lambeth- Articles 
which I juftifie not) who yet have a great honour both for Bi- 
fhops and their Councils. 

§ 2. But I confefs I am much of Naz.ianz.enh mind, and I 
think I am no more agawift them in the general than he was. And 
I am againft our fubjection to the Jurifdiction of Forreign Coun- 
cils, and the ufe that the Pope and ambitious Clergy have made 
of them., to become Mafters of Princes and of the world : I am 
not for Ebbo's French Council which depofed Lu do v. Fins, nor 
for making them either the Popes Army, or the Army of Pa- 
triacks againft each other or of fuch Princes as Conftantim^ Valens> 
Theodofius junior , Anaftafim Fhilifpicus^ fftftinian, Irene, &c. to 
fulfill their own miftaken wills, how honeft foever the men 


(79) : 

might be. Much lefs am I for fuch work as the Council at Lateran 
fnbfnnoc. 3 made,no nor that at Florence* 

§ 3 And I take it for anj^ft of great Prudence in this my ac- 
cufer, while he is vindicating BiftiopsCouncils,to go no further 
than the four firfl: General, when it is many hundred that I 
have mentioned. And is it not really an intimated accufation of 
them to vindicate fo few of above 400. And thofe fuch as for 
their faith we all own. 

And yet a man would think by the ftrein of his ftyle and lan- 
guage that it were at leaft the greater part of Conncils that he 
were pleading for. I fay ftillas Bifhop Bilfon and other Prote- 
ftants : Well ordered found Councils we owe great refpecl: and 
honour to, for Counfelj ftrength and Concord, but fu 'bj etl 1 on and 
Obedience, faith he, if? Owe Taem none, (fave as we are bid, be 
all fubject one to another, and ferve one another in Love.) 

§ 4. And now I leave any impartial man to judge what an- 
fwer luch a book deferved, which goeth upon all thefe foremen- 
tioned untrue fuppofitions. 


Some mens Credit about anient Church Htjiorj^ may be conj eft ti- 
red at by their Reports of the Hiflory of the twe and place that 
W2 live in, 

§ i.T^Y their Hiftory of late and prefent things we may con- 
J3 jefture at the Creditof not Mr. Mu but others of the 
Clergy-accufers and Profecutors of their Brethren. Almoftall 
that I remember that write againft me, agree in fuch mifreport- 
ing matters of facl, yea the rnoft publick, of the perfons, place 
and time, which our fenfes have given us notice of, that we 
muft believe them with as great difficulty as we muft believe 
Tranfubftantiation, even in oppofirion to all our fenfes and ex- 
perience. And whether thoie men be fit Vindicaters of the 
Bifhops and Councils above a Thoufand years ago ('which are 
blamed by the Hiftorians of th.e.irown Age, and by their own 
Confeffions, and by their rnoft fervent Defenders)' who noto- 
rioufly mifreport the perfons, and acYions of their own Place 
and Age, I think it is not hard to judge. I will 


I wM ktftence in Twenty particulars of pnblick notice 5 for 
thofc againft particular perfons, even my feff, are not to be 

I. It is now commonly taken for true, that the prefent Non- 
conformifts, who gave in their Defires for Concord 1660. are 
of the fame Judgment as thofe called Nonconformifts hereto- 
fore, and whatever can be raked up out of Chrift. Goodman^ 
Knox^ Kilby, or is reported by Bancroft^ is partly chargeable 
on them, when as their propofed Defires yet (hew the world 
that they never made any motion againft many things by thofe 
aforefaid fcrup!ed 3 in Do&rine, Worihip, and Ceremony. 

And it is commonly fuppofed by them, that the prefent Con- 
formity is but the fame as the Old, and the Cafe no harder to 
us : And this notwithstanding all the ftill vifible Afts and Alte- 
rations, and Additions, which atteft the contrary to all the 

II. In moft of their Inve&ives the prefent Nonconformifts- 
are argued againft, as if they had been in the Civil War againft 
the King j or had been guilty of it more than the Conformifts* 
And that War is made a Reafon of their Silencing 3 whereas fo 
few of them bad any hand in it, that I have many times told 
them,that if they will Silence none but thofe that they can prove 
guilty of any War, or Rebellion, or Sedition ? the reft of us will 
give rbem a thoofand Thanks, though we fuffer our felvcs. Few 
of the prefent Nonconfor mifts were then in the Miniftry, and of 
thofe few that were, few now living meddled with War. 

III. They are fo confident that the Parliament and Army that 
began the War in England, were Nonconformifts, yea Presbyte- 
rians, and not of the Church of England^ that Mr Minkleyfc here 
Mr. Motrice y make a renouncing of their Senfes or Underftand- 
ings necefTary to the believing of it. And yet they might as 
well tell us, that they were all Turks or Papifts. Are not a Par- 
liament and an Army things publick enough to be known in the 
fame Age ? When we name to them the Chief Lords and 
Commons, and Chief Commanders, yet (and lately) living^ who 
are known ftill to live in their own Communion 5 and when we 
challenge them to name Three Presbyterians that were then in 
the Houfe of Lords, or the Houfe of Commons $ or many thac 
Were at firft Commanders in the Army* and we name them 
the Men that then Commanded,, who were commonly knowrv 



to be Conformifts of the Church of England. And if they will 
not believe their prefent practice and profeilion they may yet go 
to them and be Satisfied from their own mouths what were their 
former Principles. I have told them of a moft credible Member 
of that Parliament yet living,who hath oft profeft to me that he 
knew but one Presbyterian in the Houfe of Commons when the 
war began,and I have named that one man to thereto try if they 
can name another. I expert not that they fhould believe me, or 
fuch other concerning thofe whom we knew: But they may be- 
lieve the men themfelves yet living 5 & their moft familiar Friends. 
Yea the Records of many foregoing Parliaments, withL*^'* 
Life written by Dr. HeylinfuWy Iheweth them that the d infer- 
ence arofe i. About the tear of Popery, ( and Arminianifmz.% 
they thought tending towards it ) 2. About Property, Loan- 
mony 3 Knight-mony and afcer Ship-mony,cVc. 3. About Impri- 
sonment of members and other Gentlemen.And thefe were ftilf 
the quarrel. 

But faith Mr, M, How then Jh all we believe our fenfes. Jtnf 
See Reader, whether his moft confident Errours about paft things 
be any wonder. He is not fo fure of what he faith of the old 
Prelates, or the Ne$orians t Etujohians, &c. as he is that he muft 
believe his Senfes: And his very fenfes tell him that a Parliament, 
even Lords, Commons, and an Army, many of whom are yet 
living^ were of another opinion in Religion than ever they were 
then acquainted with., and which was known to very few in Eng- 
land till afterward. And this contrary to their Prafeflion and pra- 
ctice and the fenfes of their acquaintance. Lords are Perfbns 
effo publick notice that they may eafilyyetbe informed of the 
living and the dead: In the Army the Chief Commanders 
were the E. otEJfex, the E. of Bedford ( yet living ) Sxtfohn 
Merrick^ the E.of Pet erborough^ Dolbisre, the E.' of Stamford, the 
Lord Hafiings (E.of Huntington) the Lord Rochford (E, of Do- 
ver) the Lord Fielding (Ex»{ Denbigh) ihe Lord Mtndevile (E 9 
of Mane heft er ) the Lord Roberts ( now Earl of Radnor and Pre- 
fldent of his Majefties Council ) the Lord St. Johns, (killed at 
Keinton Fight.,) Only the Lord Saj y and Lord Brooke were known 
Independents $ and whether the Lord Wharton (yet living) was 
then for Biftiops or againft them I know notj but all the reft 
were of the Church of England, And fo were the other Collonels, 
SlrHenyC'joMej, the bee Lord Hollis,CQlWUl.B*mpficld 9 Col. 

M 77;*. 

Tho. Grantham, Col. 7 ho. Ballard, C. Sir William Pairjax, U>1: 
Charles Effex, Col. Lord Willoughby of Pa'ham, Co). Sir FTift 
Wi&r, Col. £<to SW/j, Cap. Lord Grey of Gwty j and I think 
then Sir Will. Conflableznd Col. Hampden. What mind Sir Will. 
Balfoore was of i know not: But I know his Country man Col. 
Brown was too far from a Puritane, 

Bl t faith Mr.M.[i.ft's well the Bijhops hadnojhare in it] Anf. 
Let Heylm tell you what hand the difference between A.Bifhop 
Abbats Church of Englandmd Laud's then little Party had in the 
preparations. 2. And was the A. Biihop of Torino Biftiop, who 
afterward was a Commander for the Parliament. 

But faith he, [ / pray where were the Presbyterians when the 
"Parliament took. #p Arms : Were they not then in being i ] Anf An 
excellent Hiftorian ! that maintaineth Parliament and Army were 
fuch, as he knows not whether they were then in being. Yes 
Sir, they were in Holland, and France and Geneva, and Scotland; 
and in England there was one John Ball^nd one Mr. Langley, and 
afew more fuch old Nonconforming that never were in Arms 5 
and old John Dod y and one Mr. Geree that was againft the war 
and dyed for grief of the Kings death : But among thofe called 
Puritans,few knew what Presbytery was,till the Scots afterward 
brought it in. Much lefsdid Lords, Commons, and Army know 
it. In your fenfe Sir they were not then in being 3 and therefore 
could not fight. 

It appears by Bancroft and others that there had been once 
Presbyterians in England : But they were dead, and few even 
of the few Nonconforming Minifters fucceeded them in the 
Study of that point. 

But faith he, [ Were they none of them in the honfe ] Anf. Yes, 
one f or did they protefl againfi the prcceedings of the Epifcopal 
and Erafiians ? Anf. That one went with them. And Non entis 
non funt accidentia.] 

But faith he [ Can Mr % B. believe ( or think^any one elfe fo 
weal^as to be impofed on in a matter fo notoriopts ) that it was a Par' 
liamtm of Ep if copals, and Erafiians and not Presbyterians that be- 
gan the war?] 

Anf Thus youngmen that know not whom they talk of can 
controle the moft publick matter of facl: by their conjettures.Go 
ask the worthy Matter of the Rolls Sir Harbottle Grimfton, 
whofe Speeches were then printed: Ask Sir f^.^/wd His Ma- 

(8 3 ) 

jetties Sergeant a t Law who was one of them -, or any other of 
them yet living. Ask them whether they knewthemfelves and 
their companions better than you, who it feems knew them not. 
But faith he [ Were thej Ep if copals that voted down Epifcopacy 
Root and Branch before the war begun ] Anf. I. Have you proved 
that they did fo ? 2. Do you think that acontradiftion? 1. They 
had got a belief that Bifhop Laud had got fuch men into the 
Seats as were for a Syncretifm with the Papifts ( defcribed by 
Heylin) and againft the Subjects Property and Liberty. And it 
was the M:n and not the Office that offended them. 2. But be- 
caufethey were willing of the favour of the Scots, and thole Lon- 
doners who were againft the Biftiops, they pleafed them by vot- 
ing down the prefent frame, intending to fet up a moderate 
Epifcopacy in its fteadj Yea long after this when many Learned 
Divines in the Aflembly declared thcmfelves for Epifcopacy, but 
nor for Deans, Cbancellors,&c. They altered the Covenant foas 
to defcribe the prefent frame only : And when the Houfe of Lords 
took the Covenant, Mr. Coleman fan Erafiian ) gave it them 
openly, dec!aring,that it was not meer Epifcopacy that this Co* 
venant renounced, but only the EngUJh defcribed Complicate 
form. And could they have had fuch Bifhops a* Abbot and the 
old Church of England, they had never gone thus far. 3. And 
they thought not Epifcopacy itfelf fo neceflary, ( though if mo- 
derate the beft fort of Governments ) as to hazard all for ir, 
which they thought had been in danger. Even in 1640 July ij. 
They Voted a Diocefan in every County, with Twelve Divines 
to Govern. 

But, faith he, [Were they Epifcopals that Petitioned the King at 
Y ork for - Rejormation in Difapline and Worfoip then ? i. e, for 
abolifhing Epifcopacy and Common- Prayer f] Anfa. 1. Reform- 
ing is not Abolishing. 2. I anfwercd that as to the lafr. When 
they feared that the Old Houfe wouid fall on their heads, they 
were for pulling of it down, and building a New one, after fuck 
a Model as Bifhop Vfier after gave, and the Germane, Swedijh, 
and Danifh Churches have 5 which they called the Primitive 
Epifcopacy : But before they could do ir, they needed the Scots 
help, who brought in the Covenant, which they chofe rather 
than to fall into the hands of thofe of whom they had fuch 
thoughts and fears, as I need not now defcribe, Prin's Kiftory 
of Land's Tryal defcribeth them. 

M 2 I- would 


I would ask this confident Hiftorian (wh^fefenfes tell him what 
Religion men were of contrary to their daily praftice of communi- 
cating in the Varijh-Chftrches conformably) whether the Longeft 
Parliamentof all, which made the A&s of Uniformity, the Cor- 
poration and Veftry Acts, the Two Afti againft Conventicles, 
the Mdrtia Aft, &C. were Presbyterian or Epifcopa! ? Verily, 
if thefe were Presbyterians, I am none, nor ever will be : Wc 
fhall then have a ftrange definition of a Presbyterian, fuch as 
will take in Bifhop Sheldon^ Bifhop Morley, Bifhop Gunning and 
fuch others. If not, did not the fear of Poperv make that very 
Parliament begin to look fo fowrely on the Clergy, as produ- 
ced that which I need not tell you of? And did not molt of the 
fame men meet in the next Parliament after, and look yet more 
fufpiciotifly on the Clergy ? And the next yet more f And doth 
it follow that they were not Epifcopal but Presbyterian? But 
fome men are confident againft the Sun- light, and the moft no- 
torious Publick Evidence. But I mcfl: confefs that fuch have 
{haken my belief of the meer Moral Evidence of moit Hiftory, 
and left me only certain of that which hath Evidence, which is 
truly Natural,in the Natural IrnpciTibilky of Confpiracy in a Lie. 

There were. men heretofore that would fwear that man was 
a Puritane, who would not (wear and drink with them, and 
would pray in their Families, ?.nd read the Scriptures on the 
Lord's Day, while others were dancing. And the word [Puri- 
tane] is now vulgarly changed into [Presbyterian'} (by the Cler- 
gies Contludh,) And there are fbme Clergy- men that will fay, a 
man is a Presbyterian, who reproves them for Drunkennefs and 
Swearing, and other Crimes, fpccially if he would not have 
Nonconform; its ruined and laid in Gaol with Rogues. In this 
fenfe I deny not but Lords, Commons and Army, had many 
Puritanes or Presbyterians among them, who yet never knew 
what Presbytery was. 

But, frith Mr. M. [Were they Epifcopal who pray the King at- 
Oxford to abolifh A t Bifiops and Bifhops^ &c> that entred into a 
Solemn Leagne and Covenant againft Epifcopacy, and for Reforming 
the Church after the Presbyterian Platform, and fet up Presbytery 
by fo many Ordinances ?] 

Anfw. Diftingue temporais none of this Hiftorians Principles. 
How long after the War begun was this Petition at Oxford^ 
this Covenant, and thefe Ordinances ? He proveth them Pref. 

V " byterians 

byterians at firft when they knew not what it was, becaufe they 
were for Presbytery a year or two after: Negatur Sequela. The 
Scots taught afterwards the Aflembly,and them that which they 
never knew before, 2.And all thefe Petitions & Ordinances (hew- 
ed not what they preferred as beft,but what they preferred be- 
fore expefted ruine. The I flue proved this, an&Heyl'm confeffeth 
it, and faith, They, never fct up Presbytery in any one place 
/which yet is not true, though they did not force it.) 

3. Do you not know now living, thofe Epifcopal Conforming 
whorefufc no part of your Conformity, and are much againft 
Presbytery, who fince the Difcovery of the Papifts Plot, are fo 
much afraid of Popery, and Co confident that too many of the 
Clergy are prepared for ir, that a little more would turn them 
from you, though they love Presbytery as little as they love 
your felves. 

la a word, The Old Clergy and the Parliament Men agreed. 
The New Clergy in Bifhop Land's time diftafted them:& the Scots 
Presbyterians helping them in their ft rait?, partly turned fome 
of them, and partly impofed on them impleading conditions. 

But faith be, {The Eraftians and Independents were at firft in* 
tonfidsruble, and acted jo) ntly with the Presbyterians^ &C.~] 

"Ak[\\\ Thus is Hiftory delivered to the deluded World! Nei- 
ther Independency nor Presbytery were underftood by many 
till the War was begun. The Scots- CommifTioners by degrees 
acquainted them with Presbytery, and Mr. Bur ton's Protection 
Frotefted, and the live Dilfenters with Independency : Two or 
three Independents were m the Houfe of Lords^ and fome few 
in the Houfe of Commons : It was Epifcopal-men that made tp 
the ma n Body : Thefe were of two forts .-The one fort thought 
Epifcopacy of Divine Inftituticn, but not Chancellors, Deans 
and Chapters, Arch- Deacons, Officials^ &c The other fort 
thought that Epifcopacy, nor rampant, was the belt Govern- 
ment fare humano^ But that the Magiftrate being Chief, might 
fet it up, or take it down, as he fee molt for the common good* 
Thefe were called by fome Eraftians : And that thefe at firft 
were inconfiderable, is Hiftory written in defpight of Evidence. 
Let any man 1. Read what Parliaments formerly faid 5 2. And 
what many EngUfo Divines wrote for the Jiu humanum againft 
the fty Divinnm -, and what Teftfmony Frin hath given of it 5 
3.. And YihatDr. St Mngfltet hath produced for it in his Irenicon^ 

4, And 


4. And how commonly it was owned by Conformifts then in 
Conference 5 ^. And how commonly the Lawyers were for the 
Humane Right ; 6. Yea and the Civilians themfelvesj and then 
let him take this Hiftorian's word, if he tell Pofterity that the 
Parliament and Army, were not Englijlo men. 

IV. Thefe Hiftorians candidly tell the world, that the Non- 
conformifts, who offered their Defires for Concord 166©. were 
Presbyterians, and fo are molt of the Nonconformifts now. 
Whereas they never made one motion for Presbytery, for Lay- 
Elders, for Ruling ClafTes or Afiemblies, nor againfl: Epifcopacy 5 
but only offered the Paper called A. Bifhop VJhtr's Reduction 
of Epifcopacy to the Primitive Form ; wherein neither A. Bi- 
fliops, nor Bifhops, nor Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons 5 were 
taken down, or any of their Revenues, Lordfhips,or Parliament- 
Power. This is Presbytery with thefe Hiftorians. 

V. They make the world believe that the main Body of the 
Conformifts, are fuch as differed for the King, or complied not 
with the Directory and Times of Ufurpation : Whereas u's pub- 
Jickly notorious, thatthere are, about 9000 Parifh-Churches in 
£#g/W,befides many hundred Cnappels,6Vmany Churches that 
had more than one Minifter. And almoit all thefe complied with 
the Times or Directory, as the Nonconformifts did : And of all 
thefe, it was buta-bout xooo that Conformed not} fo that 7000 
or 8000 of them that had kept in, did on a fudden turn Confor- 
mifts. And divers that had been in Arms for the Parliament: 
Yea, fome that had written for the Engagement when I wrote 
againftit; yea fome that had fpoken or written tantum now 
Juftification of the Killing of the King. And of thole that ;oyn- 
ed with us in our Propofals for Concord, Dr. Worthy and Dr. 
Reignolds were made Bifhops, and divers others d:d Conform. 

VI. Thefe Hiftorians would make the world believe that the 
Prtfl-nt Church, and fuch as they, did more than the Parliamen- 
tarian?, and Presbyterians, and Nonconformifts, to reftore the 
King 5 when it is notorioufly known, how oft their Attempts 
were defeated, and what the Scots Army under Hamilton under- 
went, to fay nothing of the next ; and of the Lord Delamo>e's 
Attempt, and what the Reftored Parliament did: Butfurelam, 
that the Old Parliament Souldiers, and Presbyterian Comman- 
ders andSouldien in General Monkj> Army, with thofe in Er.g- 
/Wand Ireland that joyned with him, and Sir Thomas AlUn 


Lord Mayor, with the Londoners, at the perfuafion of the Pref 
byterian Minifters, drawing Genera! Monk to joyn with them, 
did the main work, which the Council and Parliament after fi- 
nifhed. When moft of thefe men that will not endure the ob- 
livion of Difcord*, nor the Reconciling and Union of the King's 
Subjects, do but itart up to revile others, and blow the Goals 
again, and reap the fruit of other mens labours, that defire but 
to live in Peace. 

VII. That there are able worthy men that Conform, 
we are far from denying} and we earneftly defire their 
Concord, and the fucctfs of their Labour, and I hope love 
them as our felves. Buc whereas the Hiftory of this Parcy doth 
proclaim how much better and abler Minifters than the Noncon- 
formifts are generally put into their Places, that are no Novices 
or Ignorant Youths, no Drunkards, nor fcandalous, but mofe la* 
borious, skilful Labourers, I will fay nothing, but lee the 
Countries judge. 

VIII. And whether it be true that there is no need of the 
Nonconformists Miniftry, but the Churches are fufficiently fup- 
plied without them, both as to the number and quality of their 
Teachers, I have in my Apology enquired 5 and with godly 
men it's eafily judged. 

IX. And whether it be true, that it was only for the Kings 
or Bifliops caufe that the Parliament put out-all, or moft of 
them that were heretofore removed, I leave to the WitnefTes 
and Articles againft them. I am fure I and my neighbour Mi- 
nifters petitioned that none that were tolerable pious Minifters, 
might be put out for being for the King or Bifliops. 

X. It is commonly now recorded and reported that the Pref- 
byterians and thofe that now conform not put down Catechi- 
zing, and turned the Creed, Lords prayer and Decalogue out of 
the Church- Service. Whereas f iffome few Independents did 
any of this, ic is more than I know, but) in all our Countrey, 
and where I cam^ I remember no Churches that did not ufe the 
Creed openly at their baptizing any, and the Decalogue fre- 
quently read out of Exod. 20. or Dent. 5. and the Lords prayer 
frequently; as we did conftantly„ Buc fome thought that we 
were not bound to ufe it every time they prayed. And the Di- 
rectory commendeth all thefe to them. And all our Countrey 
agreed not only to Catechize publickly, but to take larger time 


tm tlie week daies to Catechize every family. 

X I. Thefe Hiftorians fay that I and fuch others take the things 
which we conform not to,tobe but inconveniences and not fmsj 
And that we keep the Nation in Schifme while we confefs the 
things to be but Indifferent And our writingsarevifible in which 
we profeft the contrary, and laboured by many arguments to 
prove it and protefted that we would conform if we took them 

ot to be fins. And we gave in a Catalogue of what wejudged to 
be fins : And this before the New Conformity was impofed : And 
fincerhefierceft difpleafure is againft us for telling them what 
we account Sin, and how great : When many years together our 
Rulers and the People were told that we confeflcd them indif- 
ferent and refufed them but to avoid offending our followers. 

XII. We frequently hear from them that we oppofe Epifco- 
pacy becaufe we cannot be Bifhops our felves : When its known 
that nothing could more put men out of all fuch hopes than the 
Presbyterians Endeavours that both their power and wealth 

fhould be taken down : And he that hath any defires of a Bifhop- 
rick fhould fure be for the keeping of them up. And the fame 
men reprove us for refufing Bifhopricks and Deanries, and fay 
we did it to pleafe the People. 

XIV. The new Hiftorians would make us believe that the 
Reformed Church of England before Bi (hop Lauds time, were of 
their mind that now call themfelves Bifhops and Doctors of the 
Church of England, in holding as they do, that there is an Uni- 
verfal humane Soveraignty with Legiflative and Judicial power 
over all the Churches on earth : and that this is in Councilor an 
Univerfal Colledge of Bifhops 5 of which the Pope may beal- 
Jovved to be president, and Principium V nit at is ^ &c. and that he 
muft be obeyed as Patriarch of the Weft 5 and fo we muft be 
under a forreign JurifdicYion. Whereas it is notorioufly known 
that before Bifhop Lauds time the doctrine of this Church was 
quite Contrary, as may be feenat large in the Apology, the Ar- 
ticles of Religion, the writings of the Bifhops and Doctors j Yea 
they writ copioufly to prove that the Pope is Antichrift, and put 
it into their Liturgy. And Dr. Hey tin tells us that theReafon why 
Bifhop Laud got it out was, ( that it might not offend the Papifts 
and hinder our reconciliation with them} And the Oath of Supre- 
macy fweareth us againft all forreign JurifdicYion. 

XV. The fame Hiftorians would make us believe that thefe 



mens doctrine is now the doctrine of the Churcb of EngUki or 
agreeable to it. Whereas the Oath of Allegiance is ft ill in force, 
and foare the Homilies, and the Articles of Religion and the 
Laws and Canons for the Kings Supremacy againftall forreign 
JurifJiction.And there is no change made whichalloweth of their 
doctrine: And the Church doctrine muft be known by its pub- 
lick writings, and not by the opinions cf new rifenmen. 

X V I. The new Hiftdrians make the Nonconforming Mini- 
Iters to be men grofly ignoranr,preach;ngfa!fe doctrine,of wicked 
principles and lives, and not fit to be futfered out of Gaols. And 
yet thefe 19. or 20. years how few of them have been convict 
ofanyfalfe doctrine ? And I have not heard of four in England 
that have ever been convict fmce they were caft our, of being 
once drunk, or fornicating, cheating, (wearing, or any ' immo- 
rality, unleft preaching and net fwearing. Subscribing, &C be 
fuch, nor for falfe doctrine. 

XVII. The new H'ftorians have made thoufands believe that 
the doctrine or opinions cfthe Nonconforming is for fedition 
and rebellion ^ Arra that it is for this that they refufe to renounce 
tt.e obligation of the Covenant as to all men befides themfelves 
and that they refufe to fubferibe that it is not lawful on any pre- 
tence wbatfoever to rakeArmsagainft any CommifTioned by the 
King. Whereas we have at large in a fecond Plea for peace 
opened our judgments about Loyalty and obedience, ana none 
of them will tell us what they would have more, nor where oar 
profeftion is too fhort or fruity. Nor have they convict any 
of my acquaintance of preaching any 'difloya! doctrine. 

X V 1 1 i. Yea they have by writing, preaching and talking 
made multitudes believe that the Non conform ilts or Presbyte- 
rians have been long hatch ; i:g a rebellion againft the King, and 
have a Plot to take down Monarchy under pretence of oppofir.g 
Popery. And how far thefe Hiftorians are to be b else ved 3 true 
Froteftanrs by this time partly underftand. 

X I X. Yea thefe Hiftoria^s have made multitudes believe 
thit the Parliaments that have been difblved here of lare years 
have been defigning tcr change the Government of Church ami 
(late, under pretence of? . As if that Parliament 

that did that for them and a gain ft us which- is done, and made 
all the Acts which are foT the Renunciation of the Covenant, 
and for all the Dedaratioms/Subfcriptions and Practices Impofcd, 
and {'or Fining us 20/. and 40 /. a Sermon, and laying us in Ga^ c , 

N h«d 

bad been for Nonconformifts, and againft Epifcopacy* and they 
that made the Militia Act, and fuch other had been againft the 
Kingjor his Prerogative : Or the other following had not been of 
the lame Religion. 

X X. But theboldeft part of their Hiftory ,is their defcription 
of the two forts of the People in England, thofe that are for the 
prefent Nonconformifts, and thofe that a,re againft them. Thofe 
that are againft them, they account the molt Religious, Tempe- 
rate, Cbaft, Loyal, Credible, and in a word, the beft people 
through the Land (Tor of our Rulers I am not fpeaking.) And 
thofe that are for the Nonconforming Minifters, they defame 
as the moft proud 5 hypocritical, treacherous, difloyal, covetous > 
falfe, and in a word, the worft people in the Land ; or as Fovclis 
faith, the worft of all mankind, and unfit to live in humane Socie- 
ty. How Jong will it be ere the fober people of this Land be- 
lieve this Character ? One would think that the quality of the 
common Inhabitants of the Land mould not be aControverfie > 
or unknown thing. All that I will fay to this Hiftory, js, to tell 
the Reader the utmoft of my obfervation and experience from 
my Youth up, concerning thefe two forts of men. 

Where I was bred before 1640. (which was in divers places) 
I knew not one Presbyterian Clergy- man,nor Lay 3 and but three 
or four Nonconforming Minifters. Nay till Mr. Ball wrote for 
the Liturgy and againft Can, and Allen^ &e. and till Mr. Bur- 
ton Publifhed his Proteftation protefted, I never thought what 
Presbytery or Independency were, nor ever fpake with a man 
that feemed to know it : And that was in 1641. when the War 
was brewing. In the place where rfirft lived, and the Country 
about, the People were of two forts : The generality feemed 
to mind nothing ferioufly but the body and the world: They 
went to Church and would anfwer the Parfon in Refponds and 
thence go to dinner, and then to play : They never prayed in 
their families,but fome of them going to bed,would fay over the 
Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, & fome of them the Hail Mary : 
All the year long,.not a ferious word of holy things, or the Life 
to come, that I could hear of, proceeded from them. They read 
not the Scripture 5 norany good Book orCatcchifm.Few of them 
could read, or had a Biblc:They were of two ranks$ the greater 
part were good Husbands as they called them, and favoured of 
nothing but their bufinefs or Intereft in the World $ the reft 
were Drunkards : Jvloft were Swearers, but not equally : Both 



forts feemed utter ftrangers to any mote of Religion than I have 
named ; and loved not to hear any ferious talk of God, or Du- 
ty, or Sin, or the Gofpel., or Judgment, or the Life to come : 
But fome more hated it than others: The other fort were fuch 
as had their Conferences awakened to fome regard of God and 
their Everlafting State 5 and according to the various meafures 
of their underftanding, did fpeak and live as ferious in the 
Chriftian Faith, and would much enquire what was Duty, 'and 
what was Sin, and how to pleafe God> and to make fure of Sal- 
vation 5 and made this their Bufinefs and Intereft, as the reft 
did the world. They read the Scripture, and fuch Books as 
The Pratlice of Piety ; and Deut'j Plain Man's Path Way ; and 
Dod on the Commandment s y d>cc. They ufed to pray in their Fa- 
milies, and alone -, fome on the Book, and fome without : They 
would not Swear, nor Cur fe, nor take God's Name lightly: 
They feared all known fin : They would go to the next Parifh- 
Church to hear a Sermon when they had none at their own j 
would read the Scripture on the Lord's Day, when others were 
playing ::Thefe were^where I lived, about the number of two or 
three Families in twentyjand thefe by the reft were called Puri- 
tanes, and derided as Hypocrites and Precifians,that would take 
on them to be Holy : And efpecially if they told any one of his 
Swearing, Drunkennef?, or Ungodlinefs., they were made the 
common fcorn. Yet not one of many of them ever fcrupled 
Conformity to Bifhops Liturgy or Ceremonies, and it was god- 
ly Conformable Minifters that they went from home to hear : 
And thefe M ; nifters being the ableft Preachers, and of more fe- 
rious Piety, were alfo the Objeds of the Vulgar Obloquy as 
Puritanes and Precifians themfelves j and accordingly fpoke a- 
gainft by many of their Tribe, and envyed for being preferred 
by godly men. 

This being the Condition of the Vulgar where I was, when I 
came into the acquaintance of many Perfons of Honour and 
Power, and reputed Learning, I found the fame ferioufnefs in 
Religion in fome few before defcribed, and the fame daily fcorn 
of that fort of men in others, but differently cloathed : For thefe 
would ta'k more bitterly, but yet with a greater fhew of rea- 
fon agair.il: the other, than the ignorant Country People did: 
And they would fometime t:uk of fome Opinions in Religion, 
and fome of them would ufe fome of the Common- Prayer in 

N z their 

their Houfes, and fame of them would fwear, but feldom, and 
fmall Oaths, and lived foberly and civilly $ but ferious talk of 
God or Godlinefs, or that which tended to fearth and reform 
the Heart and Life, and ferioufly prepare for the Life to come,. 
or to awaken Souls to a care of their State and Salvation, they 
would at leaft be very weary to hear, if not deride as Puritani- 
cal. Mr. Robert: Bolton a Conforming hath fully opened all this 
Of both (brts in his Difeourfe of Trite Happincfs, and Dirrftions 
for walking mth God: And how the- name Puritan? wis then 
if fed. 

This being the Fundamental Divifion where I came, fomeof 
thefc that were called Puritanes and Hypocrites, for not being 
Hypocrites, but ferious in the Religion they proftffed, would 
fometimesget together, and_as Drunkards and Sporters would 
meet to drink and play, they would (in fbme very- few places, 
where there were many of them)meet afterSermonon tbeLord's 
Daies to Repeat the Conforming Mlniiiers Sermon, and fing a 
Pfilm, and Pray. For this, and forgoing from their own Pa- 
riih-Churches, they were firft envied by the Readers, and dry 
Teachers, whom they fometime went from, and next profeoraf- 
te<Jby Apparitors, Officials, Archdeacons, Commiffaries, Chan- 
cellors, and other Epifcopal Miruments : For in former times 
there bad been divers Presbyterian Nonconforming, who ear- 
neilly pleaded for Parifh-Difcipline (as Buccr aifo did in Opcr. 
Anglic.) And tofubdue thefe, divers Canons were made j which 
ferved the turn againft thefe Meetings of the Conformable Pu- 
riranes, and going from their ownParifh-Churches $ though, the 
Old Presbyterians were dc&d 9 and very few fucceeded them. 
About as many Nonconformists as Counties were" left; and thofe 
few molt fiuck at Subfcriprionand Ceremonies, which were the 
hinderance of their M niftry 5 and but few of them ftudiedor un- 
..derftood the Presbyterian or Independent Difeiplinary Caufes. 
Bat when thefc Conformable Puritanes were thus profecu ted,, 
it bred in them hard thoughts of the Bifhops and their Courts,as 
Enemies to ferious Piety, and Perfecutors of that which thty 
ihould promote: Suffering bred this Opinion and Averfation, 
And the ungodly Rabble rejoyced at their troubles, and ap- 
plauded the Bifhops for ir, and were every where ready to fee 
the Apparitors -on them, or to ask them, Are you holier or 
cr thin : Aid their Accufations were readily en- 



rertained : This much inclined them to hearken to thtm i 
were averte to Conformity, when fuch rote dp, and to firch as 
were more againft the Bifhops, than there was cauftj 10 i 
by this time, the Puritanes took the Bifhops to be Captains and 
the Chancellors, Archdeacons,Commill^rie?, Officials and P 
their Officers, and the Enemies offeriousG >dHnefr, and the vi- 
cious Rabble to be as their Army, to fupprefs trueconfciencious 
Obedience to God, and care of mens Silvatjjn. And the cer.- 
fured Clergy and Officers took erj< crs to be Suhifin- 

ticks 3 and Enemies to the Ciurch, unfit to be endured, and fit- to 
be protecuted with reproach and pi rt 5 lb that 

Puritanes took it to be bur the com .hat ilnee C\i/Vs 

daies hath been in the world, between the S 
Woman's Seed: And when the ceflors, 

Official-', Apparitors, &:. 'Jer fuch a repute, it 

was eafie to believe what fh .u' i be fti'J agamft their Office. 
And the more the Bidiops thought to cure this bypuniftrmenr, 
the more they increafed th'e Opinion; ttiat they were perfecn- 
ting Enemies or Godiinefs, and theCaptiti \t Pfopharie. 

And when fuch fmful Beginnings had prepared men, the C 
Contentions arifing, thofe called Puritanes, moiily were againlt 
that fide which they faw the Bifhops and their Neighbour Ene- 
mies for : And they were for the Parliament the rather, becatife 
they teemed defirous to Reform the Bifhops, and Pveftore the 
Liberty of thofewhom they profecuted for the manner of their 
terving God. Yet they defired, where-ever I was, to have lived 
peaceably at home : But the Drunk irds and Rabble that former- 
ly hated them, when they Caw the War beginning,grew inraged;. 
and if a man did but Pray, and Sing a Pfalm in his houte, they 
would cry [Dow* with tkt Roundheads'] (a word then new made 
for them,) and put them in fear of linden violence, and after- 
wards brought the King's Souldiers to plunder them of their 
goods, and they were fain to run into holes to hide their per- 
sons {Martin Crufixt in his Turco-Gr&cia defcribeth much the 
like Cite of his Father. ) And when their Goods were gone, 
and their Lives in continual danger ^ they were forced to fly for 
Food and Shelter : To go among thole til at hated them, they 
durlt nor, when they could nordwell among fuch at home. And 
thus thoufandj rod into the Parliaments Garrifons, and having- 
bo thing there to livr-upon, became Souldfer?; 


We had an honeft-very Old ^rminian (Mr. Nayler) in Coven* 
f// 5 that was againft the Parliaments Caufe 5 and he would fay f 
{The King hath the befi Caufe, and the Parliament the befi Men."} 
And that he wondred how ic came to pafs, that the generality 
of fober Religious men, (hould be all in the wrong, and the molt 
Irreligious and Prophane, and Debauched be in the right.] But 
he knew but the Vulgar, and not the Grandees, who no doubt 
were many of them men of very laudable accomplifhments. 

And as the feud of the Bifhops and their Officers and Curates 
againft the aforefaid exercifes of Religion occafioned this fad Di- 
vifion 3 fo did the fenfe of this in the minds of thofe called Pu- 
ritanes continue too long. Many a time have Ifeen abundance 
in great Perplexity, faying [We believed them that profefled 
that they took not Arms againft the King, but to execute the 
Law on Delinquents and defend themfelves and the Kingdom 
from them : We abhor the Regicides and Ufurpers : We would 
reftore the King, if we were ftronger than the Army. And yet 
we are in doubt how far we (hould actively contribute to our 
own calamity: For though the King deferve more than we 
can do, we doubt not but the Bifhops will increafe our Burdens 
and make greater havock in the Church than heretofore] And 
many fate ft ill on this account, and as far as ever I could diP 
cern, next the Power of the Army, the fear of the Bifhops was 
the chief delay of the Kings return. 

I knew not all England; but according to the Extent of my ac- 
quaintance, I have truly told you the quality of thofe then 
called Puritans and of their Common adverfaries. 

And on which fide now proportionably are moll of the moft 
undemanding, fober, charitable, confcionable^ and ferioufly re- 
ligious Perfons, and on which moft of the contrary fnot fpeak- 
ing of any Magiftrates ) I think it neither my work, nor our New 
Hiftorians to tell :For people that live among their neighbours, 
will believe their fenfes and experience, what ever either he 
or I ftiall fay. And I am well afifured that this argument ( which 
I think was not found ) [ We cannot believe that God witt fuffer the 
Generality of the Religions to be deceived in Jo great a cafe t and the 
?nofi of the debauched ignorant haters of feriom GedLnefs to be in 
theright^"] did prevail with very many that could not try 
the Caufe by the Laws and conftitution of the Kingdom. 
§ 2. lfl fhould recite the particular unjufi reports of mul- 

titudes of thefe Writers it would be tirefome and Joathicme : 
Yea all the miftakes of this Eminent Hiftorian are too many ro 
be named : But I will here name one which feems at once to 
fmite and fmiJe. 

Pag. 217. ["There is a temper which Mr. B. it acquainted 
" with that^ is not to be prevailed on, either by threats or promifes 
Qt from ths Magtfirate - 3 and feems to hate nothmgfo much as compii- 
Cc ance with Superiors : Thtre are fame that fcorn to preach by the 
* c Licence of the Government^ and place the Kingdom ofChrifi purely 
" in oppofnon to Law and Magiftrrtes. 2 

Anfw, Note the credibility of this Hiftorian. 1. Doth their 
accufation of my flattering the Ufurpers (whom I more openly 
difowned thanmoit of his Fraternity) agree with this? 

2. Did my Jong and earned Petitioning to be accepted but 
in a poor Curates place, though I Preachc for nothing, yea if it 
were but in fome ignorant obfcure Village, and only to preach 
over the Catechifm^gree with this? 

3. Doth my large profeflion of Subje&ion in my Second Plea 
for Peace not yet blamed by them herein agree with this ? 

4. I willingly took the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, 
and an Oath to be true to the King as his Chaplain in ordinary, 
and had this any fuchfignification f 

5. Did my begging in vain a Licenfe from Bifhop Morley y 
and craving and obtaining one of Bifhop Sheldon fign\dc this ? 

6. .But th e fmile is that one would think by thefe words, I 
might have preached by the Governours Licenfe and would 
not. And is that true? Did I not preach by the Kings Licenfe, 
and the C'ergy blame me for it? And as for the Bifhops Licenfe 
I do profefs that it's yet in force, and I do preach by it. If I mi- 
stake it is not my refufing it. If he intimate as he feems, that by 
the Bifhops Licenfe I might have had leave to preach in the 
Parifh Churches,it's now too late:But I would I had known how 
to get it. I confefs one Summer in the Countrey about z$ 
miles off, I did venture upon the Credit of my Licenfe fac 
u4merfham, Chejham 3 Rickmerfworthj&c.) But it was too pleafing 
work to me to becontinued:One Church mSouthwarl^l was once 
Jet into, but no more in or near London. I once craved leave of 
the moderate Bifhop that now is, that without putting down 
the meeting where I was in that great Parifh of Sr. Martin's, 
I might preach fometime there and once a day at the Chappcl 

which! builr 5 which the Parifh Incumbent ufeth, and that he 
would quiet the Juitices to that end, and thought I hid had his 
confenr : But the Conftables and other Officers it- ' - fi om that 
day about a quarter of a year together every Loro'i Day at the 
door of the former place of Affemblv, to have apprehended 
me by the Juftices warrant if I had gone. And never could I 
hear of a man in London that was willing I fhould come into 
his Pulpit j but the be ft have refufed it. Nor did I much defire 
it here : For it is not to preach to them that have no need that 
is my requeft j but to fuch as cannot come into the Parifh Church 
or otherwlfe truely need our help. Once I did try to have got 
leave two miles out of the City to have preachta Kinfwomans 
Funerall Sermon on the right of my Licenfe : But the Minifter 
faid, He muft firft ask the Bifhcp, and then denyed me. 

Reader, thefe ave the Hiftorians that Charge me with mif- 
report of ancient Hiftory, vifible in the mo ft partial Authors 
on "the other fide: Judge of them by their Report of the Hifto- 
ry of our Place and Age. 


\Mr<W£s. way of getting beliefs by a AJtgifteriat condemning the 
mofl credible Hiftorians^ and authorising whom hepleafe. 

§ i. T-F we had not Eufi&fa, Socrates and Soz.cmcn, how naked 
JL flioijfd we be left, and much unacquainted with the 
cafe of the Church from the Apoftles 5 ( Befides 7&eodoretsR\- 
fbory) tiil 440 And whata fliake is given to the Credit of all 
thrfeby Mr. M and others of greater name? 

Though Enfebtus bimfelf be by Petaviw and many other Pa- 
pifts accounted an Arian,yea. and (eemingly proved fuch, and by 
Bellarmine de Script. Eccltf. its faid that Aibanafiw fo calls him, 
znd-fcrcw calls him the ^r/^wSignifer and Prince, and the 7th 
•General Council fo judgeth him, yet Sccrates vindicateth him, 
and thinks he is wronged : And indeed though his own Epiftle 
written to his Flock be not juftifyable, incautelousand unjuftify- 
?ble words were too Common before his daies ( as Petavius 
hath too fully proved ) with thofe that we muft not yet call 
Arianu But while BclUrmin: and Mr. M, charge Socrates and 



Socmen zs Novations that is Hereticks themfelves,they deprive 
Enfebim of much of their defence, and render his Hiftory the 

more fufpicious. 

§ 2. And though I know Mr. ^/.hath more partners herein, I 

never faw yet any credible proof that either of them were No- 
vations: Good Chriftiansarenot afhamed nor afraid to make pro- 
feffionof theirReligion.Andthey arefo far from profefTing ir ? that 
they oft fpeak of the Novations in difowning words. But they 
praifed them for the good that is in them ! And would not any 
impartial Hutorian do the like/ Muft a man rail at any party J or 
hide their Virtues or elfe be taken to be one of them ? I cenfefs 
thatfuch as Mr. Af .do fully acquit themfelves from the fufpicion 
of being Presbyterians or Nonconform it! s. But fo did not A. 
B\(hop GrindaU, Bifhop fewel, A. Bifhop -^w A. Bifhop VJher, 
and many more fuch. Sure Candor and Impartiality is Laudable 
in Hiltorians $ And Tbuanstsh moft honoured for that. And not- 
withftjnding Mr. M*% aflercions of the contrary, I profefs my 
felf a lover & honourer of the worth of many of theafpirirg Bi- 
fhops that corrupted theChurcb^and of many Popes A andofmany 
that continue Church corruptions in the heightjeven many of the 
Papifts Cardinals, Schoolmen and Jefuites. Who will not love 
and praife the excellent Learning of fuch as Syanz.^Vafqu?^ Vi- 
ctoria, Ve.tavim and abundance fuch ? Who will not pra.fe the 
piety of fuch as Gerfon , Bcrrcmtus, Sales, and many others , 
though we neverthelefsdifown their Popery? For my part I 
highly value the C!earenefs,of multitudes of the School men,and 
t^at they have not in whole loads of their volumes fj much 
malicious railing as thejefuits ard many of our late Conformifts 
have in a few. meets. Doth it follow that I am a Papilt becaufe 
I praife them^r that Socrates or Socmen were Novations becaufe 
they fpeak well of their faith and pjety. 

There are abundance of Malignanrs, thsc acknowledge the 
Good Lives of rhofe they call Puritanes fand if he had not 
had the late Wars between King and Parliament to fill aii 
Mouths and Books agarnft them, the Devi! by this time might 
have been at a lofs with what Accufatior.s to reproich them. 
For he was put to ufc the Voices ( no names ) of [Roundheads^ 
Whigs, &c, when their Revilers were called Drunkards Swea- 
rers, Dam-me'$, &c.~\ But they that confefi the Good/eproach 
them as Hypocrites that do but counterfeit it. Doth this ao 

O knowledemert 

knowledgment prove them Puritane3. I fuppofeMr. M, know- 
cth that no (mall number of Hiftorians and Fathers confefs the 
frri&nefs of the Novatians Lives, and yet were no Nov at tans. 
And Cunftantine's words to Acefnu imply that he thought him 
Angularly ftrkft. Andlvlr. M. faith Pref. [The Novatians., /*;>£ 
the Author, did not fvffer muck by this Editl^ being befriended by 
ths Emperour, who had an efteem for their Bifhop of Q. P. upon the 
account of his Hohmfs7\ And may not an Orthodox man confefs 
the Piety of others ? 

§ 3. But Mr. M. \i Co Migifterial as to fay, Fag, 312. The 
ftory tf/Theophilus, and the Monks 0/Nitria, no reafonable man 
can believe^ as it is related by Socrates and Sozomen, without 
loving a malicious Lie.'] So that Socra*es and Sozomen either be- 
lieved not themfelves 3 or cKc Loved a malicious Lie, 

And Page 3 19 he faith^ [Theftory of TheophiJus his charging 
lfidore with double Letters, th it whoever was Conqutrour^ he 
might apply himfelfto him in his name , is of the fame pierce with 
the reft of Socrates his flo-y concerning that Bijhop; and in all pro- 
bability an invention of one of the Monies o/Nitria,] 

It feems this Hift'orian believeih Old H;ftorians,as the matters 
feem probable or improbable to himfelf. And Co we may take 
him for the Univerfai Expofitor of Hiftory : It is not the Old 
Hiftorians that we muft believe, but his Conjectures. And thus 
he deals with divers others. 

§ 4, For my part I profefs, that before I had any Engagement 
in thete Controverfies, fince I firft read them, I took Socrates and 
Socmen to be two of the moft credible Hiftorians that the 
Church had till their Times 3 and of many an A^e after them. 
I (aid of them, as I ufe to do of Thttantts, A man may trace the 
footfteps of Knowledge, and impartial honefty, and foof Vera- 
city in their very ftyJe. And there are few of the judicious 
Cenfurers of Hiftorians, but def tell us of far more uncertainties 
in£;i/f£/'^,and after in Nicephorvs^nd moft that followed,(as far 
as I am acquainted with fuch Cenfurers) than in thefe two. And 
if their Hiftory be (haken, our lofs will not be fmall. And I doubt 
not but the Anathematizing and Condemning Spirit bath done 
hurt, which hath made Eufebius an undoubted Arian, and Theo- 
doret s firft a Neftorian, and after at the fifth General Council 
condemned fome of his Writings, and impofed it on the whole 
Chriftian World to condemn them, though many never heard of 



them, and that made Rttffintts (and Chryfoftom) Origimfts, and 
Origen a Heretick, condemned alfo by a General Council, and 
Socrates, and Soz»omen, Novatians, Eplphanim an ignorant cre- 
dulous Fabler, Snlpitius Sevcrus^znd Beda, two pious credulous 
Reporters of many feigned Miracles^ and one a Millenary, Ni- 
cephorus a Fabler, Anaftafius BMfall of Falfhoods, PbH*jfri#j an 
ignorant Erroneous Hereticator,C^///^«^j a Semi- Pelagian, Cajfics 
dor I Chronic, eft farrago temnlentia in quit 0;:upbrius Pan. Per] 
nunqaam cum Eiffebio convenit intuit Vofftys, &c. I fay, Though 
it be no wrong to the Church to take. them for fallible, and fuch 
as have miftakesf which the Englijh Articles fay even of General 
Council*)yetit wrongfully fhaketh al] our belief of ChurchHifto- 
ry to call their Credit in matters of faft into queftion for their 
Erroursor opinions fake_,w i thou t good Evidence that either they 
were ignorant, mif-informed or wilfully lied.Buc ifthe Natrntians 
were more ftrift & precife than others, it's rather.like that they 
were more and not lefs credible than others, and made more or 
notleft confeience of a lye* Certainly that which the reft named 
are charged with is fomewhat more as toHiftorical Credit than 
to be Novatians : So that if thefe men had been Nova'Sans, 
I mould yet fay by the Complexion of their Hiftory that I hey 
are two of our moil ufeful and credible Church- Hiftorians. 

§ 5. Bat when it ferveth his turn he can gather out of Sozo- 
imn that even in Conft amines time, Conft ant inople was [Altoge- 
ther a Cbriftian City'] Becaufe he mentioned! the great Enlarge- 
ment of it -, and great encreafe of Chriftianity : When as no 
man that lived could be a fitter judge of the number of Chrifti- 
ans in bis time than Chyfftom: And he that confidered that 
there and every where Conftantine left all the Jews and Heathens 
nneompelled to be Chriftians, yea and ufed them commonly in 
places of dignity and Government in City, Provinces and Armies, 
and that they continued in fuch power under many Emperours 
after him, will hastily believe that in Conftamine 9 s time C. P. had 
half or a quarter fo many Chriftians as were in the time of^r- 
aadim and Chryfoftom-, And yet then Chryfoftom corjeftureth 
the Chriftians to be an hundred thoufand, and all the City poor 
half as many, but the Jews and Heathens not to be numbrcd. 
Sec him one All 4. Horn, it; When he is making the moil of 
their eftate and numbers., faith he [ I pray yon tell me : How great 
a number of all fats ofmsnhath ojir C'ty ? How many Chriftians ' 

O 2 m$ 

• (100) 

will you that there be (That is will you grant, or do you think there 
be ?) Will you that there be Si^^veU^, an hundred thoufand ? But 
bow great is the Number offews and Ethnickj . ? How many pounds 
of Gold have been gathered ? for Myriads . ? ) And how great is the 
Number of the Poor f (that is,of the whole City ?) I do not think, 
they are above fifty thoufand (C&mmelbi. hath put an hundred 
thoufand, as Erafmus Tranflation, Huppofe by the Errour of 
the Prefs.) Now if there was in Chryfofloms daies but an hun- 
dred thoufand (which many fay is not near fo many as there be 
in two Parilhes here, Martins and Stepney) it is not like that in 
Cox/lam ine*$ Time they were half fo many at moft. And yet I 
am far from thinking that there was then no more than ufually 
met in an Atfembly, or could fo meet. 

§ 6. The Jefuites, Valtfius and Sirmondus^ I am no fit per- 
fon to cenfure, But lam notfatisfied why their Credit mould 
go as far with me as it doth with him : I have before fpoke of 
Vale fiush Recording Grotius as one that defigned to bring many 
with him into the Roman Church. And Grotius himfelf faith, 
That many of the EngUJh Bifhops were of his mind, as Bifliop 
Bromhall, and many Doctors by defending him (eem to be: And 
yet when I wrote my Chrtfiian Concord^nd Tve Grotian Religion, 
how many cenfiired me as a Slanderer, for faying le(s than Va- 
lefius doth* Yet I am falfe with this Hiftorian, and Valefius is a 
credible Jefuite. 

And he vouchfafethto tell us the Judgment of Valefius , that 
Eufebius Nicomed. was no Arian % pa g. 3 32. where, he faith [Eu- 
febius of Nicomedia was no Heretic^in the judgment of Valefius : 
But if be were, be was not an Heretic^, becaufe he did not begin 
the Arch-Herefie^ but followed Arius.] 

What the meaning is of the latter words I know not [ If he 
were (an Heretick^) he was not anHeretickJ] I conjecture it is one 
of the almofl Infinite Errata's of the Printer: (But he fuppofeth 
iny Printer's to be mine own :) But that Eufebius Niccmed. 
ihould be no Heretick, whom all the ftream of credible Hifto- 
rians make to be that Arch-Heretick (I fay not the firft) who 
corrupted Conftar.tme his Court and Son, which introduced the 
prevalency of Ananifm to the almoft Ruine of the Orthodox 
Church, is a thing which he that believeth Valtfius in, muft pre- 
fer the Credit of one Jefuite that lived above a thoufand years 
after, before the whole current of the beft Hiftorians of the 



fame, and many following Ages. And did I ever fo difcredic 
the whole ftream of Church-Hiftorians, as on the word of one 
Jefuite, to bring them under the fufpicion of fuch a Lie ? But 
I confefs I am more inclined to believe a Jefuite, and a Prela- 
tift, when they excufe any man of Herefie, than when they ac- 
cuse him. 

§ 7. In the Preface he tells us that[ c< Had 1 consulted SirmondV> 
" Edition of the French Councils I mufi have wanted fveral Alle- 
" gat ions for theCongregationalway t which are nothing elfe hut Corrupt 
* readings of the ancient Canons of the Gallican Church, Nor can we 
Q 'fufpett Sirmond as too great a favourer of Dioce fan B flops «fince it 
" is wellkfoxn how he is charged by the Abbjt of S.Qyrzn under the 
" name of Petrus Aurelius.^cr having falfifizda Canon in the Cou-iclt 
te of Orange to the prejudice of ths Epifcopal Order] fefuites care 
tQ as little for Bijhups as our P rote fl ant Dijf enters can do.~] Anfw. I 
doubt not but Sirmond was a very Learned nian,and had not the 
Conform ids diverted me or all Church-maintenance, I had been 
like to have bought bis French Councils. In the mean time, 
that notice which others before him gave of the A&sand Canons 
of Councils, fufficed to my furniture, fully to prove the Caufe I 
maintained: But I confefs his pretended reafon no whit in- 
duceth me to give more credit to a Jefuite than to another 
man. Though Albafpineus was a Bifhop, there is fo much Judg- 
ment and Honefty appears in his Observations, that I would 
fooner believe him about Epifcopacyi than a Jefuite that you 
fay is againft it. 

But it's as \ncrediWe to me, a* the reft ofhis fpurious Hlfto- 
ry, that the fefcites care as In tie for Bijhops as our Trot eft ant Dif 
/enters can do, Sure many of thofe called Presbyterians and In- 
dependents, would havenoneatalK If this be true, then i.The 
Jefuites would have no Bifhops of Rome> though they be his 
fworn Servants. 2. Then they would have no Bifhops to be 
fubject co the Pope. 5. Then they would have all particular 
Churches to be without Bifhops,, or to be unchurcht. 4. Then 
they would have Ordination without Bifhops. c.Then they think 
not that an uninterrupted Succeflion of Epifcopal O dination is 
neceflary to Church or Mfoiftry. 6. Then they think that Bi- 
fhops (hotrld not confirm, 7. Then they are againft the Coun- 
cils of Bifhops, General or Provincial. 8. And againft Diocefans 
Government of the Par ifli Priefts. And yet is a Jefuite a Papift ? 

Wonderful ! 

Wonderful ! that they will venture their Lives in endeavours 
for the Church of Ai i»* , ard that they write fo much of and 
for Bifcops Councils, and yet are quite againft them. 

But if really this be fo, you that take me for incredible, who 
am againft but the Corruption of Epifcopyey, do allow me to 
take S. ; rmondus and Valefius^ and the reft of the Jefuites for in- 
credible, who areas much againft the very Office as our Dif- 
fenters can be ? But what will not fome Hiftorians confidently 


Mr. M'-f . Obfer vat ions on my Notes of credible and incredible 
Hiftory, Examined, 

§ i. I. "p> Ecaufe I fuppofe that common found Senfes are to be 
Xj trufted : He i. Infers that I was afleep^ & thought 
that I faw all that I relate 5 that is, He that faith he muft be- 
lieve fenfe, implies that he feeth all that he reporteth : I am 
one of the unlearned, and this Logick is too hard for me: Let 
it be his own. 

^. He concludes, That we mufl not believe our fenfes, if they 
were not Presbyterians but Epifc opal that begm the lats War ('in 
England:) As if he had feen not only the Parliament (Lords 
and Commons) then, and the Army then (forty years ago al- 
moft) but had feen their Religion, or heard or read them then 
fo prcfefs it : Whereas I cannot learn yet whether he was then 
born, or of capable underftanding, and hath neither fente nor 
reafon for what be faith. The Cafe that we are in is very fad, 
when both fides fay they have the Evidence of Senfe it felfa- 
gainft each other ; what hope then of Reconciliation ? They 
that are yet living, that were Lords, Commons, ana 1 Comman- 
der?, fay their internal Senfe and Self-knowledge told them, 
that they were no Presbyterians, butEpifcopal $ and their daily 
convert told them, that their Companions were moftly of the 
fame Religion and Mind. But Young Men that never conver- 
ged with them, know them all better, and that infallibly by 

ftcfe icfclf. 

§ 2. 

§ 2. II. Becaufe I fay,the Hiftory of the Gofpel i* certainly 
credible 5 it is ground enough to fay, That All is not. Gcfpel that 
J write ; as if I had faid it i?. 

§ 3. III. Becaufe I h\\P>ophcts were fure of their Revelation fit 
faith. It may be AJr.B. beat da Bene fcnpffii : As if 1 had pre- 
tended to be a Prophet. 

§ 4. IV. I faid that Hiftory is certain even by Natural Evidence, 
when it is the common Agreement of all men of moft contrary 
Interefts, &c. in a matter of fact and fenfe to all that knew it. 
To which he fairh {The Superiority cf Etfivps ov: r / r.sbyters is 
acknowledged by C -it holiest, and Schifinaticks and Hcretickj> * :en °f 
very contrary minds, dif pi fit ions and inter efts; and jet this ChurcL- 
Htflory would have us believe the contrary a 

Anfw. This is our' credible H llorL n. 

1. He doth not tell us in what Ages it W3sfo acknowledged j 
when thofe who doubt*of the matter of fad, doubt but fome 
of 1 00, fome of 1 50, or 200 years: Doth any doubt whether 
it be fo now ? 

2 He tells us not either what Species of B ; (hops the qneftion 
is of,\nor what Species of Presbyters, nor wh. t the Superiority 

3. H:* fpeaks without dHtinction or Exception^ and fo muft 
be underftood to fay that this Church hiftory would have us to be- 
lieve that even Prefdent Bifoops Ejufiem Ordinis had de facto no 
Superiority at all over Presbyters in the fame Churches and of the 
fame order with r^w^which is an untruth fo g'rofsas is no Credit 
to our Hsftorian. I have named both morethan one ranckofBi- 
(hops whofe Superiority de fure I deny nor : & Popes, Patriarchs^ 
Primates 5 Diocefans who depofed the Biftiops offingle Churches, 
whofe Superiority de fatto I fully enough affirm, in the ages and 
degrees in which they did afcend. 

It he fry that he meant it \_Even frcm the Apofles time^nd that 
offuchDiocefans as have [cores or hundreds of true Churches andAl- 
ta s without their particular Bifhops, or any Presbyters that were 
# Ejufdem Ordinis with the Bifkops, and were Epifcopi Gregis, and 
that hadfuch Power of the Keys over their flocks, as curs have not : 
or that had fo many fetch Affcmblies thai were no true Churches; j if 
he will be proved a Hiftorian worthy Credit., Let him give us 
any proof that all men defcribed by him agreed defalto that 
there was fo long, fuch a fuperioriry of fuch Bifliops. But thefe 



men deride diftinguifhing, and banifh Loglck, that is Reafon, from 
their Hiftory. 

§ 5*. V The next Evidence, of certainty which I mentioned, was 
from [continued Exiftent vifible Effects which prove their Cattfes.^ 
And here th»s undiltinguifhing Hiitorian is at it again. The Supe- 
riority vf B.'fhops over presbyters is proved by the Laws andCufloms 
of ' all Chm<; ties. This hath the fame anfwer, which I will not re- 
pear. Either it falfly reporteth my denyal, or it falfl v affirmeth 
that all Churches in all ages have left us vifible Etfectsof the 
forefaid fpecie*. And I would he would help us that are ignorant 
therein with (i>ch Hutory and Evidence from the beginmg of- 
the Churches in Scotland, and in the Southern and EalternCoun- 
treis that were without the Empire. 

§ 6. VI. I fard, that Hiftory is credible which fpeaketh 
confemingly againft the known intereft of the authors:and there- 
fore I named few teftimonies of the fins ftf Popes and Councils 
but of thofe that are their moit Zealous Friends.To this he faith 
that my Characters of ancient Bifhopsare taken from their pro- 
feffed Enemies, [^a& my account of Athanafiuf^ ThcophyUs, Cyril, 
and divers others.] 

Jtnfii. Myaccountof^^^^isalmoftal^ifnotall in his 
pralfe 3 and is not an enemies teitimonv therevalid. If I menti- 
on the difpleafure of Conftantine againft frm it is no»- any Chara- 
tfler of him, but ofCenftantwe the Agent : Nor dd I think Con- 
fiantitiepr Ettfebitu C&far: meet to be numbred wrltb his Enemies; 
why did he not inftance in fome words of mine ? 

As to Theophylm and Cyril, I do not believe that he can prove 
that Socrates and Socmen, and the Hiftorians that Concur with 
them, were their Enemies. And if in reciting the Acts of the 
Councils I recite their Enemies words, fo doth SuripL^Nicho- 
linw, Binnius, B&roniw and all juft writers of thofe ads. And I 
do not find that Chryfeftom himfr If, or I fid re Telufiot a hed any 
Enmity to them, nor Pope Innocent neither. Ot the reft before. 

§ 7. VII. The next degree of credibility that I mentioned 
is that whrb dependeth on the Veracity and fitnefs of the re- 
porter. Of ' hi:h I named nine things requifite. 

Here he fuppofethme one that is unfit; and particluarly faith 
[Whether any hath railed vpnh greater in temperance ,and lejs provo^ 
cation ] An[. 1. I am not the Author of the Hiftory of the men- 
tioned Councils or Popes or Biflhops, but the Tranfcriber. Lee 


me be as bad asyou 5 or any of your tribe have made me, that 
proveth not that Socrates. So^omen, The odor it e, Nicepborus, &€. 
or Bmnim, Baronius,&c. have mifreported what they write. If 
I have mifreported thefc authors in any material point, prove ic 
and I will foon retraft it. 

As for my railing, I expecl: that title from all fuch whofe faults 
I name, and call them to repentance : He that calls men to Re- 
pent, calleth themfinners,and that is Railing be it never fo grear. 
His tirit inltanced railing is Pag, 19. [ A jew turbulent Prelates 
Terfecute good 0^0 ] He faith thus I call the prefenr Bifhops of 
the Church of England i Doth he mean All or fome ? If All he is 
an untrue Hiitorian : He may fee many named before my Apo- 
logy whom I except : And if I have named two I have annexed 
the proof. 

The next is Pag. 46, [ filencingdeftroying Prelates J Anf. Are 
there none fuch? Were not about 2000 here filenced ? Do we 
not continue fo and impoverifhed almoft 20 years? Have none 
perifhed in prifons or with want ? Do men call out for the exe- 
cution of the Law 3 and plead for our Silencing as a good work, 
and take it for railing to have it named ? Doth not Confcicnce 
recoil inthefe men when in Pulpits, prels and Conference they 
maintain it to be a good work, and tell the world how finful a 
thing it is for rulers to fuffer us out of Gaols ? What, are you 
now afhamed of your meritorious works ? Sure they are fcant 
good if it be railing to name them. You will not fay I rail, if I call 
you Preachers. And why do you fay fo r if I call you Silencers, 
if that be as good ? 

The next railing is Pag. 73 [ // all the proud, Contentious, am- 
bitious, hereticating part ofth' B flops, had been of this Chriftiatt 
mind (to endure each other in frnal! to! lerable Differences) What, 
fins) Scandal and Jhame , what Crimes, confufion and mifenes had 
the Chnftian world efcapsd?] And is this railing ? Hath the Cari- 
ftian world had no fuch Bifhops thefe 1000 years ? Have not 
whole Kingdoms been forbidden all Gods Publick worfhip by 
,fuch, even France and England among the reft? Is it railing to 
teil for what litcle things they not only Silenced men^ but burn- 
ed and murdered many thoufands ? Were they not proud am- 
bitious Prelates that depofed and abufed Lud. Pim^ and thofe 
that in Council decreed the digging all the dead Bifhops out of 
their graves to be bunt as Herccicks, who were for the Etn- 

P perours 

perours power oflnveititures? Do I rail it I lay thatureg.j. was 
Proud and ambitious when he threatened the Prince ofCaUris 
with the lofsofhis dominions, unlefs he made his Bifhop fhave 
his beard ? Do not Jew el ^ and all Proteftant writers fay worfe 
than this of Papift Bifhops? Is there any fuch thing as pride filen- 
cing, burning, 6cc. If yea, muft it never be known, reproved, re- 
pented of and (b forgiven to the penitent? And if \ea, than how 
fha.ll it be known without proper names? By what name fhould 
I have called Silencing but its own and fo of the reit? Gods power 
over Conference is marvellous that fin cannot endure its own 

• The next railing is the word [ Heretic Ming. J And how could 
I have known if he had not told me that this word is railing ? 
Did not the Bifhops take it for a great fervice of God., and is ic 
railing to name it ? It's true I ufed one word inltead of a Sen- 
tence for brevity, to fignifie the Bifhops culpable overdoing in 
proclaiming men Hereticks. He that doth not believe that they 
did not well, nor do not to this day in Cutting off from the 
Church of Chriit all thofe whole Countreys of Chriftians called 
Neforians i Jacobites, Mekhites and the McnotkeliteswA many 
fuch I cannot fave him from himfelf who will own all fuch fin and 
contract the guilt of it. Hath /iot Bifhop Epiphanies made us 
more Hereticks than he needed. ? Hath not Bifhop P^/^W^, made 
many more than the Devil himfelf made?Left this pafs for railing 
once more I will name fbme of them. 

I. His lit h fort of Hereticks are thofe that k e pt Eafter-dayrf* 
a wrong time ( as oar Brittains and Scots did. 

^. The Millenaries are the nth (fuch as many of the ant tent fa* 
thers, and our Mr. Mede, Dr. Twifs, &c.) 

3. The ijih Offered Bread and Cheefe at the oblation. 

4. The 28; hp 'fit Nc» Wine in New Veffels in the Church. 

5. The 29th Put their fingers on their months for Silence. 

6. Th? loih Thought that all Prophets ended not with Chrifi. 

7. The 3 ^d went without f:ooes. 

8. The Novatians are the ^^th. 

9. Tve ^\th thought the Ep ifile to the Hebrews was not writ' 
tcn'oy ?m\,butby Barnabas or Clemens ? and the Epiftle to Laodi- 
cea by Luke. 

10. The ^zth are the Orthodox Miletians t hat Communicated 
With the Orthodox andfome Arians too. 

11. The 


1 1. The 46th doubted of the diver fny of Heavens. 

1 2. The ^"jth being ignorant that there is another Common Earth 
invifible, which is the Matrix of all things, do tkin\ to at there is no 

■ Earth but this one. 

13. The 48/i/j thought that wat.r was the common matter, and 
Was alwaies, and not made with the Earth. 

1 4. The 49-6 Hercfie denyed that the foul was made before the 
body, and 1 he body after joy ned to it : and believed that Godi making 
them Male and Female ftrft was to be under fiood of the bodily Stxes: 
Whereat (faith he) it was the Soul that was made Mai: and Fe- 
male, jind the Soul was made the Sixth day and the body the Jth. 

15. The ^oth Hercfie thought that not only Grace, but alfo the 
Soul it f elf was by God breathed into man, 

6. The 5' \ft is Or\gcn$(that thought our Souls were firfi celefiial 
Intellecls, before incorporate (as Mr, Glanvile and many now.) 

17. The ^id thought that brutes had fome reafon ( as Mr, 

18. The <e^th thought that Earthquakes have a natural Caufe. 

19. The 5 j th Hen fie learned of Trifmegiftus to call the Stars 
by the names of Living Creatures (as all Afironcrmers do.) 

20. The <$6th thought that there were not many languages before 
the confufion 0/BabeJ. 

21. The $Jth Here fie thought that the n^r/ie cfa [Tongue] pro- 
ceeded firfi of the Jews or of the Pagans. 

22. The fith Here fie doubted oj the years and time of Cbrift. 

23. The ^J f h thought ( as many Fathers ) that Angels begat 
Giants of women before the flood. 

24. The 6 1 ft was that Chriftians were after Jews and Pagan*. 

25. The 6id Hen fie faith that Pagans ale born naturally, but 

• not Cbrift ians 3 that is y that the Soul and body of men are not daily, - 
Created by Ch'ifi, but by Nature, 

26. The 6%,4 'faith that the number of years from the Creation 
was uncertain aid unk$o vn, 

27. The 64 thought that the names oj the dates of the wcel^ ("Sun- 
day, Monday, &"c.) were made by God firfi and not by Pagans, and 
were nanvd from the Planets. 

28. The 66' h was that Adam andEve were blind t HI God opened 
their Eyes to feethnr n.tkednefs. 

29. Thi 6-jtb Henfie wfttteth the Sins of Parents to their Chif- 

P z 30. The 


30. The 68 Herefie was of fome troubled about the Bool^ called 

31. 7 be 69 thought that thofe fanclified in the Womb were jet 
conceived in Jin. 

3*. The 70th Here fie thought that the World had been fir ft di- 
vided by the Greeks, Egyptian?, and Perfians. 

33. The 71 thought there was a former Flood under Deucalion 
and Pyrrha. 

34. The 72 faith that men are according to (or under} the 12 
figns of the Zodiack^ not Rowing* hat thofe izfigns are divers Cli- 
matcs, and habitable Regions of the Earth. 

3 5* - The 74 Her (fie is that Chri ft defended into Hell to offer 
- Repentance there to firmer s. 

36. The 7 5 doubted of the nature of the So&l, thinking it was 
wade of Fire, cVc. (as many G;tek Fathers did.} 

37. The 77 is of Gods hardening Pharaoh., (f£v. where he defers- 
btih the Dominicans.) 

38. The 79 is that the Tfalms were not (all} made by David : 
and it denieth the equality of the T films, as if they were not all 
written and placed in the order that the things were done. 

39. The 80 Herefie thought that Gods words to Cain [Thou 
(bale rule over him] were properly to be under flood, whereas the 
meaning was [Thou fhalc rule over thy own evil Thoughts that 
are in thy own free Will.] 

40. The 8 1 Herefie did not well under ft and the reafon of Gods 
Wards to Cain, giving him Life. 

41. The 8i Herefie thought that the Stars had their fixed place 

I in Heaven, and th:ir courfe, not under fianding that the Stars arer 
every night brought cut of feme fee, et place, and fet up for ufe^ and 
at morning return to their fecret place tgain, Angtls beingVt cfi-\ 
dems and D fpofers of thsm^) (thai is y as Jervants bring Candles in- 
to the room at night and take them out again.} 

42. The 83 doubted (as feme Epfcpd Commentators) of the 
Z^^tf/ Can rides, lefl it had 'a carnal Senfe. 

43. The 83 Herefie thought, that the Soul of man was naturally 
Geds (mage cefore Grace. 

44. Tm 87 Herefie thought , that really four living Creatures 
mentioned in the Prophets praifed God. 

4 j. The 8:> Herefie thought that the Levitical Feafls were late- 
rally to be under ftood> not knowing that it was the 8 Feafls of the 
Church that were meant. 46. The 

(io 9 ) 

a6. The 90 Here fie preferred Aquila'j Tr an flat ion before the 

47. The 91 preferred a Iran/tat ion of thirty men Before the Sep- 

48. The 92 preferred another Tradition of fix men before it. 

49. Another Herefic preferred the Trahflation 0/Iheodotion 
and Symmachus before it. 

50. Tbt 94 Here/is preferred the Scriptures found in a Vlffel af- 
ter the Captivity before it. 

j I. Tht^G^J ou^jt that Melchizedeck had to Father or Mo- 
ther, not looping that it's/po^n of him as Uarningthat which his 
Father and Mother never taught him. 

j2. The 97 hold that the Prophet Zachariah of Fafts, is to be 
properly under flood 5 when as it is but tor the fur Fajis of the 
Church, viz. for Chr iftmas, Eafter, Epiphany, and Pentccoft. 

53. 7*^98 H-rcfte holdeth, that SJomon's great number of 
Wives and Concubines^ is literally to be underflood $ whireas it is 
meant but of diver fi'.y of Gifts in the Chare b. 

54. The 10'©. Her cfie thm+ht that the Me offering Cord in Zj- 
charv, was to be under ft oodoj meafuring Jerufalcm literally wh^re- 
as it meant the choice of Believer j. 

$$. The 10 r Her cfie not under fiandi^g the Myfiical Senfe of the 
Cherubim and Seraphim, in Ifaiab, are tfoubUd about 1 ., and m 
doubt ( And here he Myftically teRsyouthc MyfticalSe.-fe.) 

56 The la ft Here fie thought that one of the Cherubims came to 
Ifaidh, and with a Coaltouaoed his Lips, and that it was an Argil 
or Ammal with Fire-, whereas it is the Two Tefiaments, and the 
Fire of God's Grace, 
y To thefe you may add if you pleafe the Here fie of holding Afttb- 
; podes, dttermmed by Pope Zachary 3 by the Mediation of the holy 
Bifioop Boniface, / thinly an Englifh man. And of what peril it is 
for Christians to eat Jaye-s^ and Rookj t and Badgers, a.d Hares y 
i ana Wood horfes: And La*d mull not be eaten before it is dryed 
\ in the Smoa^ or boded on the Fire : Or if it be eaten unboiled, it 
\fnuft not be till af er Eafter : And there ma ft be three great Lamps 
ft m a fecret place ufthe Church, after the fimditude of the Taber- 
nacle ^ which m;ijt be kept burning 3 and at Baptifm others lighted 
by them. 

Reader, remember 1. That Philafirius as well as Epipbanitu, 
wasaBifliopj 2. Yea and a Saint 5 whereas very few Bifhops 


of all the Councils had the honour to be Sainted, 

The-.eiore if you fay that all trefe were noi Anathematized 
bv Cotf^ci'ss I anfvver, i. All rhefe are Regiiiicd as Heieticks, 
2. nd they held (as Mr. Dodwtlf and his Compary here do) 
that he that comaiunicatedi with Hereticks, is to be judged a ' . 
Here-rick. 3. And that Hereticks are no pars of the Church. 
Aid forget not above all the Henrician Horefie, which deter- 
mineth noc only our King, but many Papift Princes to be Here- 
ticks, for claiming Invcftiture*. 

And now Reader, I unfeignedly hate uncharitablenefs, and 
therefore deny no good that wasin fuch Bifhops: Buf I muft no 
more be indifferent between Good ar.d Evil, than between Hea- 
ven and Hdl $ nor may I judge Chrift a Railer, for faying to 
hi? prime Apoflle, [Get thee behind me Satan, thou art an offence 
unto mejkcj] It the name oi[Hereticators~] that i?,too rafh pro- 
nouncing men Hereticks be railing,I will give thee no Character, . 
cenfureor name of the aforefaid pra&ice/or lean devife no name 
which may not be called Railing. But judge of it and call it what 
you fee caufe. 

And again, if you fay, Thefeare not the Decrees of Councils, 
Ianfwer, Thefe are but Flea-bitings to the wounds that the 
Church bath received from Councils, by Anathematizing. 

The next Inftance of Railing in thefe words, which he half 
repeateth [Either credible Socrates and others were grefs Lyars 9 
or this Patriarch and St. was a downright Knave. ] An[ t He him- 
felt is [q far from denying this, that he makes Socrates and £0- 
tLomen not only Lyars, but Lovers of a Lie j for what tl ey fay 
of Sr. Theofbilns : And who is it then that is the Railer ? Read 

The next Inftance i?,/>.9f. that I call Bifhops the [Firebrands 
of the World^] slnf. The words are thefe [/ take them to be the 
Firebrands of the World, and unworthy the regard ofjober men, who 
fretendto kpow mens Judgments better than them[dves y and allow 
not tuens own deliberate prcfejfions to be the not tee of their Faith.2 
Fthey will fay, that you are Hereticks in heart, though your 
Tongue and Life profefs found Dodrine, what means hath arry 
man to clear himfelf againft fuch, and keep from their Inqui- 
fition Puicks or Flames? Is this Railing? 

1 The next Inftance is the Word [Self-conceited Bifoops~] P. 98. 
Hiving mentioned the many Logical Niceties neceflary to de- 



cide the Queftion between the Neftoriant, Epttychians % and the 
Orthodox, I faid \_Is it not p;tj 'hit fuci^ife^ionsJhenlA be rai- 
ded about the Perfon of CM{v i by felf conceited Bijhops, ani m«de 
neceff^ry to Salvation, and the World fet on fire a : d divided by 
tbemf\ Reader, remember the Divltioti mid'- by ic cdntrnuefh 
ro this day, to the Separation and Condemn,^*. >n of a great part 
of the Chriftian World! And is the name [ft If- conceit eg] in de- 
ferring thecaufe of this a railing? Ho v much worie ra-lers arc 
they that will call a Drunkard a Drunkard, or a Fur iicator a 
Fornicator ? Read the fidder words of Ludviphns. 

The WC&if4tlin£\% [mercilefs, furies B'fbops, pag 196.] Anf. 
There is no fuch word: When I find wbe-e it is I (h*ll fee the 
occafion of it. Italy, Piedmont^ Ireland^ &c. have tried thac 
there have been fuch. 

The laft is pag. 183. [ The Qonfoundcrs of Church; s. ] Anf. f 
thought I hid merited of them by my impartiality and lenity : 
As after I commend the Wifdom cV peaceablenefs of Pope Hono- 
nus, ( though a Genera' Council even for that made him an H?re- 
tick,)f » i here jultly commend the Wifdom and Peaceablenefs of 
Pope Vigilipts^ who advifed the Council to leave dead men to God 
(Theod. Mpf. Thtodoftte jn J lbis~] and not damn them when God 
hath judged them already, and jet not to admit any of their wrong opi- 
nions'] I Uy [This was the *igb% way : If they vad all dealt as wife- 
ly and Coriflianhke , Councils had not been the Confound"?* of the 
0\u-ch:r.~\ Is this railing? At Ui\ they forced Pope Vigdius to 
fubferibe to chem, and it Co confounded the Churches, that a 
great part of Italy itfelf forfook the Church of Rome for ir, and 
fet up another head agiinft the Pope an ioo Year*. Was not this 
confufiofi? And muft it not be known? 

Reader, as far as I understand them, the Paraphrafe of thefe 
mens words, is [If we kindle a fire in the Church, name it nor 3 
much lefs call any to quench it: or elfe wc'H fav it's you thac 
kindle it: fay not you are excommunicate or filenced when you 
are, though it be by Tboufands :• elfe we will prove that von 
are railers : If we lay you in Gaols and take all vou have-, do not 
fay, yon hurt us, much lefs you wrong us : take not on vou to 
know or feel when you are hurt : elfe we will have an Adion of 
railing a?,ainir you. 

§ 8 That which followeth I anfwered before : But afrer he 
finds a notable piece of my ignorance. The Pope inviting the 


King of Denmark^ to conquer a Province of Heretick^ I know 
not who they were unlefs they were the -Waldenfes: Well gueft % 
faith Mr. M. Waldo was in ii6d, 80 Years after. Anf, This 
will ferve for men willing to be deceived. It wa,s the Perfons 
and Religion, and not the name that I fpoke of. Dorh not he 
know that Rainenus himfelf faith, that thofe Perfons (called Al- 
bigenfes, Watdenfes, and other fuch names) profelled that their 
way of Religion was Apoftolical, and they derived it down from 
SUvefters, hat is Confiantmes time ? If I did not guefs well I 
wrong no Bt (hops by i t: and i confeffed my Ignorance that I 
knew not whom the Pope meant : And why did not this callent 
Hiftorian tell us who they were ? 

§ 9. Next he hath met with my Ignorance for faving Vienna 
near France^ which is in the Borders of France, A / 1. Is that 
any (lander of Bifhops or Councils ? 2 Truly I had many a time 
read in Councils, that Vienna was in France, and had not forgot 
it ; if Ferrarius and Cbenu had not alfo told it me ; And whether 
it was the fault of the Printer, or of my Hand, or my Ad.mory, 
that put near for in, 1 leave it freely to his Judgment, fori ie- 
member it not. 

And if the manner of Binnius naming it made me call Ordo 
Prophet arum in Gelafms a Book, it's no wrong to Epifcopacy. 


His Ccnfhrc of my Dsjign > and Church-Principles^ confidered. 

§ 1. AS to this his firft Chapter I have before fliewed bow 
jfjL falfly he reporctth mv defign. He faith he never jaw 
any thing which more nfletleth on Religion : Lucian and Julian 
have left nothing half fo fcandalous tn all their Libels againft Chri- 
ftiavs, as this Chare > -Hiftory has r*ked up : Here is nothing to he 
feenm his Bjo^ km the Ava?ic", Ignorance, Mifiakes and furious 
Contentions of the Gov emu fits of the Qhurcb. 

Anf How faife that is rhe Rradcr mav fee in aU the begin- 
ning, the two Chapters in.the end, and much in the midit, which 
are written contrarily to obviate fuch fahe thoughts 2 Is the 
afcendent fort of Prelates that were growing up tomaturiry till 



Gregory the Seventh's daies, the whole Church of God t Are 
there no other Chriftians ? Is all that is written againft ihe Pope 
andfuch Afcendents, written againft Chriftianity ? Did Cbiift 
fpeak againft Chriftianity, when he reproved them for ftriving 
who mould be greateft ? or Peter, when he counfelled them, as 
i Pet.$* And Paul when he (aid, / have no man' like minded ; 
for they all feek^t heir own things^ and not the things that are Jefos 
Chrift's t Or when he faid, Demas hath forfaken me^ &c ? Or 
fohn, when he faiJ, Diotrephes loved to have the preheminence ? 
Or all thofe Councils of Bifhops which condemned each other, 
far deeplier than I judge any of them ? 

What have I faid of Fact cr Canons, which Binnius and their 
other Flatterers fay not ? Was it not there extant to the fight of 

And that I Recorded not all their Virtue?, i. The Hiftory of 
Councils faith little of them. 2. Muft no man (hew the hurt 
of Drtinkennefs, Gluttony, &c. and fo of Ambition and Church- 
corruption, unlefs he will write fo Voluminous a Hiftory, as to 
contain alfo all the good done by all the perfbns whom he 
blameth ? I have oft faid, that I wondered that inftead of fo 
greedy gathering up all the fcraps of Councils, the Papifts did 
not burn them all, as they have done many better Books which 
made againft them. 

§2.1 was about to anfwer all his firft Chapter, but I find it 
fo ufelefs a work, that I (hall eafe my felfand the Reader of 
that labour. 1. He takes on him to anfver a Piece of a Difpu- 
tation written about 23 years ago, whereas I have lately writ- 
ten a Treat ife of Epifcopacy, with fuller proof of the fame 
things, which he nameth, and takes on him to anfwer fome pare 
of it, andanfwers not: Till he, or fome other, fhew me the 
miftakes of that, let them talk on for me in their little Vdi^ 

2. Moft that is confiderable which he faith, is anfwered al- 
ready in that Book : As his fiction that Vnum Altare in Igna- 
tius, figniiieth not an ordinary Communion Table,^. And much 
more out of Ignatius ^ and many more is added, which he faith 
nothing to. 

3. I have before (hewed that he goeth on falfe Suppofition?, 
that I am only for a Bifhop of a fingle Congregation, or againft 
a-!!, snd many fiich* when yet he himfclf coufeftcch the con- 

CL trary, 

trary, yea dtndeta me tor making iwelve torts of biinops, 
and being for fuch as no Party is like to be pleafed.with. 

4 The contradi&ions and miftakes are fo many as would 
tire the Reader to perufe an anfwer to them. 

And when he hath all done with the numbring of Churches, 
(o ver-paffing the full proof of the Primitive Form of them which 
I gave as before) he confeffeth that even his great efteemed 
Jefajte Falefins, [klieves that the City Church wjs but One even 
in Alexandria, and in Dionyfius'j time^, 64. 

And while/?. 6j. he makes Petavius and Falefius Co much to 
differ, as to gather their contrary Opinions .from the fame 
words, and confequently one of them at Jeaft underftood them 
not, I that profefs my felf not comparable to either of them, 
fpecially Petavitts, in fuch things, am taken for a falfifier, if I 
mifunderftand a word that concerneth not the matter of the 

This therefore being not about Ghurch-Hiftory fo much as 
againft my Opinion of the Antient Government, when he hath 
anfwered the forefaid Treatife of Epifcopacy, if I live not, fome 
one may reply, if he deal no better than in this. 


Of his Second Chapter. 

§ i,T)Ag. 78. He would have men believe that itisDif- 
X cipline againft real Herefie, that I find fo much fault 
with, and afcribe all mifchief to — 

*dnfw. Utterly contrary to my moft open ProfefTion: It is 
only making thofe things to feem Herefie that are none (either 
Truth, or meer difference of words, or fmall miftakes,) or cu- 
ring Herefies by rafh Anathema's, without neceffary precedent 
means of Conviction, or by Banifhment or Blood. 

§ 2] Is this it that you defend the Church for, and we op- 
pole it for ? When we would have none in our Churches whom 
we know nor, and that have not perfonally 3 if at Age, profeft 
underftandingly their Faith. And what is the Difcipline that 
you exercife onHcreticks? It's enough that you know them 




not, and Co never trouble them. Your Talk and Pamphlets tru- 
ly complain what f warms of Hobbift$,Sadduces 5 Infidels,Atheifts, 
are among us : Do they not all live in the Parifhes and Diocefles? 
Doth the Bifhop know them? Are any of them Excommuni- 
cated ? I could never learn yet how to know who are Mem- 
bers of your Churches: Is it all that dwell in the Parifhes? 
Then all thefe aforefaid, with Jews and Papifts, are in it : And 
then why are ten parts of fome Parifhes futfered without Dif- 
cipline to (hun the Parifh Church-Communion ? Is it all that 
hear you ? Then i. Ten parts in fome Parifhes,and two or three, 
or half in others are not of your Church, and hear you nor, and 
many Nonconformifts hear you. 2. And any Infidel may hear. 
Bare hearing was never made a Efficient note of a Church- 
Member. 3. And how can you tell who all be that hear you 
in an uncertain crowd ? 4. And why doth not your Difcipline 
meddle with conftant Non-Communicants ? 

3. Is it only all that Communicate with you? i.Thefeareyet 
fewer, and fo the far greateft part of many or moft Parities 
here are let alone to be no Church numbers at all, when they 
have been long Baptized, and no c«nfure by difcipline paft on 
them. 2. How know you your ftated Communicants, when any 
ftranger may come unqueftioned ? The truth is, it is Parifh dif- 
cipline which you will not endure. No wonder if you named it 
IJfacbars burden. Bucer tn firip, Anglic, and all the Noncon- 
formifts after him \op% ftrove'for it in vain. It is the hated 
thing. Were it poffible to prevail with you for this, we fiiould 
have little difagreement about Cburch Government. But the 
Popes that ha^e been the greateft enemies of ir, have yet glo- 
ried in a Difcipline to fet up their power over Princes and Peo- 
ples, and to have their own wills, and tread down all that are 
againft them. 

§ 2. To extenuate AnathematitJingX^ Co very Common with 
Council?) 'ie tells us P. Si. that [ 4f Let - him be Anathema im- 
"ports no more than that we declare our abhorrence of fnch doctrine s^ 
Cc and will have nothing Common with thofe that prof efs them. 2 

Anf. 1. w'e may declare our abhorrence of every known fin 
and Errour, in fuch as muft notbe anathematized. 2. By (no- 
thing,) I fuppofe you mean not [ not the fame King, Conntrey^ 
Earth ) Air i &c,~\ but [not the fame Church/he fame Chriftjan C m- 
mtaion, familiar itj % love, &v~\ Whether you mean [ not the 

CLz fame 

(n 6) 

fame God, drift, &C. ] I know not But do you think the Ana- 
thematizing Bifhopsfounreafon.ble, as to renounce all Chriftian 
Communion with men and not tell why ? Or to give no better 
Reafon than [ We abhor their dotlrineQ How few Churches or! 
men have nothing worthy to be abhorred,that is 3 No Errour or 
iiri ? And mult we renounce Communion with all the Chriftian 
world ? No, they were not fb bad : You ufe them hardlier than 
I, They -took them to be no true Chriftians, as wanting fome- 
what of that faith which is neceffary toSalvation,andE(Tential to 
a Chriftian, and fb to have made themfelves no Church-Mem- 
bers, and therefore are to be fentenced & avoided accordingly. 

And how ordinarily do they expound [ Let him be Anathema'] 
that is[ Cm off from Chrift ?] Not only HUdebrand fo expounds 
it often, but many before him: Whereupon they commonly a- 
gree that an Anathematized Heretickis none of the Church, nor 
can be faved without repentance. 

And indeed to renounce all Communion with Chrifts true 
members not Cut off from the Church, is a greater fin than I 
charge on them. Though familiarity and fpecially Communion 
may be fufpended D while clfjay of repentance makes the Cafe of 
a finner doubtful. 

§ 3. Pag. 8x He begins himfelf with blaming Bifhop Vitlor^ 
M for Endangering the Peace of the whole Church upon fo light occa- 
cc [ton. Valefius is ofopinionjhat it was bat by letters of accusation. 

Anfo. I think it could be but by Letters of Accufation, Re- 
nunciation, and perfuading others to renounce them. For 
Bifbops were not then come up to their Commanding Power 
over one another. But doth not Mr. A/'s. here rail upon a 
Bimop, in faying the fame of him that I did, if my words were 
Railing ? Thus you fhall have him all along confeffing much of 
that faultinefs by them, which he takes the mention of by me 
to be fo bad. 

§ 4, He nairieth many Council!, which he faith I pafs lightly 
over j then fure I fay no harm of them. He thinks ft is becaufe 
I could not, as if he knew it were my will. A.nd fo I am never 

§ j. But he hath a notable Controverfie againft Baronltts^ 
who thought Novawshid been a Bimop (fuch Errours as Ba- 
rotitis was guilty of by Ignorance, are excufable in one fo far 
below him in Hiftory as lam.,) But I congratulate Mr. MX. 




difcovery, that be was but a Presbyter: But all confefs that he 
Ordained Fehcifpmus Deacon : And here is a Presbyter Ordain- 
ing: But it was irregularly! Let it be fo: He faith, that he 
ought not to have Ordained, but with Cyprian, or by his per- 
million. I grant ir. But 1. If Cyprian's permiffion would ferve, 
then it was not a work alien to a Presbyter : If a permitted 
Presbyter may Ordain, a Bfliop's Ordination is not necefiary ad 
effe Officii ; and fa that which is a diforder is no Nullity. 2. And 
it feems by Novates Ad, that the Nectflity of Epifcopal Or- 
dination was not univerfally received. And I have not yet met 
with any that make it more neceflary ad ejfe Presbyteratus quam 

§ 6. Next he mentions another Carthage Council, where one 
V ilt or dead, is condemned for making a Prieft Guardian of his 
Child, and fo entangling him in worldly Affairs. And he tells 
you, that all that I can fay againft this, is the rigour of the 
Sentence 5 but he difTemlileth, and takes no notice that I men- 
tion it in praife of the Biftiops of thofe Times, w # ho were fo 
much againft Clergy-mens medling with Secular Affairs : What 
odious Puritanifm, would this have been with us ? What I cite 
in praife, our Hiftorian cannot underftand. 

§ 7. And that you may need no Confuter of much of his Ac- 
cufation of me but himfelf, who fo oft faith, I fay nothing of 
B (hops and Councils, but of their faults, <3v. he here faith as 
folio wet h. 

£" After this he giv:s a fioort Account of Councils called on the 
u SubjtH of Reb apt nation of Heretickj : And here^ to do him rights 
* : he is jnfp enough in his Remarkj : The generality of the World 
t{ iv as for Re baptising Heretickj i And conjidering what manner 
"of mm the fir ft Heretickj were, it is probable thy hadTro 
u dition as well as Reafon on their fide. However •, Mr, Baxter 
w endeavours fairly to excufe thefe Differences, and f peaks of the 
" Bfoops with honour and refpeft, allowing them to be men ofemi- 
u nent Piety and Worth. Had he ufed the fame Candour towards 
Ci others, Sec. 

Anfw. 1. If this be true, a great deal contradictory is untrue. 

2. He greatly mifreporteth the Controverfie : It was not 
whether Hereticks (hould be Rebaptiz^ but thofe that were 
Baptised by Hereticks, and taken into their Churches. IfaHe^ 
.reticle had been Baptized when found by a found Minifter, and 


after turned to Herefie, he was to be reftored by Repentance 
without Rebaptizingj and I think they all agreed in thL«. But I 
imagine this was but a lapfe of his memory in Writing. 

3. But the Queftion is 3 Whether theBifhops, whofe faults I 
mention, were of equal Worth and Innocency with thofe whom 
I honour and praife? Let the proof fhew. 

I would he would freely tell us 3 d>. i. Whether he think at 
this day the generality ofBifhops fin Italy % Spain, France, Ger- 
maty, Poland, the Greek, Church, Mofcoiy, Armenia^ ^n'^, &c.) 
are (o commendable, as not to be notably blamed ? J^ 2. If 
not/ When was it that he thinks they ceafed to be generally lb 
commendable? Was it in H+ldebrancPs Time, or any time be* 
fore? 4L 3- Can you believe that the generality turn from 
good to bad juft in one Age? Or rather that they degenerated by 
degrees? If they were moftly bad in a thoufand,or nine hundred, 
or eight hundred, can you think that they were not drawing to- 
wards it and near as bad a little before 5 ^4. What was it think 
you in which the Corruption of the Clergy didconfift ? Was ic 
rot rooft in a proud,domineering worldly Spiritfls it not that that 
you blame the Popes for?Was not their Afcent theirCorruption? 
Sure you all agree of that ^.. J. And did the Papacy Spring 
up in a year? Did not Leo begin to arrogate, and others afrer 
him( to fay nothing now.of thofe before him ) rife higher and 
higher by degrees as Children grow up to manhood, till in Greg. 
7. it came to Maturity ? I know no Proteftant thatdenyeth 
this? J$K m 6, And can you or any fober man think that in fo ma- 
ny hundred years it was only the Bifhop of Rome that was fick 
of this difeafe, and that all or moft of the other Bifhops were 
Free ? Were they not commonly for afcending with them : Did 
not they in the Eaftftrive to be greateft ? And theBifhops of the 
Weft drive to rife with, and by the Pope ? Were they not, and 
are they not as his Army ? And did he prevail agair.ft the Pri- 
mitive Purity and Simplicity without them ? Did not his Coun- 
cils, and Prelates, as his Armies,do his greateft works? Yea, have 
they not oft out-done him, and over-topt him in Mifchief (as in 
the depofing of Ludov. Vim againft his will ? fay good Hifto- 

Tell us then at what Age ;uft we may begin to difpraife the 
Bifhops. And from that time forward, will you not be as great 
a Railer as I, and fcandalize Chriftianity more than Lucian or 
luliml § 3. But 


§ 8. But I fomewhat marvel that he is again at it ( reciting 
Dionyfwss words which he thinks I miftook for Eufcbivis ) 
That he does Hot condemn the rebapti&ing of Herettickj which was a 
Tradition of fo great antiquity. I judge more Candidly of him 
than ^ doth of me: Though he fooft repeat it^I will not believe 
that he knew not, that it was not the baptizing of Hereticks as 
fuch, that was the queftion: but only ofthofe that were baptized 
by Hereticks. Yet Iconfefs Eufebins phrafmg ir, might tempt one 
to think fo that had not read Cyprian and others upon the que- 
ftions. But when Eufebius and Dionyfius mention [rcbaptiz.in£ He- 
retickf]thty mean only thofe that were by Hereticks baptifm en- 
tered into the Societies and Trofeffion c£ Hereticks. If the worft 
Heretick, yea or Apoftate, had been baptized, by the orthodox, 
Cyprian and all thf reft were agreed againft Rebaptizing fuch 
when they repented. This Dionyfias telling Xyfiits Rom. of an 
ancient Minifter that was greatly troubled in Confcience that he 
had beenfalfly Bapti&edby an Heretick ( being himfelfno Here- 
tick ) and doubted whether he fhould not be Reb3ptized, yec 
faith, He told him he durft not/Rebaptize him that had fo long 
been in the Church and Communicated^but bid him go on Com- 
fortably in Communion ( Much like a forementioned cafe puc 
to me, by forne that never were Baptized 3 but in our undifciplin- 
ed Parifh Churches had been without knowledge or queition 
admitted long to Communion, whether yet they fhould be 
Baptized at all : And Diony finis Reafons againft it I cannot an* 

§ 9. And here I may take notice how our new Church-meo, 
( fuch as Thorndikf} Mr, Dodwell and all their partners ) who nul • 
1 -fie facraments delivered by one that hathnot Canonical Or- 
dination by a Bifhop of uninterrupted Succefiion from the A- 
poftles 3 do make themfelves Hereticks in the fenfe of the Roman 
Church which they allow : For 1. Baptifm is the firft and moft 
neceflary Sacrament in their own .opinion. Yea Anfiin and too 
many of old, but fpecially too many now, take it to be neceffary 
to Salvation $ 2, If therefore Baptifm be a nullity all that are 
Baptized in England^ Scotland and all the Proteftant Churches by 
fuch as had no fuch Ordaincrs, muft be Baptized again or be 
damned. 3. If they fay, They may be faved without it, then 1. 
they confefs Mr. Dodwelis Doctrine to be falfe, that faith none 
have a Covenant right to Salvation,who have it not by a Sacra* 



tnent from fuch hands. 2* And they renounce the Dodlrine *f 
the Neceility of Baptifm to Salvation. But if they are for Re- 
baptising all fuch Proteftant Countries, as necellary to Salvation-, 
they are uncharitable that do not fpeak it out. 

§ 10. He paffeth by Bifhop Stephens Excommunicating all 
the Oriental Bifhops of Cappadocia, Cilicia, Galatta, and Repro- 
bating their Synods, for Rebaptization : Doth he think that 
even then fome Bifhops did not rife too faft ? 

§ u. The man that is fo angry with me for telling of the 
faults of Bifhops and Councils, is pag, 87. angry with me for 
fiot faying worfeagainft Semndm his Council of Bifhops at Cirta\ 
and fajlth, I have not done right to the Catholick Church : I 
perceive the queftion is not, whether I may Rail at Bifhops,but 
what Bifhops they be that I muft Rail at. 

As for the Council at Simejfa, I believed the being of it no 
more than he doth: And when I am but naming the common 
Catalogue, he might pardon my modefty for faying that the be- 
ing of it is a Controverfie. 

§ iz. Of the Council of IlUberis he faith but contraftedly the 
fame that I do, that It hath many good Canons^ and fome that need 
A favourable Interpretation, and is very fever e in fome cafes. This 
meafure of juft praife and difpraife D is pra&ifed by him that is 
condemning it in me. 

§ 13. As to his Controverfie, whether Bifhops, of fuch as 
flrove to be Bifhops, were the very firft movers of the Dona- 
tifts Controverfie, who fhould be Bifhop, it's not worth the 
turning over one Book to fearch, as to my bufmefs. 

§ 14. Next he that accufeth me of Railing at Bifhops, accu- 
feth me for faying (from fome good Authors) that a Bifhop of 
Carthage, Donatus^ was a good man, who he faith was bad. It's 
little to me whether he were good or bad. 

§15-. Next henoteth that I Err with Binnias and Baronius 
as to the year of a Carthage Council. I undertook not to ju- 
ftifte all the Chronology or Hiftory that I tranferibe : Whether 
Optatus, or Binnius and Baronius hit on the juft year, little 
care I. 

• § 16. I praifed a DonatiJFs Council of 270 Bifhops at C^r- 
thage for Moderation, agreeing te communicate with penitent 
JYaditors, without Rebaptizing them, and fo doing for 40 years. 
4>. What was thefe mens Herefie * 
V" He 

r He faith, This lookj Uker a piece o] Fobcythan Moderation^ for 
it had no tendency topeace % but toftrengthen the Scbifm.~] 

Anf. Who knows how to pleafe men ? When they exclaim 
againft Separation if men Communicate with them, they judge 
it but Policy, that hath no tendency to peace. 2. And who is it 
now that mod raileth atBifliops ? I am confuted for praifing the 
moderation of 270 of them, and he is their cenfurer even when 
they Jo well, and their moderation with him is but Policy. E- 
ven as they fay, of me, that I conftantly Communicate with 
their Parifh Churches to undermine them \ Near or far off, all's 
one with this fort of men, if you ftickat any thing that they bid 
you fay or do. 

But he will not believe that this Council of Orthodox mode- 
rate Donatifts were fo many as ^7o, " Because 1. we h*ve only the 
< e Authority for it 0/Tychonius a Donatift,2. It's improbable after 
€( Conftantine'j ftipfrejfionof them that Schifmjhcald fo [uddenly 
"fpread. 3. Left it jhould prove the Chinches to be too Small'. Tet 
(t he [aith > Thefe Schifmatickj fet up Churches in every City and 
" Village^ 

Anf. 1. It's faid I'ychonim confeffeth this Council, becaufe the 
later Donatifts would fain have buryed the memory of it: But 
that it depends only on the Credit of Tjcbomus, I think depends 
only on your Credit : 2. Augttftine that reports it 5 honoureth 
this T)chonins y and reciteth an Expofition of his of the Angels of 
the Churches, fo^.2.and 3. which I fuppofe difpleafeth you more 
than his Donatifm. 3. It feems you would have believed fome 
ftranger that knew it not 5 rather than zDonatift that fpeaketh 
againft the will andintereft of his party. 4. It rather feems that 
the Donatifts were the greater number of Chriftians there be- 
fore Conftantine 7 s time, and like the Papifts therefore counted 
themfelves the CathoJicks and the others the Schifmaticks. 
Conftantines Prohibition did not fupprefs them. 5. Therefore the 
numeroufnefs of their Bifhopsand fmallnefs of Churches, rather 
fheweth what was -tbe"ftaceof the Churches before worldly 
greatnefs fwelled them to that difea(e,which was the Embrio or 
infancy ofPopery. 

§ 17. Whether the Donatifts be like thePapifisor the Se- 
parates ( much fefs to the Nonconform: fts) if the Reader will 
but perufe what I have faid and what Mr.'Af, hath (aid, 1 am 
content that he judge without more words. 

R § 18. He 

§ i8. He pafleth by divers Councils becaufe he could not 
fay that I blame them: And he paffeth by Conftantineh^ 
piftle to Alexander and Aritts 9 which raileth at them more than 
I do ( inhisfence*) 

As to the Council of Laodicea, it is not two or three fuch 
words as his that will make an impartiarman believe that the 
Churches were like our Diocejfes, when every Convert before 
baptifrn was to fay his Catechifm to the Bilhops or his Presby- 
ters: Or that the Command that Presbyters go ftill with the Bi- 
(hop intotneChurch,and not before him, do net both imply that 
they were both together in every Church, 

But he will have it confined to the Cathedral 5 And when 
I fay 5 There were long no Churches but Cathedrals, he faith he 
will net differ with me whether they (hall be called Churches or 
Chappels. But the difference is de re : Thej 7 fay themfelves that 
ABifbop and a Church were then Relatives : And when they 
have put down many hundred Churches under the Diocefanfcr- 
footh they wiHgratifie us by giving us leave to call them Church- 
|es. As if they put down an. hnndred to one of the Cities and 
Corporations, and then give us leave, to call them Corporati- 
ons when they are none. Ye: blufh they not to make the world 
believe that they are that Epifcopal party ( who put down 
a thoufand Cluirches and Bifhopsin fome one Dlocefs ) and lam 
againft Bifhops,. 

Yea when they have not the front to deny but that every Ci- 
ty then had a Bifhop( that had Chriflians, ) and that our Cor- 
porations are fuch as they called Cities, Yet when we plead but 
at leafr, if they will have no Chorepfcopi, they willreftorea 
Church and Bifhop with his Presbyters to every fuch City with 
its adjacent Villages, hatred., fcorn and derifion goeth for a Con- 
futation of us j Though we do it but to make true difcipline a 
pofTible thing 5 Which they call IJfacharh burden, and abhor ir^ 
and then fay, It is pofTible and pradifed. 

§ 19. As to the Roman Council which he believeth not, he 
might perceive that I believed at lead their antiquity as little 
as he : But the Canons arefo like thole of following Councils 
that fuch it's like were fometime made. 

And whereas I noted that their condemning them that wrong 
timed Eafter 5 would fall on the Subfcribers to our EngliJhlA- 
turgy, where 2000 are Silenced for not Subfcribing, the man 



had no better anfwers to give, than thefe r. That I JhohU 
have [aid the Almanac^ Makers. As if he would have had men 
believe that Fal(hood,that it was the Almanack Makers and not 
oar Liturgy changers that were deceived. 

2. ( <dl*s I one j ear they mifioo^ ] As if he would Perfvvade 
men that their rule failethbut one year, which faileth oft. 

3. The Silenced, Ministers have little Reafon tothank^him or any 
body el[e % thit giveth this Reafon of their Separation. It's fir ange 
this Jhould trouble their Conferences that Care no nsorje ycr Eaftcr 
than for Chriftmas^/tf only that it Falls upon a Sunday, 

Here fee his Historical Credibility. 1. Would he perfwade men 
that we give this Reajon alone ? Or why may it not be one with 
twenty more ? 

2. He intimateth that 1 give them as reafons of Separation: 
As if to be Siknced^cxt to fe par ate 3 and to bepajfive were to be 

3. Heintimateth that as Nonfubfcribers I and fuch other are 
Separatifls, which is fa!fe 5 While we live in their Communion. 

4 He taketh on bim to know our judgment as againft Easier 
( but for Sunday ) when we never told him any fuch thing. 

5". He intimateth that it's no credit to us that we make Con- 
ference of deliberate profeffing Affent to a known untruth in o- 
pen matter of facl : And if the Contrary be their Credit., 1 wifh 
they may never be WitnefTes againft us. 

6. He intimateth that a man that is not for keeping Easier,- 
is the fefs excufable, if he will not Profefs a known Falfhood a- 
bout the time of Easier. If Confcience flood a man in no ftead 
for greater Ends than worldly wealth and eafe and honour, who 
would not be a Latitudinarian Conformift ? 

§ 20. Next when I deny belief to thefe Councils, he blames 
me for making advantage of the Hiftory of them. As if he frw 
not that I do it,but ad hominem to thePapiits who record them 
as if they were really true. For it is principally the Pjpifts 
(from Infancy to Hildebrands Maturity ) againft whom I write, 

§ 21. He next comes to the Novatians as my Favourite fcFv^ 
Ar\4[Favottrite2 may fignifie to the Reader a truth or. a Falfhood. 
1. Doth not every Chriftian Favour them that have lefier Er- 
rours more than them that have greater? 

2. Do I not as oft as he profefs my great diflike of every 
feci;, as a fed? 

R 2 3, Do 

3. Do I not difclaim this Novatian feft and their opinion; 
and own the Contrary? 

4. Itfeemshe taketh me to be too Favourable to fome Bi- 
fhops and their followers; Thequeftion is but who they be that 
muft be favoured? I may come to be taken for a Novatian by 
fuch men as well as Socrates and Sozomen. 

§ 22. Here ( without railing ) he bedawbs Novatus and 
Novatian to the purpofe with horridCrimes, a VharifaicaL Saint, 
Perjured, and what not? But what ! Were they not Epifcopal ? 
Yes, he doubts it not : It was for to be a Bifhop that Novatian 
wrought his Villanies 5 (what if I had thus bedawbed the Epi- 
fcopal ?) But yet the very word [ Puritan] is of ufeto him. 
This, faith he of Novatus, was the tender Conscience of the au- 
thor of the uincient fell of the Puntanes ? Can you tell who the 
man aimeth at t Is it Nonconformifts?iVoz/^«j & Novatian were 
Prelatifts, and never fcrupled more Ceremonies than our Pre- 
lates impofe. Who then can it be but men that in general, 
though Epifcopal,do profefs Tendernefs of Qonfcience* And there I 
leave them, without the application. 

§ 23. But thisDefender of Surgent Prelacy, fticks not to 
difgrace thofe whom he feemeth to defend. It was three of the 
Catholick Bifhops that Confecrated Novatian^nd (without rail- 
ing) he calls them Three plain ignorant Bifhops. Tnefe good men 
fuf peeling no tricky, and overcome with his good entertainment, with 
too much Wine and pirfwafions ,were forced at lafi to lay their hands 
on him and Confecrate him Bifhop.^i. Ignorant Bifhops-, ^.Overcome 
with too much Wine, and entertainment : 3. And with perfwafion: 
4. To do fuch an Aft as to Confecrate fo bad a Bifhop,6Vthat in 
fuch a city as Rome, and that without the Churches choice or 
Confenr. How much worfe have I laid of Bifhops ? But, yec 
[_they were good men.'] But if they had been Nonconformifts, what 
names had been bad enough for them? No doubt if they had 
been fequeftred and caft out ( for their too much wine and fuch 
ordination)how odioufly might the agents have been defcribed as 
enemies to the Church and Perfecutors of good men, 

§ 24. Yet further this New Bifhop engageth men to him by 
Oaths, enough to fir ike a horror in the minds ^/r^Reader,faithhe; 

See what a man may do for a Bifhoprick f It reminds me of 
many good Canons that forbid Bifhops fwearing their Clergy to 
them : And of our Et Cat era Oath in 1640 never to Confent to 


any alteration, fto fay nothing of our times) and the old Oath 
of Canonical obedience. It ftrikes horror into mens minds now that 
we fcruple thefe. 

§ 2^. He makcth the Novatian doctrine blafpbemous (with- 
out railing ) and me too Favourable in reprefenting it. As to 
that I fuppofe he is not ignorant how great a Controverfie it is 
what they held, even among the greateft Antiquaries, and Ene- 
mies of Schifm and Herefie. And I ufe in accufations to meet 
with moft truth in the moft Favourable interpretations. 

And here I will tell our Hiftorian, that while I take leave to 
diflent from his accufationjt fhall be but by the authority of thofe 
whom I judge as well acquainted ^with Church Writers and Cu- 
ftomes as any that ever Mr. M % or any of his Mafters read, aoc 
excepting more knowing men than Valefins. 

The firft is D. Petavitts in Epiphan. de Cath. Where firft he 
tells us^that no lefs nor later men than moft of the ancient Fathers, 
and Specially the Greekj , miftook Novatus and Novatian for 
one, or thought the feci: had a fingle Author 5 naming Eufeb. 
Theodoret y Epipban. Naz^ian. Ambrofe t Auftin^ Thilaftrius, yea 
and Socrates. Yet half as great a miftake in me would have 
been fcorned. 

2. Aga/mft Epiph. and Theodoret he faith [ Nor. ea Nova- 
tiani Opinio fait ,eos qui gravioris peccati noxam contraherent, ab 
omni fpe conftquend<& [ahttis excludi : Nam & illos ad capeftendam 
pcenitentiam hoitari folebant : Et sit Divinam clement iam lachrj- 
mis acfordibm elicerent identidem admonebant : Sed hoc unum nc- 
gabant 5 ad Ecclepa ftdeUnm Communionem recipi amplius opor- 
tere : Neque penes Ecclefiam reconciliandi jus ullum ac pot eft at em 
ejf? : JQuippe umcam illam peccatorum indulgentiam in Hints ar- 
bitrio verfttri, qua per Baptifmum obtinetur 5 which he proveth 
out of Socrates^ Ambrose . And he faith, that they were not 
counted Hereticks for wronging the lapfed^ by denying them 
Communion, but for wronging the Church Power, by denying 
the Power of theKeyes for their Reftitution. (Like enough.) 

The other (hall be that excellent Bifhop Albafpineus Qbfiryl 
lib. 2. Obferv. 20, 21. p. (mihi) 130, 121. [ Advert ant Nova- 
tianorum err or em non in eo pofitum i quod dicer ent neque lapfum, 
neque excommunicatum inmorte a peccatis liber andum 5 fedh&re- 
ticos ideo habit os 9 quodopinarentur Deum ip(um Ecclepa neque re- 
wittjndorum neque^ rctjntndofjtm psccatorHm capitalism pote ft atem 


ccpiam^uefeaffe : JLtque h&c m eo Jmt viguitque eotum barejis, 
qui qnanquam Hind confqueretnr ex eorum falfa Opinione, ut ab- 
folutioncm non largitcntur^ tamen hoc eotum factum non h&refis no- 
mine affciendum erat, ncqte ai hare fin accede bat ob aliam caufam 
quam quod a fonte illo & quafi capite h«tefin olente dim ak d at, eo 
maxime quod Novatiani ere detent id Ecclefia a Deo' non fuiffe pra- 
ftitum & conctffum ; qu& can fa fola fuit cut ptaxts ilia ten difci- 
plina Novatiahotumratio h&tsjii nomen notionemque non effngetet."] 
The Clergy felt their own Intereft., and the Novat t an s denied 
their Power to retain, as well as forgive capital Crimes^ and 
thought their Keyes extended not fo far. 

And that the Cafe of the lapfed was it that they began with, 
Epiphanius himfelfand others agree. 

And Obferv. 19. he (hews that Nov at i anus did this againft: 
his former Judgment^ in Envy and Faction againft the Bifhop,be- 
caufe he mift of being Bifhop himfelf. A Bifhoprick was it that 
provoked him to deny this Pardoning Power in Bifhops. 

Ad Albafp.neM hath in many antecedent Obfervations 
fhewed 3 how little, if any thing at all, the Novatians differed 
clfe from the Antient Church in the ftrictnefs of their Commu- 
nion, and avoiding finners: So that he thus begins his fif?h Ob- 
fcrvation \Jnctedibdia prope fnnt y qua his capitibus ditlmi [*mus\ 
fed tamen it a vet a & cetta t & qua cujufque animam fun.mam in 
admirationem r apian?, Ecclcfi.im primis temporibus nulla vel le- 
viffima labe inquinatam fuiffe 3 quin it a illibatam intatlamque ut 
tmhi tatione, curd & folic it udine profpexerit, filii ut fits qnam d 
Baptifmo haujetant path at em earn nulla afpetfam vitii altcnjns 
macula & foeditate confer vat ent* Imo ea fe veritate adhibit a ut 
fugiendum fibi deteflandumqne peccant???, quovis tcttote propofito 
putarent. Non folum ant em mult a crimina peccataque numc- 
rabantur 9 quorum Author es attificefque abfolutionem omnem defp:- 
rabant, fed & ea quoqus quibus ignofcet poenitentiam cmcedt m opcr- 
tere cenfuerat, peccata it a ulcifcebaturjut non nifi femel eis qui ea 
commififfen^ unins posnitentia copiam facer et Ecclefia, hoc eft fipoft 
Baptijmum lethalitet peccaffent. Jguod Ji cum Ecclefia reconci- 
Latvs in idem ant aUud mottale peccatum itcrum prolaberetur, va 
in petpetuum ttibus primis faculis ab Ecclefia rtpnlfam ferebat, ut 
non nip poenitentia & in motte ptecnm qua reltqua erant fubfidia 
expeftandajibi ducetet>nulla abjolutione data qua infpsm venia il- 
ium ctigerct, 2 And he adds, that many that cannot deny his 


proofs, yet will not believe that ever fuch a Difcipline was 

But this was in the three Firft Ages : After, when Profperity 
and Wealth ticed the ungodly into Bifhops Seats, and into the 
Church, the Cafe was altered, and as he (hews, Oh fir v. 6. the 
Cafe was fo altered to the loofe extreme, that Criminals wer£ 
admitted toties quoties. And in his Notes on Tertullian he 
fheweth, that this was a difference between the Orthodox and 
the Hereticks, that the Orthodox did din multfimjue deltberare 
quos in focietatem ejufdem Ecclefix, i & corporis recipere debeant',but 
the Hereticks were ready to take all that came. Yet I fuppofe 
not near fo loofe as thofe Diocefan and Parochial Churches that 
know not who comes 5 . but without queftion take all that will 
but come to the Rails and kneel : And when by the magnitude 
of Diocefs and other means, they have fecured themfelves a- 
gainft the trouble and poffibility of Paftoral Difcipline,the Prieft 
wipes off all guilt with a word, and faith, If they were Atheifts, 
Hobbifts, Sidduces, Whoremongers, common Blafphemers, 
Drunkards, it's no fault of mine, I kno v it not 5 and no won-: 
der 5 when he knoweth not who in the Parifh are his Flock. 

Thzt Eufebins himfelf and others named by Vetavim milrook 
the Novatians is no wonder to thofe who read the volumes of 
palpable Falfnood written againft theNonconformifts in this pre- 
sent age,and hear witneffes at the bar fwear thofe Plots and Con- 
spiracies & Treafons againft men, from which grave and confeio- 
nable Juries quit them. 

But me thinks when Mr. M had (aid that Socrates is an Hifto- 
rian of good Credit and acquainted with them ] he much forgot 
his own ends when he recited thefe words as his [ Some took 
part with Novatian, and others with Cornelius; according to their 
Jevcral inclinations and Coxrfe of life : The loofer and more licenti- 
ous fort Favouring the moft indulgent difciplinejbe other of more au- 
fiere lives inclining mo ft to the Novatian feveritj.^ Good ftilJ, I 
now fee that the Novatians indeed were Puritanes, though E- 
pifcopal, and I accufe not our accufers of any fuch Herefie. But I 
confefs that I (lull believe a Novatian Hiftorian, who being fo 
ltrift againft fin mull: be ftricl; againft a Lie, rather than thofe 
that Scorn fuch Puritanifm 3 and deride the Perfon that cannot 
fwallow a bigger Pi'!. 

And when Mr. M % labours to (hew out of Socrates that it 


was not only Idplatry that they cenfured, he labours in vain : 
It was the beginning of their Schifm that I mentioned, and not 
Socrates his Age. 

As to the judgment of the Council of £//'£*nx and all the three 
Firft Ages., I have told you whet AWafpine faith before. If 
you can confute him, do $ I am not engaged to defend him* but 
I believe him. v 

§ 16. I conclude this and the former Chapter with this 
Counfel to the Scorners of Puritanes : Never truft to your Titles 
and Order, how good foevcr 5 without a careful holy obedience 
to the Supreme Law-giver, either for Concord on Earth, or 
Salvation in Heaven. True Parifh-Reformation is the way to 
fatjsfie- godly perfons better than either Violence or Separation. 
But if you ftill obftinately rtfift Parifh Difcipline and Reforma- 
tio^ you muft have Toleration of fuch as will not confent to 
your Corruption, or dCe perfecute the beft to your own mine. 
Theophilus Parocbialis hath faid more for Parifh Order againft 
the Regulars, and Priviledged, than you have done againft the Se- 
parating. And yet the Confraternity of the Oratorians fet up in 
every Parifh, was the beft way he could devife to recover the 
ftate of lapfed Parifhes: As the priviledging of Fryars was the 
Pope's laft Remedy inftead of Reforming his corrupted Church. 


Of the Council of Nice andfome following. 

§ i.npHis Hiftorian having put himfelf into a military pofture 
J feemeth to conceit that every word proceeds from an 
Enemy. And firft he feigneth me to make Conftantine judge 
that [/A* B'Jheps and Councils were of little ufe ] when I had 
no fuch word or thought, but the contrary. 

§ 2. Next he himfelf confefleth that which Iblamethofe Bi- 
fliops for 5 Even thofe Libels which they Contcntioufly offered 
againft one another $ to have raifed Quarrels inftead oWeace, 
and which Conftantine caft altogether into the fire without read- 
ing them. And when he confefleth what I fay, is heuotaRai- 
ler at the Bifhops as much as I in that f 



As to his excufe that [ It is no wonder confidering their great 
dijfentions in Religion, &c.] I cafily grant it : But in this excufe he 
faith yet more againft them. 

§ 3. Becaufe I faid that Atbanafius differing fromConftan- 
tine about the reception of Arivtt his repentance [ Cattfed much 
Calamity *] he feigneth melieinoufiy to accufe Atbanafim which 
I intended not : Even a juft action may £Cazfe Calamity 3*9 
Ch. ill faith his Gofpcl would bring divifion. All his labour in 
jultifyir.g Atbanafins fighteth but with a fpectre of his own ima- 
gination. Andyetlam inclined to think that ifan Hypocrite 
Aria* had been connived at to pleafe fuch an Emperor, the death 
of Arias would have left the Church quieter than it clidjthough 
he here thinks greater rigour had been fafer : And I think mul- 
titudes of Sadduces, Infidels and debaucht Perfons in one of our 
Dioceffes, yea or Parifhes, is worfe than one Ax ins while Hy- 
pocrite retrained him from Venting his opinion. 

§ .{, And here he that dreamed I accufed AthanapttSi really 
accufeth Conft amine as impofcd on bj a Counterfeit Repentance and 
rc&o .r.dnxry to opportunities of doing mifcbuf and being 

againft the means \Xi2Xmight have ended that fatal mifebjef, But I 
confefs Conftantme was no Bifhcp, and therefore this is not an 
^.ccujation of Bifhops or a railing at them. 

§ 5. Next when I had fully opened the Cafe of the Metetians 
cut of Epipbanius on pretence ofabbreviating,he leaves oat that 
which he likes nor, and tells us how the Nonconformifts have 
advantaged the Papifts : If I thought the man believed himfelf 
I would try to undeceive him; In the mean time Idefire him to 
think again which party moft befriends the Papifts 5 (c They 
u that are for a reconciliation with them on thefe terms, that 
" there may be acknowledged an Univerfal fupreme human 
Cf Power over all the Church on Earth, and the Fope to be V 
" cipiuw Vnitatis and Patriarch of the Weft,and he fhall abate us 
C{ the laft 400 years Impofitions, and all be accounted Schifma- » 
"ticks that unite not into this Church 3 and that all the 
<c Preachers in England (hall be filenced that will not fwear,pro- 
cc mife, profefs, and praftife all that which is here impofed en 
Cc _tbem, though they think it heinons fin.tnd others think it but 
w matter indifferent, and all the people fhall be profecuted that 
K hear them ; and that this Divifion fhall rather weaken the 
u Kingdom., and advantage the Papifts^ than the Conferences 



rt of men, as wife and faithful as themfelves fhall be eafed of 
rt fuch Impofitions, or they ftmered to Preach the Gofpel of 
" Chrirt ; Or thofe that being condemned to fuch Silence, Pri- 
" fo,s and Ruine, had rather be delivered, though a Papift be 
fl delivered with tbem, than be destroyed.] Methinks we are 
ufed by thefe Church-F^lurs, as if they flhonld determine that 
a great part of the Proteftants who are moft againft Popery, 
thall be hanged, unlefs the Papifts will beg their pardon, or cut 
the Rope 5 which if thefe Proteftants accept, they fhall be faid 
to be the Promoters of the Papifls. 

§ 6. As for a!! his Exceptions againft Epipbamus, they are no- 
thing to me, who did not undertake to juftifie his word?, but 
tranferibe them - m nor think it worth my labour now to examine 
the Cafe of fo fmall concernment. 

§ 7. V/hen fbme have blamed me for condemning the Arians 
too much, he faith, that I jfty fomewhat very much to the dif- 
ad vantage of the Do&rine of the Trinity, but he was fo gentle 
as not to tell what it was, unlefs it be telling what Petavim the 
jefuite faith : About that lam wholly of his own mind. But 
the exprefs words which Petavlus ds Trinit. citetb out of all 
t-hofe Old Fathers, cannot be denied : And verily they are fo 
many, and fo grofs, that unlefs his Argument fatisfiedme,^/*,. 
[The Votes of the ComcilofNiQeJhewedvchat was the Common fence 
of the Church) better than the vpcrds of all thofe Fathers'] I fhould 
think as Philoftorgiw in point of Htftory, t!i2t there were no fuf- 
ficient confuting ofthe Arians from thofe Fathers, though fome- 
times they have better words. Vifible words cannot be denied, 
even where they muft be lamented. That's the difference be* 
tween Mr. M's* Opinion of Hiftory and mine. 

§ 8. "As to the Andians y I recite but Epipbamus's word?, 
who in other cafes is greatly valued by thefe Accufers : They 
will believe what he faith of Aeriw. And as to what he faith 
to the contrary out of Theodoret, he may fee that he faith all 
by hearfay, and faith., that They hid that which he accufeth them 
of, and were Hypocrites, prgfefling too much ftrictnefs, /. 4. 
c. 91 which is ftill the common way of accufing the beft,againlt 
whom inftead of pr&veable faults, they turn their ftriclnefs 
into a crime. Epiphanim is much more particular than Thtodoret 
in the ftory, 
§ u. The reft which he noteth of my words ofthe Council 


of Nice, have nothing needing a reply. Fetavitu hath fully 
proved cb^t the Cb&repifcopi were true Bifhopt. But now we 
are odious Presbyterians if we would bur have a Bifhop in every 
City, that is, Corporation, Defiring only that Difciplinc might 
become pofTiblc. And for this we arc proclaimed to be a- 
gainft Bilhops; that is, faith this fort of men 5 They that would 
have but One Biftiop over a thoufand, or many hundred, or 
fcore Churches, are for Epifcopacy j and they that would have 
every Church have a Bifhop, as of old, or at Jcaft every great 
Town, and fo would have twenty, or forty, or a hundred for 
one, areagainft Epifcopacy: And that which is ftrange i?,Thefe 
men are believed. 

§ 10. I praifed the Council of Gangra for condemning fome 
Super!! itions, and he faith, I have nothing againft it : Whether 
it be a Common Mtftake that Arias was here received to Com- 
munion, l'le not ftay to examine. 

§ 11. When he hath weighed all he can for the Synod at 
Antioch^ he is forced to confefs that they were a packt com- 
pany of Bifhops, that complied with Confiamius and Eufebiafs 
Contrivance. And what do I fay worfe of them than he ? As 
to the Canon againft Prieftt or Deacons not gathering Afiem- 
blies agamft the Bifhops will, I am for it as much as he, if the 
Bifhops and Churches be fuch as they were then $ but not in 
France nor Italy, 

He faith,, I leave my fiing behind me ^ and end very angrily ; for 
thefeonly words [This is their fir ength'} mentioning the Coun- 
cils ("that was againft Atleanafius) (uppreffingDiflenters as fe- 
ditious by force, I fee angry men think others angry when they 
are, and are ftung if we do but name their ftinging us : As if 
Prifonsand Ruine were notfo fharp a fting as thefe four words. 
If it be not their ftrength, why do they fo truft to it, as to con- 
fefs that their Arguments and Keyes would do little to uphold 
their Prelacy without it. In the daies of the Ufurpers I moved 
for a Petition, that when they granted Liberty ofConfcience 
for fo many others, they would grant Liberty for the full cxer- 
cife of the Epifcopal Government to all that defired it* But the 
Epifcopal Party that I fpake to,wou!d not endure ir 3 as knowing 
what bare Liberty would be to thcirCaufe^unlefs they could have 
tke Sword to fupprefs thofe that yield not to their Reafons. 
§ 12. Next he faith, I fpare my Gall for about a dozen 

S z times. 


times, not regarding how it contradi&s bis former Accufation*. 
But whereas I recite the horrid Accufations of the Council at 
ThUippopolis againft Atbanajius, Paulas and Marcellus, of open 
Matters of Fad, as Murder, Perfections, Burning of Churches, 
Wars, Flames, Dragging Priefts to the Marker-place wkh 
Chrifts Body tyed about their necks, ftripping Confecrated Vir- 
gins naked before a concourfe of People [and offering to fend 
mefiengers on both fides to Try the -Fact, and to be themfelves 
condemned if it prove not true] he is offended that I feem 
ftaggered at this, Athanafias having detected before fo many 
Subornations, c£v. s 

Anfw. I did not fay that 1 was ftaggered, much lefs doubted 
wTTich of them did the wrong : But that a Reader may by fuch 
a Temptation be aftonifhed, and confounded whom to believe. 
But d d I ever rail more at Bifhops than he here doth ? What 
i. So great a number of Bifhops, 2. Deliberately, in Council, 
3. To affirm fo vehemently, 4 Such matters of open Fa&, 
j. And orfer it to the Trial of WitnefTesof both fidesjand all this 
to be falfe., 6. And to be but the confequent of former Sub- 
ornations and Perjury 5 can you name greater wickednefs ? 

QIpj. But they were Anans, Anfcv. But they were Bifhops. 
The worfe for being Arians. 2. Yet called but Semi-Arians, 
and renounced Arius^ and pretended Reconciliation. 3. And 
they were the Oriental part of the Council at Sardica, called 
Gensrd by the Fapifts. 4. And they were believed againft Mar- 
cellus by Bafil and Cbryfiftom : But all that J cite it for, is fotell 
the Reader what a doleful cafe the Church was fain into, by the 
depravation of the Bifhops. Did none of thefe profefs before 
to be Orthodox ? I do not fay that it was quatev.m Bifhops that 
they did ail this, but that multitudes of Bifhops were then be- 
come the fhame and calamity of the Church. 

§ 13. Next he fcorningly accufeth me for giving too foft a 
Character of the Circumcillians^ and faith, My Aloderation and 
Charity may extend to John of Leyden. And he calls them The 
Mofi barbarous and defperate Villains that ever defamed Chnftia- 
Kity by ajfuming the Title. ~\ 

Anf. 1. This is the man that faith I rail. I named fo many 
and great fins of theirs, that I little thought any Reader would 
have thought that I fpared tbeni too much. 2. Yet they were 
Eonatiftsflnd of them Qpmm hijflfelf faith, lib. 5. [" s4pftdyos 


U & apud nos Vm eft Ecclefiaftica convey fatio -, Communes Lc* 
* c cl tones : Etdem Fides ; ipfa Fides Sacrament a ^ eaiem my sic- 
Cf ria~\ that is, faith Alba[pins [Vna Ecclefi.iftica dfciplina : £:- 
demmodo Script uras Explicamus : Ipfa Regul.% Fides : Idem My- 
sttrium quad confertur & ftgnijscatur, CT eadem res w.Jibilis per 
qttAmres fpirititilis d-itu*'] in lib. $.p. fj}. 

And faith Opratus, lit>. i [Neqws die at me in: or fi derate cos 
fratres appcIUr?, qui ta . J$j:mvis& ilk nan ncger.t CT 

omnibus notumfir, quod nos od'.o babea-tt^ & I fl", ~y nobmt 

fe dtdfr aires nofiros ; tamsn nos : d timir: Dei nan / 

mus—funt igitur ;ra: dnbio frrtrjes ..-' : Quaxe nemo 

miretur eos mi appsttart frarrts, q.ii ;n,i pojfi tfft fratrcs, 

Obj. But the Circumceliians were worfe than the reft, 

Anfa. They were of the fame Religion, but the unruly fu- 
rious part in their practice : And Opt a: us faith, Though they 
would rail in words ifcd mum q'uidem vix ihveuimus cum qui 
. isctu.ui;r :] And fj goes on to cjII "Par- 
And it's worth the confiieration how much 
ifpine inc irnitj 5 note firft, & inObfervat. 

3. And they were Orthodox tierce Prelatifts, doing all this 
To.' the preheminencc of their Biihopj. And what if fame Pre- 
Uttfts »<?ivJhouid hurt their Brethren more than the Gircvnrcet- 
lam did, mutt I call them therefore th?m>ft barbarous ViiUins 
th.n isd Christianity. Augustine faith, They made a 

Water of (bme Salt or fharp thing, and caftin mens Eyes in the 
night in the ftreets : No man can think that this barbarous 
action was done by the molt, or any but Tome furious fools: 
They fay that they would wound themfelves to bring hatred on 
the Cacholick*, as if they had done if, or drove them to it : He 
that knoweth what Self love i?, will believe that this was the 
cafe but of a few; and an eafier wrong than fome that abhor 
them do to their Brethren. And muft we needs Rail indeed a- 
gainft fuch numbers of hurtful Prelatifts . ? What if any'rude per- 
(ons of your Church fhould be Whoremongers, Drunkards, 
Blafphemers,, and feek the Imprifonment of their Brethren, yea 
their Defamation and Blood by Perjury, fhould the Church 
be for their fakes fo called, as you call them? I fpeak them no 
fairer than Optatus did. 

§ 14. When/?. j7« I commend the many good Canons of the 
•African Councils, and the faithfulnefs of the Biftiop?, he noteth 


none 01 tuis, .pecame it pruvctn uic umruiu 01 uis iormer Ac- 

And when I name twenty five or twenty fix more Councils of 
Bifliops, fome General, and fome lefs, which were for Arianifm, 
or a compliance with them, he defendeth none of them., but ex- 
cufeth them, and faith, that [_they vpere not much to the honour of 
the Church': Tet the evil Edith and Conferences of them are ra~ 
th:r to be charged on the Arian Emperour, than ths Bifhops.~\ 

Anfrv. i. This is the fame man that elfewhere fo overdoes 
me in accufing the Brians. 

2. The Emperour was Erroneous, but faid to be otherwife 
very commendable. And is it not more culpable for Bifliops to 
Err in the Myfteries of Divinity^ than a Lay- man ? And for 
many hundred to Err, than for On? Alan ? And do you think 
that the B.fliops Erring did not more to feduce the Flocks, than 
the Ernperour's f 

But he fditb, that \Jf many fell in the DayofTryal t thsy are 
Ystbtr to be pitied, than infulted over, for we have all the fame 
infirmities 9 &c. 

Anfx. 1 wrote in pity of them and the Church, without any 
infulting purpofe. If any now to avoid lying in Prifhn, and ftar-* 
ving their Families, by Famine, mould furrender their Conferen- 
ces to finful Subfcriptions after a Siege of Nineteen years, Ifhall 
pity theirs and not infult over them. Nay, if I fpeak of thofe 
that lay the Siege, and call out for mfrre Execution, I do it not 
infultingly, but with a grieved heart for the Church and them. 
•But when I largely recited Hillary's words of them, he faith, 
[The Account is very fad~\ (and what faid I more?) But, faith he, 
yet fuch as Jhevps rather the Calamity, than the Fault of the 

Anfw. Nay then, no doubt, it's no fault to Conform. Hillary 
then, and all that kept their ground, were in a great fault for 
fo heavily accufing them. And fo the World turned Arians in 
(hew (as Hiercm and Hillary fpeak) is much acquit, and the 
Nonconforming are the faulty Railers for accufing them. It had 
been enough to fay, It was no Crime ; but to fay, no Fault , is 
too gentlegfor the fame man that fo t taJkt of Perjured Arians 

§ I j» Yet becaufe he is forced to confefs that it wnmofi by 
far of all the Bifliops, even in Councils ( he of Rome not ex- 

cepted) that thus fell, he muft fhew how it offended him to be' 
forced to ir, by telling the world how contentious I have been 
againsl all forts and Seds (the (iritis faHe, and he knows it I 
think, and thelatter is true formally of a Seel as fitch-, even his 
own Seel.) And fomc judge me fuch a stranger to Peace^ as to need 
a Moderator to hand between me and the Contradictions of my own 

Anfw Yes, the Bifhops Advocate Roger L' Estrange , where 
norhing but grofs ignorance, or malice, or negligence, could 
have found Contradictions, were the whole places perufed. And 
where I am fure my felf, that there is nonej I have fomewhat 
elfe to do than to write m:>re, to (hew the Calumnies of fuch 
Readers. Who moft feeks Peace, you, or thofe that you prole- 
cute I One would think it fhould not be hard to know if men 
be willing. 


Of the first- General Conned at Conftantinople. His Cap. 4. 

§ i.fTE begins with accufmg me of imitating the Devil* 
il Doth fob ferae God for naught \ becaufe I fay that [the 
n why tbelieft was freer from the Afian Her ej7e> than the 
£.-i:l t was not as the Papi:ts fay, that Chrisl prayed for Peter, 
that his Faith rmjhi not fai'^ bat bicatife the Emperours in the 
West were Orthodox^ and thofe in iBs Eaft Arians : And the 
Bifhops much followed the Emperours will.] 
Wh.it, faith he, can- be more unc'hri$li.>u> 
Anfw. 1. I never faid that this was the Only Caufe. 

2. I proved that this Priv Hedge of Rome was not the mean- 
ing of Chrift's Prayer. 

3. Is not this the fame man that even now kid the fall of 
far more Bifhops, even moft in the World, on the Emperour, 
as overcoming them by force and fraud ? 

4. Doth not God himfelf keep men ufually from ftrong 
temptations, when he will deliver them from fin? 

5*. Were not the Eaftern Bifhops, and the Weftern, of the 
fame mold and temper ? And if the Eaftern followed the Empe- 

roiirs, had not the Weftern been in danger if they had the like 

temptation ? 

6. Doth not Bafil that fent to them for help, complain of 
them a« proud, and no better than their Brethren ? 

7. Did not Marcellmus ft I) to Idolatry, and Liberies to fub- 
fcribe againft Atbanafius with the Arians . ? 

8. Did not the Weft actually fall to Arianifm when tempted 
for the molt part ? Judge by the great Council at Milans^ and 
by HilUrfs complaints . 

9. Hajh Rome and the Weft flood fafter to the Truth fince 
then I What ! all the Popes who are by Councils charged with 
Her.efie or Infidelity, and all wickednefs, and thofe many whofe 
Lives even 'by fiaronins and Genebrard^xe fo odioufly defcribed ? 
h the Weft at this day tree from Popery and its fruits ? 

10. Do you think in your confcience that if we had not here 
aProteftant King, but a Papift, many of the Clergy would not 
be Papifts . ? Why then are they fo in France, Spjin, Italy, Po- 
land, cVc? And why did the moft of them turn in Qj. Mary's 
daies ? 1 do not infult, but lament the Churches Cafe, which 
ever (ince Wealth and Honour, and too much Power corrupted 
it, have had Bifho^s far more worldly, and iefs faithful than 
they were the fir it three hundred years. Though I ftill fay 
that ever fince, God hath in all times raifed fome ferious Be- 
lievers that have kept up ferious Piety in the Church : And as 
L doubt not but there are fo many fuch among the Canfor- 
mifts^asis our great joy, Co I hope that, though foully blot- 
ted with Superftition and Errour, there are many fuch among 
the Papifts themfelvcs. 

§ 2. Yet he faith, / do the Bijhopi Right again j» it bout thinks 
ing of doing them Jaftice, < while I tdl hew many were murdered. 

Apfw. .£v, Doth he Know my thoughts l 2. It's true I in- 
tended not to do any other Juftice; than to praife Chrift's 
Martyrs and Confeflbrs, while I lament the Cafe of -Perfecu- 
tors and Revolters? Is. the praife of Confeflbrs any honour to 
the Hereticks ? 

But perhaps he means, { right the Order ofBifhops. Anfw. 
Did 1 ever fay or think that there were no Bifhops that kept 
the Faith ? Do I fay All fell, when I fay Moft fell ? The Man 
fpeaks as his imagined Intereft leads him, and fo interpreted 
my vvcHt ! s to his own fenfe, not as written. And if that be the 



right way 3 I think he will grant that there were more Martyrs 
and Sufferers under Valens^ ConfiantiUs y Hvnnerictis, and Genfett- 
cut, in the Eaft^ and in slfnck> by far, than were when their 
Tryal came in all the Weft that is now fubjeft to the Pope. And 
what moved the man to dream that when I fo defcribe and 
praife their conftancy in Suffering, I did it as at unawares ? 

That the greater pertiof the Bifhops of the Empire were Ari- 
ans, I will not offer by Teftimony to prove, when it is fo com- 
monly by Fathers, Hiitorians, by Papifts and Proteftants agreed 
on. How many of them were Bifhops before, and how many 
but Presbyters or Deacons, Tie not pretend to number. The 
turning of multitudes all agree on. The Conftancy of many he 
falfly intimateth that I deny, and faith, / injurioufly reprefent 
them y and cannot tell a word wherein that Crime is found. 

§ 3. Naming the things that were done by the Council at 
Constantinople , I mention both the fetting up, and after the put- ~ 
ting down of Gregory \ & left any Caviller fhould carp at the wqjrd 
[patting down] I prefently open particularly what it W3S that 
they did toward it 5 that refolving on his depofition,they caufed 
him 5 though unwilling.rather to give it up,thanftay till they caft 
him out. This great Hiftorian had no more manlike an Excep- 
tion here, than to fay, rhat againft all Hiftory, and againft my 
own Explication, I fay that [They Depo/ed him."] I faid [They put 
him down] in the manner, and as far as I explained. 

§ 4. While he here himfelf accufeth the Times then of 'Gene- 
ral Corruption, and the Church of Divifions^ adding, [What Age 
hath been fo happy as not to labour under thofe Evils f] he accufeth 
me of making mifufe of Gregorys words, to reprefent the Coun- 
cil in an odious manner. 

Anfw. Ic is 'o reprefent the worfer part in a lamentable man- 
ner, as far as Gregory did, and no further. And as to bis quar- 
rel at my citation, I fhall fay no more 5 but if the Reader will 
but read Gregory's own wor i§ 5 I will igly leave all that Caufe 
to his Judgmem : if h e will not, my words cannot inform him. 
Yet he himfelf faith [He doth indeed in fever at places find fault 
with this Council] And can you forgive him ? I think I find no 
more than he di w But for this you find fault with him [He did 
refent the Injury (AnJ was it an Injury?) and did not bear the 
deprivation of his Bijhoprick^ wtihjJte fame genero fit y he propofed, 
which made him a little more Jharp than was decent in his repre- 

T fentation 

Cent at Ian of the BiJhops—lVhat wonder if [harp ened with difcontent, 
he exclaim with font eve hat too great a fafftori against the admini- 
fir at ion cfthe Chstrch which he had been forced to quit ] Anf Ail 
will beconfeft anon^ when I have been accufed for faying it be- 
fore him : That's his way. Bat it was not for leaving a high and 
fat Bifhoprick that he was grieved, but for being feparated from 
the Peopfe th.it he bad partly ferved in their lower ftate, and 
partly won from Herefie, and who came about him with tears 
increasing him not to forfake them. And though it were more, 
than generojity to fet light by the Hononr and Wealth, it is trea 
chery to fet light by Souls : And they changed to their great 
loft. He refigned much to quiet the.PeopIe left they (hould do 
as they did for Chryfojtom after him. It is no new thing for the 
Major vote of the Gergy to Envy thofe few that are better and 
more efteemed than themftl ves, nor yet for the Godly People to 
be loth to leave fuch paflors. 

$ 5. He faith [//# cenfure of Councils that he knew none of them 
that have any happy End , was not the fault of the expedient, but of 
the men"] Anf. And what did lever fay more. Ic is his cuftom 
when he hath ftormed at me, to fay in Effedt the fame that he 
ftormed at. Some Papifts would perfuade men, thatit was only 
Avian Councils that he meant, but moft Protectants that Write 
^bout Councils againft them, do cite & vindicate thefe words of 
Gregory : And the impartial Pa pills confefs that it was the Coun- 
cils alfo of the Catholicks that there and elfe where he fpake of. 
§ 6. In the. Cafe of Meletius, and Panlinus, two Bifhops in a 
Cicy,and the Cafe of Lucifer CaUritanus made a Heretick for 
feparatingfromlapfed Arians, he faith over the fame that I do$ 
that good men cannot rightly underhand one another^ andfo it ever 
katdsbejn, and ii y s the Effecl of humane frailty and not Epifcopacy. 
l3»*t|l.thislagree. Buti. If humane frailty make Bifhops (well 
in pride and ambition, and domineering, it hath far worft Effects 
than in other men : ^. And Bifhops are bound to exccll their 
flocks in Piety, humility, Selfdenyal, peaceablenefs, as well as 
in knowledge. If thePhyficians of this city (hould prove unskil- 
ful, and yet confident where they err 5 it is not qu arena s Phy- 
sicians that they are fuch : But if it be qui Phyficians that are fuch, 
they may kill thoufands, (while the fame faults in all their neigh- 
bours may kill few or none. If your Intereft made you no: 
(mart and angry without caufe, you would not cavil againft fuch 
plain truth. § 7. About 

§7. About the Prifcillianifts he faith [I all along obferveto-s 
Rule, to be very favourable to all Heretic kj and Schifmatickj be 
they never [0 much tn \h J . wrongs and to fall on the Orthjdox piny 
*nd improve every mifej/nage of theirs into a mighty crimed] 

Anf. If all along this accufation be falfe, then all a long your 
Hiftory ferveth (uch a life. But in France, Spain, Italy, he is fa- 
vourable to Hereticks that takes not the orthodox for fuch, or 
that is not for racking and burning them. And in England he is 
favourable to Schifrru ticks that taketh not the greateft lovers 
of Piety and peace for fuch,andthe Church Tearers for Church- 
Healers : As Mr.Dodwell phrafeth it, tb*y areSchifmaticks that 
fuffer themfelves to be excommunicate ( for unfinful things 
in the Bifhops account, and heinous fin in theirs 5 and fo that are 
not fo ripe in Knowledge, as to know all the unfinful things to 
befuch which may be impofed. 

§ 8. What would this enemy of railing hare had me faid 
more than I did of the Prifcillianifts ? viv. that they were Gno- 
flicks and AJanicbees? Was not that bad Enough. No, I favour 
themftill ? And what f&y I more of the Bifhops and the whole 
caufe, than Sulpitius Severn* the fulleft and molt knowing De- 
fcriber faith ? Why doth he not accufe him for the fame de- 
fcription ? Yea and their Mr. Ri. Hooker who in the Preface 
to his Eccl. Vol. faith- of Ithacius the like ? Yea Ba^oniushhm- 
felfconfenteth ? Where I fay that to the death Martin feparated 
from the fynuds o< thefe Bifhops (I faid not from all Bifhops in 
the world) he faith, he renounced only the Ccmmnnion of Itha- 
cius his F*rty % andtbat others did as well as he. Reader, it will be 
thy folly to take either his word or mine, what an Author faith 3 
when we differ, without looking into the Book it felf. Read 
Sulpitius Severn* $ I will tranferibe fome words., left he fay, I 
miftranfiate them. 

<c Prifcilhanus, familia nobilis , pr&dives opibus acer t inquies, 
u facundtU) mult a leclione truditw, differ endi & d if put audi prom- 
c< ptiffimus- ■ -vigilare multumjamem & fuirnjerrt p vrM hu>enai 
u minime CHpidus, utendi parciffimm (Was it a crime to fay fo 
cc much good ot him. 5 ) But proud of his Learning, fetup a He- 
" refie, and two Bifhops Infiantius and Salvianus ioyned with 
u him, and made him a Bifhop— At Cdfar Augufla one Synod 
" was gatheted ag&hrft him. The Story 1 before recited. Next 
11 a Synod at Burde^ux tryeth them. Saith Sulpitius [ is Ac we a 

T 2 c ' quidem 


11 qtiidem fententia eft, mihi tarn reos quam accufatores difpLcere] 
tC Certe Ithacium nihil penfi t nihil f anil i habuijfe definio : fttit enim 
r< audax t loquax, impudens 3 fumptuofus, ventri & guU plurimum 
<c impertiens. Hie ftultitia, eo ufque procejferat ut omnes etiam 
cc fanclos viros, quibus am slrudium erat leftionis^ am prop ofi turn 
" erat cert are jejuniis, tanquam Prifcilliani focios ant difciptdos in 
" crimen arcejfsret. Auftts etiam mifer eft ea tempeslate Martino 
iC Epifcopo—palam objetlare harefis in f ami am. Imp erat or per 
<c Magnum & RufumEpifcopos depravatus d mitionbus confdiis de- 
Qt flcxus-~-So he tells how many were put to death-— Caterum 
lf Pnfci'iliano occifo 3 _ non m folum non reprejfa eft h&refis— fed confir- 
cc mat a, latins propagata eft : Namque fetlateres ejus qui eum 
<c prius tit fantlum honor aver ant ^ poftea ut Martyr em colere empt- 
** runt. Ac inter noBros perpstuum difcordiarum helium exarferat, 
Cc quod jam per quindecim annos fcedis differ.fionibus agitatum, 
M nullo modo fopiri pot erat. Et nunc cum maxime difcordus Epif- 
iQ coporum turbari am mifceri omnia cetnerentur, cuntlaque per eos 
" odio aut gratia, mttu, inconftantia, invidia, fatlione, libidine, 
<c avaritia, arrogantia, fomno, defidia, ejfent dtpravata : Voftremo 
€t plures adverfus paucos bene confrtlentes, infants confiliis & perti- 
* c nacibus ftudiis certarent : Inter htc Plebs Dei, & Optimus quif- 
Qi que probro a^que ludibrio habebatur.~] So ends Sulpitius Hiftory, 
Do you; not fee, Mr. Morrice, that there have been Prelates 
and Puritanes/venEpifcopal Puritanes before our Times fDoth 
not your ftomach rife againfr £#//>;>/# 5 as too Puritanical and 
fevere ? Is not my Language of moft of the Bifhops fofc in com- 
parifon of his? Yet he was fo early as to live in that which 
you now call the moft flourifhing Time of the Church. Sir, I 
hate Difcord, and love Peace $ but I never look that the En- 
mity between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed, or Cain and 
Abel^ mould be ended $ or that the holy Title of Bifhops and 
Priefts mould reconcile ungodly men to Saints. Sir, England 
knoweth, that though fome factious perfons have done other- 
wife, the main Body of thofe that your Law doth Silence, 
Ruine and Revile, have a high elteem of fuch Bifhops as have 
been ferioufly godly 5 fuch as were many in Antient and late 
Times : And deride itas long as you will, the ferioufly religious 
People in England are they that are moft againft Church-Ty- 
ranny, and which Party moft of the debauched and prophane 
are of> hathlongbeen known. 

§ ?. But 

§ 9. But the Reader (hall further hear how little you are to 
be trufted. Saith Sul. in Vita, A/an. [_^pud Nemaufwm Epifco- 
porum Synodus habebatur ad quam quidem ire neltierat— -(There's 
another Synod.) 

Et pag. 584. InAfon. Pat. [ cC Maximus Imperator alids vir 
<c bonus ) depravatm covfiltis Sacerdotum, poft Prifcilliam necem 
Qt Ithacium EpifcopumPrifcilliani accufit crem cater ofjj illim focios^ 
" quos nominarenon efi necejfe vi regia tuebatur.-~Congregati apud 
"Trcvercs Eptfcopi(ihere'$ another Synodjtenebantur^qui quotidie 
" communic antes Ithacio communem fibi caufam fecerant : His ubi 
<c nunciatum efi inopinantibus, adzffe Martinum^ totis animis la- 
tC befatti, muffitare & trepidare CGepcrttnt.-~Nec dubium erat quirt 
" Sanciorum etiam maximam turbam tempeflas ifla depopulatura 
H efjet. Etenim tunc folis oculis dtfeernunt inter hominum genera^ 
cc cum quis Pallore potius am Vefie } quamfide^ h&reticus <zjtimare- 
u tur. Hdc nequaquam placitura Martino Epifopi faciebant. — 
" Ineunt cum Jmperatore Confilium ut m^ffts obviam Alagifiri of- 
" ficialibuS) urbem iftam (Martinus*) vetaretur propim accedere. 
(But it was not five Miles from all Cities and Corporations.)— 
u Inter ea Epifcopi quorum cemmunionem Martinus non in ibat tre- 
fc pidi ad- Regem concurrunt, per damnatos fe conquer entes atlum 
" effe de [ho omnium fiat u, fi Theognifii pertinaciam^ qui eos SO- 
"LVS t palam lata fententia coudemnaverat, Martini artnaret au- 
" thoritas : Non oportuijfe hominem capi moenibus illis : Non jam 
<c defensor em h&reticorum efje y fed vindicem (Methinks I read- Mr. 
Ct Merrice) Nihil attummorte PrijciUiam ft Martinus exerceat 
c< iUm ultionem. ( Thefe men have done nothing till they 
" have deftroy'd all that^ are againft their Tyranny.) Pofiremo 
" pro fir at i cum fietu (they could weep too) & lament at ione Pa- 
" teftatem Regiam implorant^ nt utatur adverfus VNVM homi- 
<c nem vi fua : Nee multum aberat quin cogeremr Imperator Mar- 
?* tinum cum hareticorum forte mifcere.^But the Emperour know- 
u ing his eminent Holinefs and Reputation, tryeth perfuafion $ 
w {& blande appellat, h&reticos jure damnatos 9 more judiciorxm 
u public or urn, pot ins quam in fettationibus Sacerdotum: Non eJJs 
" caufam qua Ithacii cater or umq- y partis ejus communionem y puta- 
" ret effe damnandam^ Theogniftum odiopotius quam caufa, fecijfe 
" diffidium 5 Eundemq-^ tamen SOLVM effe qui fe d communione 
" interim f par avit -,a reliquis nihil novatum.^ You fee here that 
" M M, faith truly 3 that Martin feparated but from the Bifhops 


"■■oi it toacttis s rarty: inac is, ah lave one l^eogmjtus (and 
ec lentil is elfewhere named, ) Is not here a great accord of the 
Bifhops ? ) [ tc J^itietiam paucos ante dies habita Sjnodus (Sy- 
" noGS ftill) Ithacium pronunciaverat culpa non tenerf] no won- 
" der : Synods have juftified the forbidding of two thoufand to 
" Preach the Gofpel.) At laft when no other Remedy could 
" fdv^ the Lives of men from the Leeches, Martin yielded once 
w to communicate with the Bifhops on condition the mens 
a Lives mould be faved : The Bifhops would have had him 
" Subftribe this Communion : But that he would never do. £Po~ 
u ft cradie inde Je prorij>iens y cum revertens in viam mceftus ingemifce- 
u ret 5 fe vel ad horam noxia communioni ejfe permixtum-fub- 
et fedit i caufam dolor is & fatli accufante & defendente cogitations 
ct pervolvens, aft it it ei repent Angelus j Merit inquit Marline 
f compungeris, fed aliter ex ire nequifti ; Repara virtutem : re fume 
cc Confiantiain j ne jam non periculum gloria, fed falutis incur- 
" reris. Itaque ab illo tempore [at is cavit, cum ilia Ithaciana 
Q< partis communione mifceri. C&terum cum quofdam ex inergu- 
tc menis^ tardius quam folebat^ & gratia minore curabat, fabinde 
<c nobis cum lachrymis fatebatur, fe propter communioni s illius ma* 
(t lum cuife vel puntlo temporis neccffitate, nonfpintu mifcuijfet, de- 
' f tnmentum /entire virtutis. Sedecim poftea vixit annos : Nul- 
** lam Synodum adiit; ab omnibus Convent thus fe removit.'] Now 
Reader, judge how great Ithaciush Party was, that boafted but 
one or two men were sgainft them : And whether Martin fepa- 
rated not from their common Synods. 

Methinks I fee Mr. M. here in the (trait of the Pharifees, 
when put to anfwer whether John's Baptifm was from Heaven, 
or of men. Fain he would make Martin and Sulpitius Puriranes 
and Fanaticksi but the Church hath made a Holy day for Mar m 
tin 9 and dedicated multitudes of Temples to his Honour; and all 
men reverence Sulpitius and him. Yet he ventures to go as far 
as he durit/?. 142. againft them. 

§ 10. But here Mr. M. fmarteth, and faith [This Inftance 
could become none worfe than Mr % B. who in a Letter to Dr. Hill 
confeffes himfelf to have been a Man of Blood— 2 

An[w. A Man of Blood is your Libertine Phrafe. If yoa would 
have publifhed that fecret Letter, you fhould 1. Have told the 
whole, and worded it truly? 2. And have profefted your felf a 
derider of Repentance, while you call for it. I lived in an Age 



of War, and I was on the Parliaments fide, and that was enough 
to prove that I had a hand in blood while I was on one tide, 
though I never drew blood of any man my fell (fave once a 
Bov at School with boxing.) 

But he thinks I (hould have imitated Martin in renouncing 
Communion with men of blood. 

Anfw. Martin renounced Communion wirh thofe that were 
for deftroying even downright Hereticks. Alas Sir, I dare not 
renounce Communion with thefe that Silence thoufands of 
faithful Minifters, and continue ftill to Plead, Preach, and Write 
for their Profecution by fmprifbnment and Ruine. I hope many 
do it in Ignorance, and if I do ir, it may increafe the diftance 
that I would heal. Nonconformists are no Prifcillianifts. 

And if I renounce Communion with all that were in Wars, it 
rouft be with fome prefent Bifbops, and a great part of the 

But I underftand you 5 it mult, be with all that were in Arms 
for the Parliament,^. Anfw. The King then will condemn 
me by his Aft of Oblivion, and by his own practice : Hath he 
not one of them for the Lord Prefident of his Council ? znd ma- 
ny more in Truft and Honour ? Did he renounce Communion 
with General Mankind his whole Army, who were long in 
Arms for the Parliament? Or with the Citizens, and multitudes 
of Commanders through the Land, who drew in, & encouraged 
General Monk? Or the Minifters that perfuadedSir Tho> Allen, 
Lord Mayor, to draw him in . ? 

To be plain with you Sir ^though you call It Railing) Men of . 
your Faculty kindled the Fire, and fet the Nation together by 
the Ears, and when fad experience broifghtTheTn to repentance 
and to defire unity and peace, and thofe that had fought for the 
Parliament had reftored the King, this evil Spirit, envveth the 
Kingdom the benefit of this concord, and would fain bre.ik us 
again into contending Parties, and will not let King and Kingdom 
have peace, while God giveth us peace from all foreign enemies. 
Do we need any other notice what a Contentious C!ergy have 
ftill been, than the woful experience of what they are. If you 
would have had G. Monk, and his Army, and all fuch that joyned 
with him deftroyed or excommunicate for what they had done., 
why did you notfpeak out at firft, but when we would all fain ' 
have peace and concord thus twenty years after caft your Wild- 


fire you warn the Prefent Duke of 'Albemarle to expett to be ac 
laft called to account for his original fin. 

§ 11. But his paflion makes him fay he knows not what, P. 
i4x [" I need not call Mr. B. to rcmemberance who compared 
Cf Cromwel to Davidznd his Son to Solomon 5 But this has tran- 
<c (ported me a little too far.] 

-An[, He faith this plainly of me afterward, to fhew[the cre- 
dibility of his Hiftory ? Did he know it to be falfe ? If fo\ there's 
no difputingwith him. If not, why did he not cite my words. 
Yea he after tranferibes the Epiftle meant., where he faw there 
were no fuch words : But others had told that tale before him, 
and that was Enough. Even as one of his tribe hath written that 
I have written in my Holy Common- wealth , that any one Veer 
may judge the King, Ifthefe Epifcopal Hiftorians tell foreigners 
that we have all Cloven Feet and Horns,and go on four Jegs 3 yea 
and iffome fwearir, we have no remedy: They can prove our 
notes horns, and our hands Feet. 

I again tell them, If Martins Angel and Miracles be credible, 
woe to thofe Prelatifts that are for ruining violence., and filences 
againft men better than the Gno flicks. If they be not tfue,let them 
not truft.too much to the beft Hiftorians. 

§ 12. Of the Council at Capua I faid that they decreed that 
the two Biftiops and their People Jhould live in loving Com- 
munion, Mr. M. finds me miftaken here. The words in Bmnim 
are [Vt tarn Flaviani quam Evagrii fatitor es in Communionem 
Catholic am admittantur, modo Catholic* fidei aj] en ores tnvenian- 
tm~\ I thought Catholick Communion had been Loving Commu- 
nion: And I thought if their fautors were to be received, fo 
were they : And I thought Antioch had been a part of the Ca- 
tholick Church, and Catholick Communion had extended to An- 
tioch', But if Mr. M. deny thefe, I will not contend with him. 

§ 13. He tells us, that \No man with his Eyes open ever faw 
the Condemnation o/Bonofus by the Council of Capua] (for deny- 
ing the Virgin M^r/s perpetual Virginity. 

Anfiv. It is Criticifm and not Hiltory that the rr.an is beft at. 
They did it mediately, while they referred it to them that did 
it. Siith hmnipis £" Can[a Bonofi cujufdam in h/iae'der^a Epifco- 
" pi htcretici^ mgantis delibatam De* gtnitricti Maria Virginita- 
u tem^ pofi partum in judicium dedutla efi. Synodus cognitionem 
Cf cauja Any fin Thejfalonienfi cum Epijcopis ipft fubjetlts delegavit: 


" Ab Anjfio Bonofum damnatum, iorumcjue quos ordinajfet comma - 
tC nione privatum ejfe teftatur Innoc. P. And he knows h's a He - 
rede now. Yec this Council condemned Reordinations. 

§ 14. That fovinian a Monk was called a Heretick, for Do- 
ctrines judged (bund by Proteftants, is no ftrange thing. Thar 
one not a Bifhop was the Head of a Herefie, was fomewhat 
ftrange then, but not before they got too high . 

As to the Q^eftion, Whether Bifhops were the Chief Heads 
and Fomenters of Herefie, I crave his impartial Anfwer to thefe 
Queftions. 1. Do not your felves maintain that all Churches 
in the world had Bifhops j and that the Bifhops were the Ru- 
lers, and of Chief Power f Kfo, can you imagine that after they 
had fuch Power, Churches could be ufuaiiy made Hereticks 
wichout them ? 

4>. 2. Do not Councils, and all Church-Hiftory tell us how 
many Councils of Hereticks there have been that were Bifhops ? 

J^ 3. If any Presbyter broke from his Bifhop to lee up a 
Herelie, was it not one that foughr to be a Bifhop? Or did they 
not make prefently him or fome other their Bifhop and Head f 
Herefie or Popery had made but fmall progrefs/had it not been 
for Bifhops. 

§ 15. When I commend the Novations Canon, which al- 
lowed all men Liberty for the Time of Eafter, as better than 
burning men as Hereticks,he takes it fox an Immoderate Tranfpon 
that I fay \j'as loud as I can [peak* If all the Proud, Ambitious, 
tC Herniating part of the Bi/kops had bsen of this mind, O what 
"fitly what fcatrdal, and what foam z , whit cruelties, confufions and 
Ct miferies bad the Chrifiian world efcapid?] That is, had they letc 
fuch Indifferent things as Inditferent. 

And is this againft Moderation ? I would fuch Zeal of God's 
Houfe had more eaten me up : Dare you deny but that this 
courfe would have faved the Lives of all thofe thoufands oiAl- 
bigenfes, Waldenfes, and Bohemians that the Papifts killed : And 
the death and torment of multitudes by the Inquiikion ? And 
the burning of our Smithfield Martyrs : And it's like moft of the 
Wars between the Old Popes and Emperours about Inveftitures ? 
And the blood of many thoufandmore. And it would have fa- 
ved more Nations than ours from the Tearing and Diviiion of 
Churches by the Eje&ing and Silencing of hundreds or thoufands 
of their Paftors, as the cafe of the Germans Interim, and other 

V fuch 

«nch actions prove. And is it immoderate iranjport to witn all 
this Blood, Schifm, Hatred and Coiiuiion, and weakning and 
(haming of the Church had been prevented at the rate of ToU- 
rating Indifferent things: No wonder if you had rather Eng- 
land [\\\\ furfered what it doth, and is in danger of by Schifm, 
than fach things Indifferent (hall be tolerated : It is not for no- 
thing that Chriftand Paul repeat, that fome have Eyes and fee 
lot , Ears and hear not, &C. 

§ 1 6. And here he again would make his Reader think it's 
true, that the Nonconforming pretend that their Silencing is 
for not keeping E after Day at the due Time ; as if this man that 
liveth among us did not know,that i* is the avoiding of deliberate 
Lying by fubfcrtbing to a known untruth, which is the thing that 
theyrefufe; and they mention it only as an appurtenance of 
the Impofition ad homines, that it would bind them to two dif- 
ferent times. 

Whether, as he faitb, our difeafe be a wantonmfs fed by con- 
cejfion, and we are moft violent when we know not what we would 
kjive, thofe men are no credible Judges that for feventeen years 
would not endure us to fpeak out our Cafe ; and when before 
we debated part of ir,wou!d not vouchfafe to anfwer us jand at 
hft when we tell it them, do butaccufe us with a (harper ftorm, 
inftead of giving any thing that a man can cdll an Anfwer that 
ever knew the Cafe, e.g; to our Pleas for Peace, and my Trea- 
t ife of Epifcopacy. 

§ 17. He cdnfefTeth that I praile the African Bithops as the 
belt in the world, though it contradict his former charge. As to 
the Magnitude of Diocefles, when he hath anfwered my Treat, 
of Epifcopacy, fome body may be edified by him. 

I agree with him that Good men will do much Good in a great 
Diocefs. But 1. Worldly Bifhops are;fo far bad : And worldly 
Wealth and Honour will ever be moft: fought by the moft 
worldly men : And ufually he thatfeeks (hall find- -Ergo —And 
2, A good mm cannot do Impoflibilities : The belt cannot do 
the work of many hundred. 

Forty two years ago fome wifht for theReftoring of Confef- 

Theophilus Parochialis brings copious Reafons and Orders of 
Princes, Popes and Prelates, that all fhould confefstothe Parifh- 
Prieft. If you had fet this up here, how many men inuft have 



gone to it in the Parifhes of St. Martin, Giles Cripplegate, Step- 
ney 3 &c ? But how much greater work hath Dr. Hammond, and 
Old Councils, cut out for him that will be the fole Bifhop of 
many hundred Pariihes ? I have named it eliewhere. 

And, if any man of confideration think I have not proved 
againft Mr. Dodwell, that Bifhops Government is not like a 
King's, who may make what Officers under him he pleafe, but 
depends'more as a Phyfician's or School-matter's onPerfonal Abi- 
lity^ I will now add but this Queftion to him [Why is it that 
Monarchy may be hereditary \ and a Child or Infant may be King] 
but an Infant may not be Bifhops nor any one not qualified with Ef- 
fential Ability? I have at large told you how ftiarply Baromus 
and Binnim condemn that odious Nullity of making a Child (by 
his Father's Power) A. 'Bifhop of Rhcmes. 

If I heard twenty men fay and fwear that one man is fufficient 
to be the only Matter of many hundred Schools, or Phyficiart 
to many hundred Hofpitai^or that one Carpenter or Mafon may 
alone build and rear all the Houfes in the City after the Fire, cr 
one man be the fole Matter of an hundred thoufand Families 5 
what can I fay to hirrr, but that he never tryed or knows the 
work ? 

§ 18. When I note that the Donattfts took themfelves for 
the Catholicks, and the Adverfaries for «Schifinaticks, be- 
caufe they were the greater number, he very honeftly faith ■ 
that Multitude may render a Sett formidable, tut it's no Argu- 
ment of Right. 

Very true -, nor Secular Power neither. But what better Ar- 
gument have the Papitts 3 and many others that talk againft 

§ 19. He thinks the Donatifls Bijhops Churches were not fo 

[mall as our Partjhes. Anfw. Not as forne : Bur if, as I faid 

before, Confiantinople in the height of all itVGIory in Chryfo- 

fiomh daies 3 had but icoooo Chriftians, as many as three Lon- 

^<7«- Parifhes have, judge then what the Donatifis had. 

§ 20. His double quarrel with Bmnim and Barcnius, let who 
will mind. What I gathered out of thofe and other Canons of 
the fmalnefs of Churches then, I have" elfewhere made good.- 
His Reviling Accufations o{ Envy to their Wealth, deferveth no 

§ 1 1. He comes to St. Th:cpbilus$ Cafe, of which we fpake 

V z before. 

1*4* J 

^re. The Monks that reported e\ril of bim, were^ it may be t 
faith he., downright Knaves, The Reviling is blamelefs when ap- 
plied to fuch. Doubilefs they were ignorant raft Zealots: But 
one that reads what the Egyptian Monks were in Anthonys 
uaies, and after, and what Miracles and Holinefs, Sulpitius Seve- 
rn* reporteth of thern^ and why Bafil retired into his Monaftery, 
&c. may conjecture that they had much lefs worldlincfs than 
the Bi(fiops,an:J not greater fault?. 

§ 22. I think it not defirable or pleafant work to vindicate 
the credit of Socrates and Socmen accufing Theophilus : But if 
his Conjectures in this cafe may ferve againft exprefs Hiftory 
of fuch men, and fo near, let him leave other Hiftories as Joofe 
to our Conjecture?. Poftbum/anus Narrative in Sulpitiw, is but 
of one piece of theTragedy.He thinks it-improbable that Origen 
fhould be accufed for making God Incorporeal -, and fuch Con- 
jectures are his Confutation of Hiftory : But Ongen had two 
fort of Accufers -, theBi(hops 5 fuchas Theophilm and Epipkanius 
had worfe charges againft him : But the Anthropomorphtte Monks 
were they that brought that Charge againft him (that God had 
no face, hands, eyes.) And Theophihu before them cryed down 
Origen in general, to fave his life, by deceiving them, that they 
nvght think he did it on the fame account as they did. This is 
Socrates his Report of the Cife. 

He faith, that the Impudent Mutinous Monks were not afcamed 
to tell all the world, that all th.it were againfl them were Anthropo* 

An[w\ It was other Monks that I here talk not of, that he 
means : It was thefe Monks that were Anthropomorphites them- 
it Ives, and would have killed Theophihu for not being fb 3 till he 
faid to them, Methinkj I fee your faces as the Face of God : And 
the name of the Face of God did quiet them. Hienm was a 
Party againft Chrjftfiom ; it was for not palling that Sentence 
on Origen, that Epiphamus would by mafterly Ufurpation have 
Impcfed on him, that Chryfoftom was by him accufed. 

§ 23. Could any Sobriety excufe that man Epiphanlu.^ that 
would come to the Imperial City, and there purpoftly intrude 
into the Cathedral of one of the beft Bifhcps in the world, for 
Parts and Piety 5 and there play the Bifhop over an A. Bifliop 
in his own Church, and feek to fet all the Auditory in a flame 
at the time of Publick Worihip, and require him to fay that of 


Orlgen, which he there without any Authority impofed on biirji 
I know not what is Pride, Ufurpation, Turbulency, if not Malig- 
nity, if this be not. 

But at laft he faith, ['5 / do net intend to excufo Theophilus in 
" this particular : (Thank, Pope Innocent) He did certain!/ pro - 
Cc fecute his Rrfentment too far : But he was not the only mm : 
" Epiphanius, a per Con of great Holinefs j Hierom, aid fever al 
<: oth.r pj'rfons renowned for their Piety ^ wen concerned in the-per- 
cl Jecution of this Great man, as well as he : And to fay the truth, 
c> this J* tksit weaknefs ; for that Severity which gives men gene- 
a rally a Reparation of Holinefs, though it mortife fame irregular 
" heats, yet is apt to difpofe men to p?evijl:nefsf\ 

But true Holinefs ever fincerely iovcth holy men, and fpeciaf- 
ly fuch as are publick Bleffings to the Church i And though [ 
cenfure not their main State, your Holy Perfccutors of the brfc 
of ChrinVs Servants, will never by Chrift be judged fmalJ Offen- 

Alas ! it's too true that Theophilus was not alone : A Coun- 
cil ofBiihops were the Perfccutors. And it's hard to think thar 
they loved Chryfoftom as chemfelve?. When the forememioned 
Council at Conft amino pie had turned out Naz.ianz.en^ even the 
great magnifiers of General Council*, Baromm and Bmnius, thus 
reproach them, that they drove away a holy excellent man, that 
a man was fet up in his fie ad that was no Cbnftian; that it was 
thi Epifcopi Nundinarii that did it, the Oriental Bi/h<.ps firft 
leaving them, aid going away with Gregory. And if -he Ai*yor 
Vote of that General Council were Ep-fcopi Nundinarii, what: 
Chyfsljm's Perfccutors were may be conic <fba red. Do not thefe 
Papiits here fay worfe of them than I do ? 

§ 24. Yet though he confets as much as is aforefaid, and 
bring but his Conjectures mixt with palpable omiflions againft 
the exprefs words of Socrates and Socmen, he hath the face to- 
make up his failing with this Calumny [ Ct / have dwelt (0 long en 
" this, nut only to vind cats Theophilus, iut to /hew once for ail the- 
"manner of our Authors dealing with his Reader in his Church- 
H Hiflory. Any fcandalom Story, though it be asfalfe and imprz- 
" bable as any in the Asni Mirabiles, or Whites Cenruries of Scan- 
" daloits A.fmifiers, any Fid ion that refletfs with difgracc on 
Ci Bijhops and Councils is fit down fqr apttbwtic^ no matter wh> 
;; dslivtri it, friend or fee. 2 



Cc therefore there is no great credit to be given them in thefe 
C( Relations, as manifeftly efpoufing the Caufe and Quarrel of 
u the Novatians.~\ 

str.fw. i. Juft as Thuanpu or Erafmus cfpoufed the Caufe of 
the Proteftants by Truth and Peace, when others hated and be- 
lied them. 2. Methinks the man revileth me very gently in 
companion of Socrates and $oz,omen 3 xhe two mod impartial and 
credible of all our Antient Church- Hiftorians ( with Tbeo- 
dorot.) But who can wonder that he imitateth that which he 

§ 4. But he faith, [It may be the Novatians deferred it--* and 
its not unlikely that they were very trouble Com and [edit ious.~] 

Anfw. W$ not uh likely now that others will fay it was fo. But 
mark Reader which of thefe Hiftorians is mod credible [Socra- 
tes and Sozomen lived with thofe that knew the things and per- 
sons : They have told us Truth in the reft of their Hiftories : If 
they had been Novatians.Mx.M. faith, They believed finning 
after Baptifm had no pardon or abfolution : And were they not 
like then to (ear fuch Lying and falfe Accufing a? paints a Saint 
like the Devi] or Anrichrift.] On the other fide [Mr./*/. liveth 
above a thoufand years after them ; He is one of the Party that 
take it to be not only lawful, but a duty to fay and fwear all 
that is impofed now,which I will not here defcribe :How truly 
he writes theHiftory of his own Age, even of Parliament and 
Wars, and living perfons, I have told you. He faith no more 
againft the Hiftorians credit here, but [it may be~] and [it's not 
wlikely] and [thy were Novatians, SchHina ticks, Alexandrians.] 
Even fo theirCountermine^and^manyConformiftSjthat lave many 
years reported us to be Rajfing a War againft the King, bad 
their [May-be'i] and [Its not unlikely'] and [they are Scbifma- 
tickj'j to prove it : And others foon role up and fwore it. And 
when fome lament their Perjury, it flops not the reft. But fome 
have fuch Free-will, that they can believe whom they lift. 

§ 5". Socrates, faith he, makes it part of his charge that he 
took on him the Government of temporal Affairs. This was not the 
ZJ fur pat ion of the Bijtcop, but the Indulgence of the Emperour: And 
he flievvs the Churches need of it. 

jinfw. That which he is charged with is, that he -was the 
fir ft Ihjivp that him fe If u fed the Sword. And I. Do you think 

i-hit io great a Patriarchate & Diocefs would not find a confeio- 



nable Paftor work enough, without joyning with it the Magi- 
ftrates Office? 2. Was not the Church greatly changed even 
fo early from what it was a little before in the daies of Martin 
and Snlfitim^ when even Ithaciu* durft not own being fo much 
as a feeker to the Magiftrate to draw the Sword againft grofs 
Hereticks j and the belt Bifhops denied Communion with them 
that fought it : And now a Biftiop himfelf becomes the ftriker 
not of grofs Hereticks, but fuch as peaceable Bifhops bore 

I remember not to have read that Cyril had any CommifTion 
for the Sword from the Emperour : Others then had not : But 
I deny it not. 

§ 6. He faith, that elfewhere I fay [Ifhallnot dijhonour fhch t 
nor difobey thim!\ Anfa. I fay and do fo : If a Bifhop will take 
another Calling from the King's Grant, when he hath underta- 
ken already 40 times more work as a Diocefan than he can do, 
He honour and obey him as a Magiftrate : But I would be loth 
to ftand before God under the guilt of his undertaking and 

§ 7. As to all the reft of the Hiftory about fjril's Execu- 
tions, and the wounding of Ortftes the Governour, I leave ic 
between the Credit of Mr. M. and Socrates. : And he very much 
fufpetls the Story of Cyril V making a Martyr of him that was exe- 
cuted for it : I leave all to the Reader's Judgment. I think I may 
tranferibe Socrates without flandering Cyril. 

Here his fpleen rifing, faith [There are men in the world that 
honour fuch as Martyrs for murdering a King."] 

-Anfxv. You may fmell what he infinuates : I think he witt 
not fay, that he ever did more againft them than thofe that they 
call Presbyterians have done. We Wrote and Preacht againft 
them when he did not. I know not the Presbyterian living to 
my remembrance, that was not againft the Murder of the King , 
and Prin, whom the Bifhops had cropt and itigmatized for be- 
ing againft them, as an Eraftian, was the hotrelt in the Par- 
liament, for the Execution of the King's Judges : But I knew di- 
vers Conformifts that have written or fpoken to juftifie or ex- 
cufe that Fa<5t. 

§ 8. As for the Murder of Hypatia y l\twt him to bis fcuffle 
with Socrates and Damafciusjn which I interefsnot my felf. 
§ 9. I thank Pope Innsctnt Mr, M. durft not deny CyrU\ 

X faulty 

faults, in his hnmity to tne memory oi wryjoiron* $ ami yet ne 
calls my reciting the matter of Fac*t a reproach. He i3 conftrain- 
f d to confefs [ Cc That the Quarrel was it feems hereditary to hint 
u (fo is Original Sin) and he didprofecme it beyond all equity or 
u decency anainft the memory of a dead man : This was a faulted 
* and he that is without any, or without any particular animoftty y 
tC fpscially if he be in any eminent place, Let him caft the fir ft ftone.~\ 

Anfw. Thanks to Confcience : We feel your Animofities: But 
is not this man a Railing Accufer of Cyril, if I am fuch ? What 
faith he lefs in the main ? Yea he now renews his Accufation of 
his Predecelfor, faying, It was hereditary. To profecute malice 
againft the very name of a holy extraordinary Bifhop, beyond 
all equity and decency— what will Chriftianity or Humanity call 
it ? But Faction faith,/* was a f suit, and he that is without anjjkc. 
Thus talkt Eli to his Sons: So one may fay, To Silence 2oco 
Minifters, or to hate the belt men, and feek their ruine, is a 
fault, aPrelatica! peccadillo; and (b was Bonner's ufage of the 
Martyrs 5 and let him that is without any caft the firft (tone. 
And Sr. John faith, He that hateth his Brother is a murderer, and. 
none fuch hath Eternal Life abiding in him; and that as Cain, he 
is of the Evil One, the Devil. And I believe him. 

§ 10. But he faith, / irjxrioufly charge h : m with calling Alex^ 
ander a boldfaced man^ when Atticus was the fir ft Author of that- 

Avfw. Atticni mentioned Akxandcr^'c.orfidtnxjrue and ne- 
ceffary Counfelj Cyril contradicting ir, calls the man, A man 
of a confident face or mouth. If another Bifhop fa id the firft words- 
before him, do I wrong him % faying he faid tht fi>coxd? O 
tender men! His urging* ; the keeping up the names of fuch as 
NcchariHs and Arfacius; and calling out Ch ryf-ftcmw, is lb like 
our Canons about Readers and Nonconform^?, and our Cano- 
neers defcriptions of their Gauntry Parfon?, and the Furitanes, . 
that i wonder not that you defend him, 

§ 1 1. But he faith, that lis a little ur.chrtftian to. blaft his 
memory with the faults which he corretled in his life-time.'] 

Anfw. 1. It's neceflary to tell that truth which blafteth the 
Reputation of fuch fin as was growing up towards Papacy. 
^«/. 2. Then Chrift was unchriftian to tell the Jews of their very 
fathers murders of the Prophets, while they difclaimed ir, and 
built their Sepulchres, Mat. 23. And then it was unchriftian in 



tbe Holy Ghoft, to blaft the memory of Adam % Noe, Lot.David 
Solomon, Peter, yea or Manaffeh, with fins repented of. 3.Hiftory 
muft fpeak truth about things repented of$ or elfe it will but 
deceive the world. 4. The Honour of God, andGoodnefs, and 
Truth, muft be preferred before our own Honour. Repentance, 
if true, will moft freely confefs a mans own fin, and moft fully 

§ 12. Whether all his far-fetch t Conjectures that Cyril re- 
pented, be true or no, is nothing to me. I will hope he did, 
though I nerer faw it proved : The very laft Sentence of Death 
might do it. His retortion is, [/ know no man deeper engaged 
in the Contentions of the Church (than I) The writing of his Eighty 
Bookj Being but lik- fo many pitcht Battels he has fovgbt, and mop 
commonly in the da y k^ t when he was ■ hardly able to difc over friend 
from foe .] 

Anfw. It's too true, that being all written for Peace, the 
Enemies of Peace have fought againft them. Ntmis dm habi- 
tavit t anima me a inter ofores pari*. But pro caput Lector is, &c t 
All men take not the words of fuch as he for Oracles. How 
much I have written and done for Peace, lee others read and 
judge. I long laboured and begg'd for Peace in vain with fuch 
as he defendetb. And it's admirable if this pittFlefs Enemy of 
Sects and Errours can be for all the Seels and Errours that I 
have written againft. Have I in the dark taken for foes by Er- 
rour the Atheifts, the Infidels, the Sadduce<«, the Hobbifts, the 
Quakers, the Ranters, the Papifts, rhe Socinians, the Libertines 
called Antinomians, the Anabaptiits, the Separatifts, and Sects 
as Sects l Be of good comfort ail : Thefe Prelatifts that accufe 
us for too dark and (harp Writings againft you, feem to tell you 
that they will more hate perfecuting or diftretfing you - 9 Yes 
when they agree with themfelves. 

His Prayer that I may have a more honorable opinion of Re- 
pentance he calls me to fpeak to in the End. 

§ 13, Whether good Ifidore Telupota were a man [«wr; 
* : eafy to take any impreffions, and upon falfe information char get h 
u Cyril with profecttting his private qnarrclls with Nefrorius 
" under pretence of \,eal for tie faith ]I leave all men to believe 
our Accufer as they fee caufe. And the fame I fay of that which 
is fo great a Gontroverfie among the Critical HiftorianSjWhetber 
Thcodorets Epiftle to fob. Ant, againft Cyril be Counterfeit, or 

X 2 were 

(i 5 6) 

were written on a falfe rumour of Cyrils death. Their 5-th Ge- 
neral Council hath ir. Baronius and Bmnius fay, fome Eutychian 
knave hath corrupted the Acts of that Council. Muft Council* 
be the Laws of all the world, and hath the Church and Tradi- 
tion kept them no better, that we know not when we have them 
truly f Leave us then to the univerfal Laws of God. 

§ 14. He faith truly that [ the Council of Ephefus was chiefly 
direfted by the authority ©/"Cyril ] Anf And fo was that at Trent 
by the authority of the Pope And when he hath confuted the 
credible Hiftory wich tells us of the womens and Courtiers ha- 
tred of Neftorius, and proved that the Emperour and Pal- 
cberia the Emprefs were but one, I will grant that the authority . 
0} the Court dtretled not Cyril ; and that then and now Bifhops 
neither were nor are directed by the Civil powers. 

§ if . When I fpake againft Ne florin* his cruelty to Sectaries 
he asketh [ What Hereticaters were hotter than the Trefbyterians 
in 1646. The Inquifition is not more fever e than their ordinance a- 
gainfl Herefes, which they deflredjhould be made felony and pun fo- 
ld by death &c.l ; 

Anf. Reader Judge of the mans Credit at to ancient Hiftory 
ftill by his truth about the Prefent age. 1. The Inquifltion he 
faith, is not more fever e. Do I need to anfwer this to any man of 
50 years of age. ? It's Capable of no anfwer but what he will call 
by fome name defer ved by his own. 

x. I can find no fuch ordinance: He faith It was offered ? Is 
that all ? And by whom I Was it the body of thePresbterians,or 

3. What were the Herefies named by them? Were they not 
down right BJafphemy? 

4. Who arvd how many were ever either tormented or put 
to death for Herefie, from 1641 till 1660: I remember not 
one, fave that fames Nay A?r was imprifoned and whipt, and 
had his Tongue bored for blafphemous Perfonating Ghrift, and 
that not by the Presbyterians. 

5. Why are they fo ordinarily reproached by the Prelatifts 
for tolerating all Sects here in England ? 

6. What ifall this had been true ? What is it to me or any of 
my mind ? I never had a hand in perfceuting one man, to my 
remembrance. How few can you name of all the Nonconfor- 
ming now in England, that had any hand in the Severities you 

mention ? 


mention ? I know not four in England, that I remember. And 
what's this to us any more than to you ? 

7. And was it well done, or ill ? If well, why do you liken 
them to the Inquifition ? Are you for it f If ill, why do you 
plead for it in others ? Imitate it not if you diflike it. 

For my part, as lam againft all Seds as fuch, I am much 
more againft the cruelty of any. I (tick no more at the clif- 
gracing the Presbyterians fins, than yours : And I am readier to 
difgrace my own than either, if I can know tbem. I wouM 
cherifh Errours no more than you j but I. would not ruine or 
imprifon even fuch of your (elves as have too many. Herefie 
muft have its proper cure. I thank God I'had once an Ortho- 
dox agreeing Flock. But again I fay, the Presbyterians were too 
impatient with Diffenters ; and it's better have variety of Fifti 
in the Pond, than by the Pikes to reduce them tofpecial unity, 

§ 16. He faith that Ncftorius conf?au:ntially denyedtbe God- 
Head of Chrift.p. 192. Next he hath found a contradiction in 
my words, that the Emperor was weary of tbisftir: And yet that 
[■ Cyril did it to pleafe the Court ] Thefe critical men can make 
their two hands enemies to each other. How came he waking 
to dream that this was a contradiction, when Hiftorians tell us 
that the Women and Courtiers hated boinChryfo flame 2nd iW/rV 
rSus ? He implyeth that the Emperor 2nd the Court were all one, 
or of one mind. But I am not bound to believe him, no more 
than of many other Emperours whofe Wives kept up one party 
and they another. And I pray you why mould we be confident 
that Theodofitis 2. himfelf called an Eutycbian by the heretica- 
ting Bi(hops,was notagainft Neftorms when he- called that Coun- 
cil^ at firft Condemned both him andC)n'/,and after him alo n e. ? 
I did but recite the Hiftorians words, and was that forgetfulnefs ? 

§ 17. His many words about this controverfie with Nefiori- 
us are the mod unworthy of any anfwer of all his Books : fome- 
time he faith as I, as p. 193 [ It bad been happy for the Clnrch if 
the myjteries of our Religion had never been curieufly difputed 7 
fometime he confefifeth 1 bat Neftorius fpake the fame thing with 
Cyril 3 t bat Chrift had two natures iff one Perfon : ibid. And that be 
expreffeth himfelf one would thinly very orthodoxly, p. 202. But the 
Heretic}^ diffembled and hid his fence. And fo this man after above 
1 000 years knew the mans mind to be contraiy to his words : 
whereas it's palpable to him that readeth the Hiftories, that the 


(pake as i ^ft as Nsftonus. He oft confefleth ( for he can- 

not deny it ) [that be doth frequently own but one nature ] p. 197. 
and 198. [ that there is but one nature of the wrd incarnate ] fo 
p. 2oi # &c But C)n7 meant well, that is, by Nature he meant 
Perfon. And was not this Eutychian Speech as improper as 2\fa/?0- 
riu's is ? Is the nature and iV/o» to be confounded . ? Did the 
Fathers fpeak thus? If Nature put for Perfon be pardonable, 
why is it not pardonable to prefer a denomination a propnetate 
vel forma, to another ? And thus you make Cyril to differ from 
the Eutychians, in their different meanings while they ufed the 
fame words. If I had laid that Chrift had but one Nature I 
fhould have had a cenfure otherwife me?.'»jred. 

And though this man feem to deny it, [ have cited many of 
his words in which he faith [ Duas natu- \ unitas afferimus : poft 
unionem vera tanquam ademptajam in duas diftinfttone, unam effc 
credimusfilii naturam, tanquam unius fed inhuman & incarnati 
& ad face f Nihil injufti facimus dicentes^ ex duabns naturis 
fatlum ejfe concur fum in unit at em : Toft unionem vero non dijtin- 
guimus naturas ab invicem. But I have cited enough before. 

The fum and truth is, to judge no one but my felf, I muft be 
blind by ignorance or partiality if I be not paft doubt, 1. That 
unskilful explication was their difference. 2. That Cyrils words 
were Eutychian. 3. That Neftorius words were orthodox in the 
main, but not fufficiently yielding to a tolerable phrafc. 4. That 
they both meant the fame thing. 5. That all their war was 
managed, 1. For want of diftinguifhing fully the Abftraft [ Dei- 
tatem ] and the Concrete [^Deurn^ 2. For want of diftinguifhing 
[ Qui Deus ] from [ Qua DeusJ and a ftricl; formal expreffion 
from a morelaxe that's tolerable. And 3. For want of diftingui- 
fhing [ divifeon 2 from [ difiintlion ] of natures. 4. For want of 
explaining the various forts and ferfes of [Vnity] and [Plurali- 
ty.^ I cannot but know this to be true, though Mr. M. fcorn me 
for in. 

What [ / that under ft and not the language they wrote in to pre- 
tend to kpow better than the Council Q Anf 1. So fay the Papiits : 
what? will you pretend to know more ttian the Church and 
Councils ? If it be implicite faith that they are bringing us to, 
let them tell us which Councils we muft fo believe when they 
condemn each other ? 2. I thought I could make fhift tounder- 
itand their language, though I be no critick in it : But if he know 



rue better, I ftrive not for the reputation of Learning ; not only 
Baronius and Binnivu, and all the reft that he nameth that had 
no skill in Greek, but mod: of the Schoolmen, feemto me with- 
out ir, far more Learned than he. I can tell him of Lads whofe 
Learning I admire not, that (hall vie with him in Languages 
Oriental and Occidental, and give him odds 3 And when he fcorns 
Derodons diftinctions, telling us it's making two bad Groats by flit- 
ting a Sixpence, Sec. I leave him to glory in hit Confufion: But 
I fufpeft the Fox that fpeaks cgainft Tails is like enough to want 
one himfelf. 

But when he hath (hewed in all this Hiftory"of Neftorius , 
Cyril, and the Council, little but that partiality which can talk 
confidently to the ignorant for any caufe, without any (hew of 
confuting Derodons purification of Neftorius^ or my Conciliati- 
on, his craft or paffion attempts to divert the Reader by the 
art of the times, and as if it muft ftop our Mouths from lament- 
ing the fin of Hereticators, and mifery of the Church thereby, 
he tells us how men in thefe times call themPapifts that are none. 
Anf If it be ill done, why condemn you your (elf by de- 
fending thofe that did the like I If it was well done in Bifliops 
Councils, why not in them? 2. But what's this tome, if it be 
not me that he means? If it be, 1. If you will read but the 
Jaft part of my CathoL Theolog. judge of the mans front. 2. It is 
none but tho(e that are for a humane Soveraignty over all the 
Church on Earth that we judge Papifts : And if you judge them 
not fucb, we will thank you to tell us what a Papift is in your 
own fenfe. 

§ 18. His (aying^. 22J. that [fohn Comes that gives a fad ac- 
count of the Council is much\o be fufpefted, 8fC doth but tell us 
that he would have your belief of Hiftory guided by the Intc- 
reft of his Caufe* 

§ 19. As to his fcorn againft my tranflating the words [tkt 
Scriptnrc and Sacred] which mean that imperial Scripture, I did 
think a litteral Tranflation could not have been judged a mifun- 
derftanding or miftranflation : Why may they not be called in 
Englifj what they are called in Greek) And he had aftrong ima* 
gination if he thought that Haunters Tranflation ofEufebi^&c* 
afforded me fuch materials as theft* 

§ 20. His conclufionof fome that fcorn to preach by the HA 
eence of the Government I before mentioned* The Truth and 

Y minifterial 

minifterial Honefty of it, is much like as if Tfaoufands fhould 
petition the Eifhop, that their Tick families may have licenfed 
Phyficians, and he reje&eth all their Petitions, and prevaileth 
with the Parliament to do the like: At laft the King pittieth 
them, and licenfeth~the Phyficians, and theBifhop and his Cler- 
gy are offended, and get it revoked, and the Phyficians praftife 
at their peril without licenfe: And our credible Hiftorian fhould 
record it, that they fcorned to praftife as licenfed by the Govern- 
ment, even while ftill they make all the Friends they can to the 
Clergy to be licenfed, and arc not able to prevail. But the ages 
that knew ncft them and us, that arejo come, may poflibly be- 
lieve thefe men as they believe their Predecefibrs. 

§2i. To conclude, Reader, if now thou have any fenfe of 
Chriftian Intereft, Unity and Love, judge of the whole cafe im- 
partially, and begin with notorious matter of fad:. 

i. We find at this day a great Body of Chriftians, called Ne- 
ftorians, inhabiting the Countries of Babylon, ^Jfjria, Mesopo- 
tamia^ Parthia, and Media , yea, fpread Northerly to Cat ay a^ 
arid Southerly to India-, abundance of them even in Tartar] , 
faith Partus Vcnet* See Brienvood p. 139. And we find that they 
•are by the Weftern Churches, if not the Greekj^ called Here- 
ticks, and at the eafieft Schifma ticks. And yet as thofe very 
Friars that have lived among them fay, they are commonly free 
from any fuch Opinions as are charged on them, but only ho- 
nour the name of Neftorins, and condemned the Councils that 
condemned him. This Mr. M. nor no Prelate will deny that re- 
taineth humanity. 

7. We find that this woful fraftion hath continued about one 
Thoufandtwo Hundred and thirty Years. 

3. We are put to enquire what was and is the caufe 5 and we 
find that on both fides it is the Bifhops and their Clergy that now 
continue it, and it was Patriarchs and their Bifhops that ac firft 

4. We enquire how they did it: And Mr. Morrice confefleth 
that it began in a difpute between the two Patriarchs (whether 
the Virgin Mary was to be called The Mother of God, or rather 
The Mother of Refits Chrifi who is God and Man : and that on 
this occafion Cyril charged Neftontts , as making Chriit to be 
two Perfons, and he himlelf (aid Chrift incarnate had but one Na- 
ture, but had m more skill in fpeaking, thaji by one Nature to 



mean one Ferfon, ( though Derodon labour to prove that he 
meant worfe,) that Ncftorius profefled two Natures in one Per- 
fon. And Mr. M. faith, Nefxorius when he fpake well meant iU 5 
and Cyril when he fpake ill meant well. And upon this a Gene- 
ral Council itfelf is firft divided about them, even to blows : and 
after by the importunity of C]!r*P$ party, Neftorius is banifhed, 
and the Bifhops divided, fome for one, and fome for another to 
this day. Another Council is called at Calcedon, and conftrmeth 
the Condemnation , and the Neflorian Bifhops condemn that 
. Council, and for many Ages the Bifhops were divided alfo about 
that, one pare condemning it, and the other fubferibing to it , 
and honouring it. Judge now what thefe Bifhops have done to 
Chriftian Religion and the Church of Chrifr, and continue to do: 
And if you dare join with our Canoneers in making the guilt your 
own, by juftifyingfuch difmal workj the further you go, the 
more of it you have to jaftitie_, till your Souls have guilt and 
load enough. 

HoneftDr. Moore charged with Neftorianifm, is fain to ac- 
cufe Neftorius out of his Enemies words to clear himfelf. That 
he owned not a [VhyficaL Vnjon of Natures^ is an ambiguous, un- 
fafe word: APhyfical Union feems to fignifie one &fw which is 
not to be faid. He never denied a perfonal or Hypoftatical Uni* 
on. And if he had fas he did not) oppofed the word ffypofiafs, 
fo did Hterom that was no Heretick, and many more for a long 

I fuppofe Mr. M. is not more zealous againft Neftorianifm 
than the Hereticating Church of Rome Is: And how great they 
really thought the NeftorianHerctie, the ftory which I mention 
of P. Hormifda tells you, which I will repeat. [Therearofea 
controverfie whether it might be faid that [ One of the Trinity 
was crucified^ Pope Hormijda faid [AV] becaufe they that were 
for it were fufpefted to be Eutjcbians: The Nefiorians laid hold 
on this, and faid, [Then we may not fay that Mary was the Parent 
of one of the Trinity .] This was a hard cafe : fnflinian fent to Pope 
fohn about it. His infallibility and Hormifdas were contrary : he 
and his Council fay that we may fay, that [^One of the Trinity 
was crucified.] Hereupon Baronius and Binnius give us a ufefuf 
note, £/ta mutatis hofiihs arma mutari neceffe fuit-2 What 
fhould the World do if we had not had fuch a Judge of Contro- 
verfies, I hope Mr. M. will not be fo heretical, or fchifmatica!, 

Y 2 » 

as to fay that either of thefe Popes erred againft an Article of 
Faith: But will rather recant his Accufation of Neftorius, and 
number this with Things Indifferent , which the Church hath 
power to change at her pleafure. 


Of the Council o/Ephefus 2d. 

§i.npHatour Hiftorian may juftifie the Dividers he make* 
-L himfelfa Party, and by downright miftake againft 
both faith, r. ThttNeftorius fellinto Blafphemy^ denying Chrift 
to he true God. 2. And that Eutyches denied Chrift to be true 
Man.} This is our Reformer of Hiftory 5 when both of them 
profeffed Cbrift to be true God,, and true man. I doubt not but 
the Man can write another Book to juftifie this 5 for what is it 
thatfome cannot talk for ? Yea, he is at it again, p. 230. that 
Eutyches held Chrift not to be true Man. 

§ 2. He confeffeth again that Cyril affirmeth but one Nature^ 
and meant but one Pqrfon^ and that Eutyches ukd the fame words, 
but faith, fure they cannot be fo mad as to fall out fo violently when 
they fay the fame thing & words.. Flavian could not be fo foolijh or fo 
wickedfiiQ.Anf I juftifie not the words of Eutyches orC;n/j but if 
lhave great reafon to believe, that as he confeffeth Cyril fo 
grofsas to ufe <puV for wrosaaK, fo Eutyches who had far lefs 
Learning than Cyril, did word amifs the conceptions, which were 
the fame with Cyrils , I leave it to this mild Cenfurer to call 
them Fools^ and mad, and wicked. It's taken for railing in me 
to blame them. 

§ 3. He faith [Cyrilnever faid there were two Natures in Chrift 
before theVnion. Anf. I have twice cited his words: Find a 
true difference between them and thofe of Eutyches if you can, 
1 believe they both mean* better than they (pake. 

§ 4. But the Spirit of detraction ufeth to fetch Accifations 
from Hearts fie Thought * 3 and fecret Actions ,and fo doth he againft 
Eutyches j and he faith this hath been done of late times ^ To deliver 
tihat in f elect Meetings, which they will not in public^ promifcuous 
^ijfemblies : as evil Spirits are under reftraint in conjeer ate d places, 



Anf. Therefore it is that the Nonconformifts have 20 or 
19 years fo earneftfy beg'd for leave to preach in pubiick con- 
fecrated places to promifcuous Aflemblies, that they might be 
out of fufpicion, but could never obtain it of this fort of Ma- 
tters. Ex ore tuo-— Thus they that caft the ftone at others off 
find it hitthemfelves. Mr. Edwards Gangrena is here commend- 
ed to thofe that are for Toleration. As if all differences were 
equally intolerable or tolerable: And he that faith [Tolerate not 
thofe that preach Blafphemy or intolerable errour ,] faid no worfc 
than he that faith {Silence Two Thousand Preachers, unlefs the? 
Will Profefs, Promife, and Swear, and do all that is (oft defer ibed) 
impofed on them. 

§ 5. In his Narrative he is no more tender of the honour 
of Bifhops it feerns than I am, nor fo much of Emperours; 
for when he had faid the Emperour [ -was too much addicted 
to this hind of Vermine ( Eunuchs ) and Jhews his bitternefs 
againfl Flavian^ he faith that the Letters which called this Council 
fagge ft ed Efficiently what it was to do, and that their bufnefs was to 
condemn a Bijhop the Emperour did not care for, though without any 
juft ground, nay, for Lis konefty* 

I deny none of this : Bur were the Bifhops of the Catholick 
Church in a good cafe then,thar,when they knew before that they. 
were called to fuch a work as thi*,would meet in a General Coun- 
cil and do it ? No -, he accufeth them himfelf, I need not do it. 

The Emperour, he faith, fyew how to choofe Bifhops, fand yet 
his Summons was general to all to come,,) and the Prefdent, if 
half be true that i* faid of him y (and if that be a doubt, how cre- 
dible are your Hiftorians I) was one of the moft wicked, profligate 
Wretches in the Worldf] yet he was one of the Patriarchs, and 
aH the Council Bifhops, and till they met, were not thusaccuftd* 
You lee the man is a far greater railer than I even againft Bi- 
fhops : But it is but againft thole that are againft his Intereft 
and fide. 

§ 6. He defcribes thofe Bifhops as u(W£ violence, forgetting 
that it is it his Party trufteth to continually : juft with the front 
as Baronius and Binnius, and many other Papifts, juftifie Martin 
for being againft putting Hereticks to death, and condemn hhdr 
citis^ while their Kingdom is upheld by that which they con* 
demn, and worfe, even the burning of true Chriftians as Here- 
ticks, and it's Heretical with them to imitate Martin^ juft as 


thole Matth. 23. Your fathers killed the Prophets, and you 
build their Sepulchers, and fay if we had lived in the days of our 
Fathers, we would nor, &c. 

§ 7. But in the paflfage I find our Hiftorian in a more charita- 
ble mood to this Ephefine Council of Bifhops than his Brethren, 
[How badfoever Diofcorus and this Cornell were, yet they are m 
my judgment to be looked en rather as favourers of Here fe than 
Hereticks % they followed the meaning I believe as well as the Words 
of Cyril.] Anf And now I may hope lam Orthodox and Cha- 
ritable when I have no lefs than his Judgment to juftifie mine. 
And Anatolipu juftifieth us both. 

§ 8. But^Sir, now you are in a good Mood., will you confider, 

1. Whether thofe Bifhops and Councils that fet the Chriftian 
World in that Flame that burnetii dreadfully to this day, after 
above 1200 Years, were not guilty at leaft of a peccadillo or 
venial fin, 

2. Whether they are imitable. 

3. Whether this General Council had a fupream Legiflative 
and Judicial power over all the Church on Earth, which all muft 
obey and none muft appeal from. 

No : faith Bifhop Gunning^It was a meeting of violent Robbers* 
Anf $ But it was a General Council: which it feems then may 
be fucb. 


Of the 4th General Council at Calcedon, 

§ i.TTE begins his Chapter comically, and notably derideth 
XjL me for faying Fulcheria was the fame that before at 
Bphefm had fet the Bifhops againft Neftoritts. Is this fo ridicu- 
lous ? It's well known that Hiftorians make her very powerful 
with her Brother: frffchofehis Wife Eudocia, ("They were 
long of two minds.) It's no wonder that (he that got him con- 
demned at Ephefus, got the the fame further done at Calcedon, 
when (he was Emprefs her felf, having made Martian Empe- 
rour, and her nominal Husband, ('for they were not conjugally 
to know each other.) Is there any thing in this that deferveth 
the ftage ? Though Theodofws be reproactrtd by Popifo Hiftorians 



as an Eutychian., or a favourer of them, if credible honeft So- 
crates may be believed, there have been few fuch Princes in the 
World, (for Piety, his Houfe was a Church ; for Patience, ne- 
ver feen angry; for GompaiTion, would never let a man die for 
Treafon againft himfelf.) But his Sifter (a Woman eminent for 
Wit and Piety) was thought to govern him very much, & fpe- 
cially in the feverities againft Neftorius. Evagrius who bitterly 
reproacheth Neftorius, tells us offome writings of his that fell 
into his hand, in which he faith, that the Emperour was his 
friend, and would not. fign his banifhment, and laies the cruel- 
ties that he underwent on his Officer : and confidering the cafe 
of a fuffering man, I fee nothing unfeemly in the Letter to him, 
which Evagrius chargeth with contempt. 

§ 2. My wifh for the Churches Peace, that the unskilful 
words of 'Neftorius and Eutyches had beenfi]enced by neglect/a- 
ther than the flame blown up by honouring them with two Ge- 
neral Councils difputation , doth with this Gentleman deferve 
this Replication, [He cannot be more violent and outragious, more 
bitter and malicious under all the provocations imaginable, than he 
is under that negletl which himfelf prefcribeth for the cure/] Anf If 
this, be a true accufer, he can prove what he faith : It's eafie to 
(ay this of any man: But if a man that hath a cholerick Sto- 
mack (hall fwear that there was Aloes in his Phyfick, his word 
is no proof. Thefe are the men into whofe hands we are by 
Gods permiffion falln, while wearecaft our, judged tofilence, 
prifons, cV beggary, if we do but repeat the words of the Laws 
and Canons, and in 17 Years time when moft that they turned 
out are dead, if the reft at their own urgent demand do but tell 
them what they judge unlawful, and anfiverthofe thataccufe 
them, they are outragious, violent, bitter, and malicious* As if 
one that wounds me ihould fue me for faying , Tou hurt me. 
It's violence and an unpeaceablenefs to feel, but none at all in 
them to ftrike or to deftroy t We will give you many thanks if 
you will hurt us no more than we do you. 

§3,1 faid that one skilful healing man that could explicate am-> 
biguous rvords,and perfuade men to Love and Peace y t ill they under* 
flood each other, had more befriended Truth, Piety, and the Church, 
than the hereticating Councils did.[\ And why, faith he, may not 
that skilful manjhew his skill in Councils, as well as elfe where ? 
Anf % Who denieth it? But the queftion is, how he (hall be 


heard and prevail? I told you that here One man in one fentence 
did fo t by differencing between mental dijlingui/bing and divi- 
ding ; even Bafil of Sekucia, faying, \Cognofcimus duas naturas % 
non dividimus} neque divifas> neque confufas dicimtts.'] This was 
true and plain enough, to have ended all the quarrel : But who 
laid hold on it, or did improve it? What the better was Naz*i- 
anzen for fpeaking well in the Council at Constantinople} Or 
Chryfoftome for any thing he could fay to the Bifliops for himfelf ? 
I hope few of all that great number of Councils that wcredrian, 
Semiarian s Eutychian, Monothelites, for Images, &c. were fo 
bad as to have never a Bifhop among them that could or would 
fpeak right : But did they prevail t In the very Council at Trent 
were more good Speeches than did prevail 5 and if Luther, Me- 
lanchthon, Zmnglius f and fuch others, had not done more good 
fingly by Writing and Preaching, than Vudithim could do at 
Trent % or any of them at JVormes, or Ratisbone, &c. there had 
been little done. What good did Pbilpot do in the Convocation? 
Some fay one Paphnutim turned the Inclination of the firft Nicene 
Council for good 5 But that hearing temper was too fhort or 

§ 4. Next he tells us, that [in many late Difputes offuftifica* 
tion, &c. we find not that any of thefe healing men were able to re* 
concile Parties any more than the Councils of old.'} 

Anfw. 1. If that were true, it's alfo true, that they have not 
made fo great and many Parties as Councils did. We have not 
caft the world into f fo many Nations offaccbites, Neftorians, and 
other Se&s. 

Anfw. 2. Through God's mercy it is much better than fuch 
Hiftorians would make men believe. Dr. Heylin tells us what 
work the Arminian Controverfie made between Bifhop Laud's 
Party, and the Parliaments and Abbots Party, as if it had fet us 
all by the Ears. It is not fo now: One of your Brethren late- 
ly tells us, how that Controverfie is quieted : What Contention 
do you hear of among the Nonconformities about it t No man 
hath fo much as writ a line, that I know of, againft my Concilia- 
tion in my CathoL Theology. How little ftir doth the Anthcmian 
Controverfie make ? If one or two men do vent their difplea- 
fiire about any of thefe, we negleft it, and it is prefently for- 
gotten. I hear fometime that called Arminianifm hotly preach- 
ed in the Parifh Churches : It provokcth not me, and Ltake no 


notice 01 ir. l ^rareiy; near lome preaca againir tne smmmans : 
I take no notice of ir, and there it dies : Whereas if one fhould 
write Challenges and Accufations to the Preacher?, we might 
make work enough for all the Country. I never yet met with 
many fucb, but if you make not a War of it, and engage them 
by oppofition, they grow weary themfelves, and grow into un- 
obferv'd neglect or contempt. Moft of the fpreading Errours 
and Contentions among us have come by the Bellows of too 
ftrcng or imprudent Oppofition or Difputes. I hear of no con- 
fiderable Doctrinal Strivings among all the Nonconforming 
now in England. One Ignorant Uncalled Fellow is lately crept 
into London, and wrote proud Challenges for Antinomianifm,and 
none anfwered him, and he is contemned, and hath no Second 
that I hear of. 

§ j. Though he fay {he ?V weary, yet he must not pafs by, that 
when I mention Socrates his moft high praife of Theodofius (living 
under him J and the miracles which he faith God wrought for 
him j I fay, if this be true^ God owned his Moderation by Mira* 
cles, notwithstanding his favouring the Eutychians, more than he 
did any ways of violence.] And here the man hath found me in 
Contradiction, and faith, {Thofe miracles could not countenance 
the Eutychian caufe that was after. 2. That the Eutychians were 
the moft violent men. Such Contradictions he and VEfirange find 
in my Writings. 

Anf Bur, 1. Is it true that I faid thofe miracles countenanced 
the Eutychian Caufe? I faid only that God owned the Moderati- 
on (not the Eutychian Opinion) of a man called an Eutychian by 
theHereticators,notwithftandinghis favouring the Eutycbians.He 
was a man that ftudied the reconciliation of the contending Bi- 
fhops 3 and was moderate towards all, but perfuaded that the 
major Vote of the Bifhops being againft Neftoriut, and for Cyril, 
and Diofcorus, it tended to peace to take that fide. His Mode- 
ration was the fame before the ftir with Eutyches as after. I on- 
ly faid that God by miracles owned that mans moderation who 
is charged with after favouring the Eutychians. 

2. And what I fpake of Moderation oppofiteto violence, in 
way of fupprefling Hereticks, he feigneth me to fpeak it as 
oppofite to violence in the Perfonsfupprejfed: I (pake of Violence 
in the Prince as agent, and he feigneth me to fpeak of Violence 
in the parties that he dealt with. He may find matter at this rate 

Z ro 

to write greater Volums againft any man. I'read of none of the 
Herefies then contended about, Neftorian or Eutychian, but the 
accufed Bifhops were violent for them: But though they were 
all violent, yet if the queftion were, whether the Emperour 
fhould life violence or Moderation againft them, I may fay, that 
Godowneth more the way of Moderation. 

§ 6. P. 246. he faith \At Ephefus Euftathius wask^kt to death, 
and all thofe that durfl defend him were threatned to be ferved in 
like manner J] Anf Of this before: His memory failed him: It 
was not JLpifiathitis but Flavian us. 2. Yet he after excufeth Di» 
cfiorus from Herefiej more Bifhops than were Hereticks were 

§ 7. As to his Reflection, [ fc It may be he think* the Empe* 
* r roar took^ a particular Delight in that kind of cruelty, and that 
"he had rather one fhould be kjckt to death, than that he fiould be 
Ci hanged or beheaded ; which would not be much to the credit of his 
cC Moderation : And to fay the truth , his Letter to Valentinian 
ee difcovers a ftrange kind of Spirit 5 for there he jufiifies the pro- 
Ce ceedings of the Eutychians at Ephefus, andfaies that all things 
cc were carried on with much freedom and pe'- feci Truth, and Flavi- 
an found guilty of Innovating in Religion. This is but an illfgn 
" that Mr. B. is a hater of falfe Hiftory, when he lets this pafs un- 
(( reproved. 

Anf. 1. Had I reproved fuch an Emperour, I mighthave ex- 
pected that fome of you would have publifhed me an Enemy to 

Anf 2. Rather Sir., you and I fhould hence gather, that all 
men muft have pardon and forbearance, and that for want of 
that, the names of Neftorians, Jacobites, Melchites, Greeks, 
Papifts 5 Proteftants , Lutheranes , Calvinifts , Prelatifts , and 
Presbyterians, &c. have almoft fwailowed up the Name, much 
more the Love of Chriftians. 

Anf. 3. May it not confift with modefty and the hatred of 
falfe Hiftorj, to believe the high praifts of this Emperour, pub- 
lifhed by one that knew him in fo pious and credible words as 
Socrates fpeaks 5 as I before told you, giving him f to mej a 
more credible Canonization than the Pope could have done, as 
a man of eminent holihefs, wonderful Clemency, that would not let 
a Traitor go out of the Gates towards the place of Executions and 
when hs was moved to any Execution, anfwered, he had rather , 



were he able, reft are the Dead to Life: excelling all the Clergy in 
meeknefs, and never fetn angrj. May not I who am branded for 
a railer by meek Prelatifts, be tolerated to think charitably of 
fuch an Emperour, and to wifh that the world had many more 

Anf. 4. Judges are taken for unjuft if they will not hear both 
fides fpeak. And why (Tiould not I regard the words of fuch an 
Empercur, as well as of one halfthe Bifhops againft the other? 

Anf 5 . Surely Modefty requireth me to think that the Em- 
perour was much more capable of knowing the truth of theafts 
of his own Subjects 3 when his Servants prefent gave him an 
account of them, than I am 1200 Years after: And fo good & 
man would not willingly lye. 

Anf. 6. Therefore my own Conclufion is , God is true and 
all men areLyars, that is, untrufty : and that Eudocia and his 
Courtiers had much power with him for Diofeorus againft Flavi- 
mjisPulcheria had againft Nefiorius 5 but that it was the Peace and 
Concord of the Bifhops which he moft ftudied^and thought that 
it lay in going with the major part.And I believe things were bad 
on both fides, and worfe than die Emperour thought with the 
Eutychian Bifhops, and worfe than others fay with their Adver- 
fariesj and that the Emperour, though fallible, wis as Socrates 
faitb, beyond all the Clergie. 

But here I fee that I am blamed for not railing againft a meek 
and pious Emperour, and as a Railer for lamenting the fins of 
the Clergie. 

§ 8. About the Council of Calcedon he accufeth me in gene- 
ral, as [difingenioufly mincing the ABs, and fifing all the foulpUj 

Eafilyfaid: And what's the proof ? Why, %. Leave out that 
they were violently beaten to it. 

Anf. The Reader may fee that this is falfe : I mention it oft; 
pag. io 1. [The Bifhops anfwered^ that they did it againft their 
Wills, being under fear : Condemnation and banifhment was threat- 
ned 9 Sonldiers were there with Clubs and Swords.2 Shall I believe 
this man againft fuch as Socrates, of things done 1200 Years ago, 
that will face me down with fuch untruths about my own yet 
Vifible Writings ? 

i. But is it falfiiood to omit what is (aid in fuch and fo many 
Volumns? May not the Reader there fee it.* DoIcontradicVit? 

Z z Muft 

Muft I write many Folio's or nothing? I refer all Readers to 
the Ads. 

§ 9. But he faith, [/r would go near to excufe their Compliance 
with a merciful Man."} 

Anf. I confefstuch are not fo bad as the Clergy-men, that wifl 
fin for meer Preferment,and will write againft,and revile, nd call 
for Execution on thofe that will not do as they. But if Noncon*- 
formifts after 19 years Ejection and Reproach, and Sufferings 
by more than Threats, fhould at laft fiirrenjer to hemou* fin, 
can he think it would excufe their Compliance, when Chrift 
faith, Lttk^. 14 33. He that f or fake th not all that he hath cannot be 
wyDifcipki It he think Martyrdom a work of Supererogation,he 
is dangeroufly miftaken. And he that to day thinks Threatning 
and Danger an Excufe for hi* fin, may to morrow think Poverty, 
and the next day thedefire of Preferment an excufe. 

§ 10. Diofcor wand the Eutychians holding clofe to the Council 
ofiWs*,as fufficient, as a Teft of the Orthodox,to which nothing 
was to be added, in reciting this he hath found my Ignorance 
in tranflating [rctraBat~] by [retratt.~] Is not the Englifh word 
of the fame fence with the Latine ? If not, and I be ignorant in 
Englifh too, what wrong is that to any Bifhop ? 
■ § 11. When he had charged Nonfence and Confufion on that 
which he underftood nor, and mentioned Fu(ik DoriL giving the 
Lye to Eutyches, he conftfleth that the thing was true. 

§ 12. P. 25*3. He faith, When tin giddy rabble of Monies with 
Swords andftaves, like Bedlams broke loofe^ run Upon thtm— I 
fhould rather pity them than infult. 

Anf If the Hiftory be an infulting, his own credited Hiftori- 
ans infult. by recording it. If noting it as a fault be infulting,then a 
.motion to Repentance is infukii,g, and if he would have us pity 
them for their fin, and not only for their fuffering 5 that is in- 
fulting too : But to own their fin, and draw men to imitate\them, 
Ihall be none of my Compaffion. 

He minds me of Peters Denial, and the Difeiples forfaking 
Chrift. Alas ! he is not a man that is not fenfible of Humane 
frailty? But is it not therefore to be blamed? Why doth Scrip- 
ture mention ir, but that we may avoid the like f Is it to tempt 
others to the like? Did Chrift infult when he faid. to Peter, Get 
thee behind me Satan, &C. 

§ i3« He next falk into his familiar ftrain , to carry that ex 



Cathedra, by fentence, which he cannot do by proof, and faith, 
[When I venture on Obfervations it*s an even lay that I am out. ] 
Anf. That is, I am out of the way of his Magiftry , Precon- 
ceipt and Intereft. 

It is my Conciliatory words that the peaceable man is an- 
gry at, viz,. [That this doUffti y Contentions y Anathematizing , 
and ruining of each other f was about the Jenfe of ambiguous words, 
and they were both af one mmd in the matter and knew it not.~\ He 
cannot but confefs , that my judgment of them is lofter 
than theirs that hereticate each other. And Derodon hath 
fully proved that this Council when they condemned Neftorius, 
were of his Judgment in the whole matter, and faid but the 
fame as he. 

§ 14. As to his telling me, that Eutyches denied Chrift to be 
truly and properly man, I will no more believe him, than if he 
had faid Cyril did Co. 

§ 15. But he faith, the Monothelites were the genuine Difci- 
ples of Eutyches. They were of his mind in that Confcquence : 
And fuch another Controverfie it was. And how much greater 
crrour againft our Belief of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft , 
have I proved e. g. to be, , in your Dr. Sherkks Book 5 And yet 
I hope he meant better than he fpake. 

§ 16. P. 25 j. He confefleth of one Party what I faid, viz,. 
[" O/Diofcorus and Flavian, / am apt to believe they were much 
* * of the fame Opinion as to the point m c ontr over fie % and kyw it 
iC well enough $ which was the only caufe why Diofcorus with his 
<c party of Bijhops and Monkj y would not endure to come to anyDe- 
" bate of the matter^ for fear it would appear that they all agreed, 
tC and then there would have been no pretence to condemn Flavian , 
n which was the Defign, if not of the Emperour, yet at leaft of thofe 
[ l that governed him.~\ : 

Anf. Fie Dr. will you thus abufefo'many Orthodox Bifhops? 
Andalmoft condemn your vindicating Book? And harden me in 
myErrour? But I am much of your mind, and if one of us err, 
fo doth the other. 

§ 17. And I like his Ingenuity^ faying AnatoliMConfeftctb in 
Council, that Diofcorm was not condemned for Hen fie but Tyranny ', 
and no man contraditled him. Anf. Not in anfwer to thofe words, 
but the Accufations of many contradicted him -before. 

§ 18. That they mean one thing by their various expreflions 

I have 

I kave fully proved, and he no whit confuteth : That the Euty- 
chians acknowledged no diftinct Preptrties, and Ne florins own- 
ed an Unity but in Dignity and Title only, are his flat {landers, to 
be no way proved but by their Adverfaries accufatiom. The ve- 
ry words I named even now, \_Divino y mirabili, fubltmi nexn.~] 
and many clearer, (hew it of Neftoriw. And I wifli him to take 
heed himfelf how he defineth the Hypoftatical Union, left the 
next General Council (if ever there be one) make him an Here- 

Can he believe that the great number of Emychian Bifhops 
were fo mad, as not to know that Chrifts. Mortality, poffibility, 
material Quantity, Shape, &c* were the properties of Chrifts 
Humanity and not his Deity ? But fome Men can believe any 
thing well or ill, reafonable or unreafonable, as Intereft and af- 
fection lead them. 

§19. He faith, that [ If it were a faB ion that denied this, it 
was a ftrong one , and never was oppofed by any Per fan before Mr. 

jinf I heard you were a young man j but if you be not above 
one Hundred Years old, your reading cannot be great enough 
to excufe this confidence from fuch temerity as re ndereth you 
the lefs credible. How many Thoufand Books be they which 
you or I never read ? How know you that none of them all op^ 
pofe it ? But would you perfuade the Reader that I call it a Fa- 
ction, to believe your fence of thefe Councils? Factious men 
are forwardeft to judge others Hereticks without caufe 5 and all 
that I fay is, that Though fuch deny my u4Jfertionit is true: Doth 
it follow that I take all for faUiom that deny it ? If I had faid, 
[Though Tapifts denyitj]x\\it had not been all one as to fay,[-^# 
are Papifts that deny it J} 

2. But did never any perfbn oppofe it ? 1. I named you Da- 
vid Derodon before, who though he largely labour to prove Cy- 
ril an Entychian in words and fence, and that by Win he did mean 
Natura^ and not Perfona, yet as to Nefioritts he copioufly pro- 
verb, that the Council of Calcedon was juft of his Mind, and 
condemned him for want of Understanding him. Though you 
have no: Jeen that Book of Derodons, I have^and you mould not 
judge of what you never fa w. 

2; Luther de ConcUns firft accufeth Neftorim as a Heretick , 
denying Chrift's Godhead, or holding mo Perfons j And prefent- 



Jy retraces it, and confeffeth he was feduced by believing the 
Papifts, but (though he had not read much of the Councils, but 
what he had gathered out of the Tripartite and fuch HiftoriansJ 
yet he gathered from the PafTages of the Hiftory, that the dif- 
ference lay only in words, which he openeth at large, and yet 
turns it fharply againft Neftorius, for thinking that we may not 
fpeak of Chrifts Godhead or Manhood by communicated names 
or Attributes, and greatly rejoiceth that this ferverh his turn 
in his Opinion about Confubftantiation and Sacramental words. 

Becaufe I will leave nothing in doubt with you, but whether 
Luther was before my days, and left you fay again that I cite 
Books which I fee nor, I will give you fbme of his words, be- 
ginning earlier, (not tranflating left I have not skill enough ) 
but they are fo like mine, that I doubt you will be no Luthe- 

De Concil. pag. i^y. Ecc!efi<e Romano, ScC.P* ambit to ft rix a- 
tdfttHt de re nihili, vamfftmis & nugacijftmis naniis donee tandem 
Mraqu? hornbilittr vaftata & dcleta eft. — Ilia omnia libentim re- 
cito t m videat prudens LeHor quomodo ex tarn celebri Sjnodo Con- 
ftantinopolaana, feu ex font e man aver int feminamaxim arum Con- 
fuftonttm, fropNrea quod ibt Epifcopus Ecclefta ut Patriarch* fu$- 
rat Prafecli4f,-~~p. 178, J^uam horr'ibilia certamina & contentio- ■ 
nes moverunt hi dm Epifcopi de primatu : ut facile judicari poftet 
Sptritum fantlum non t'jfe author em hujm Inftituti : Alia habn 
Epifcopm longe potior a qua agat, quam font hi puerile s & inept i 
ludi- — Pramonemur quod Concilia pr or fus nihil novi de bent commit 
nifci vel trader*. 

De Concil. Ephef. p. 180, 181. Excejferant jam e vivis fanFxi 
Patres, & illi optimi Epifcopi, 5. Ambrofitts, S. Martinus, S. Hi- 
eronymm^ S. Auguflinus ( qui eo ipfo anno quo Synodvu coatla eft 
mortum eft} 5. Hilarim, $. Euftebius & fimiles 3 eorumque loco 
frorfus difftmiles patres fuborti fuerant. Ira ut Imperator Theodufi- 
ta amplim eligi Epifcopum C. P. ex Sacerdotibus vel Clench (fivi- 
tatis C. P. nolltt : banc ob caufam quod pkrumque ejfent fuperbi 9 
ambit 10 ft , morofi, qui mover e certamina, & tumult m in Eccleftm 

plernmqus tolerent, p. igi. Cum jam videret Neftarim tarn as 

turbas ortas ex corrupt eli mult iplici^ gemens prorupit in hac verba y 
Tolfainus e medio omnes am&guitates qua? primuta pra?buerunt ■•' 
occafiones iitis certaminibus , 6c fateamur palam Mariam recle r 
vocari Ma^rem Dei, Sc4 nihil profecit NtftoriHt, ne twcqmdem 

cum . 

cum revocaret futim error em-, fed voce public a ande mnattts, ex or- 
be Imperii umverfo ejsllw & explofui eft : Jguanquam dli duo 
Epifcopi Antiochwus & Alexandrinus, etiam poft Concilium cum 
rednjjent in fuafi Ecclcfas, fe ipft mutuis convitiis Ucerabant, & 
ommkfis diris dsvovebMU : Erf poftea res ad pUcidum txitum de- 
an ft a eft : ^nanquam tstnen dolendum hoc, & effufis Uchrymts de~ 
plorandnm in Ecelefta eft, tarn praftantes viros adeo indulfiffe fuus 
affcclibus, at inftar muliernm ant puerorum inept iffims inter fe rix- 
arentur. Omnino fmffet eis opm aUquo Con ft amino , qui ip forum 
jurgia & contentiofa fcripta etiam conjeciftet in ignetn. — p. 1 84. 
Mentioning the falfe accufations of Neftorius, making two Per- 
Ibns, Cc. [_Atque adeo intricata & confufa (unt qua fcribunt 9 ht 
cxijttmem r.e quidem ipfosfcire in hunc ufque diem y quid & propter 
quas caufasdamnaverint Neftorium. Hoc inde conjicito. Fatentur 
credidijfe Neftorium quod Chriftus (it Deus & Homo--- exkis cer- 
tum eft quod Neftorius non crediderit Chriftum effe purum fomi- 
nem.— Confiat Neftorium non duos fed unum C hriftum credidijfe, id 
quod ipforum verba teftantur — ideoque non potuit credere effe duas 
perfenas. Nee ullibi leper it hy in hiftoriis quod Neftorius unum 
Chriftum crediderit habere duas perfonas, nift quod Pontifices & 
eorum hiftoria it a argutantut. Apparet Papam & fcriptoresPon- 
xiftcios h&c verba contra Neftorium calumniofe & veteratorie finxiffe, 
quod Christum pro puro homine & non pro Deo, & quod unum 
Christum pro duabus perfonis vel gemino Christ habuerit. — Ne- 
stor ius fua homo inflatus tumens Pharifaico faftu , & indotlus, 
Et cum fubito ejfet evetlus ad fupremum fastigium Ecelefta, adeo ut 
haberetur pro fummo Pontiftce, Patriarcha, fomniabat je unum an- 
tecellere dotlrina & eruditioncomnes homines in toto genere humane, 
nee ftbi opus effe letlione hbrorum qui erant fcripti a Majoribus nut 
aliisy nee in explicatione magnaram return retinendos effe modes lo- 
quendi antiquitus receptos in Ecclefia puriore \ fed quia & voce va- 
le bat, & ex temporali facundia volebat effe dvTofifi*>K-ns, Doctor vel 
Magister y & for mas loquendi quibus ipfe uteretur tantum recipi- 
endas effe in Ecclefia, non alias. Et tali faftu armatus adorieba- 
tur ilium articulum. Maria est mater Dei, aut genetrix Dei; Ibi 
viciffim Epifcopos in adverfa parte invemt perinde inflatos 9 quibus 
vehemenier difplicebat Nestor li faftus, inprimis Cyr ilium Alexan- 
drinum: quia tunc nulluserat August inus aut Ambrofius.---p. 189. 
Nmc manifestum est, quod Neftorius ut homo impru dens & vamffi- 
ma perfuaftone addutlus, loquatur quidem bono z.clo de Christ o : fed 

+ ex 


ix mera infcitia non intelligat quid& quomodo loquatur.-» p. 19^ 
Non est Neftorii error cjnod Christum credit tantum effe purum ho- 
minem, nee in duas perfonas earn dirimi; fied duas naturas Dttim 
& hominem tn u%a perfiona uniri fatetur : fed communicat tonem tdio- 
matum non vult concedere. Objiciat autem hie aliqujs^ Nestor mm 
infidtofe confeffum effe, quod Christ us Deus fit & una perfona, Refip. 
Jguod non: Tarn ingeniofus enim & industnus nonfuit, fedferio it a 
judicavit. — Ad loic acceffit aliorum Eptfeoporum tnfolentia, qui 
non cogitaverunt quomodo fiananda effent taua vuUera, fed mult 9 
magis trritandis & refricandis caufam dederunt. Vide c tier a. 

P. 202. De Concil. Calcedon, Adeo indulgebant fantti Patres 
mututs odiis & diffenftombus ut alter non facile vellet alteri cedere — 
fliewing the uncerrainty of the Hiftories of tbis Council, and 
the Lies of the Papifts not to be trufted. fam dtvina qua rat lo- 
ne ego ero falvandus, qui nee ipfum Concilium ajfequor , he c caufam 
Concilii fiatisperfipicio. p. 205". JS>uod Eut)chesnon tantum unam 
in Christ naturam effe ft at Hat , oftendunt Papist arum Verba 9 qui 
dicunt Eutychen concejfijfe in Chrifto duas naturas 9 v\z. Divinitatem 
& Humanitatem, qua d Divinitate eft aJfumpta—Sed quid Euty- 
ches voluerit quod poftea in Chrifto tantum Divina natura manfie- 
rit, defer t a humana^ tbi prorfus funt muti j & re nondum certo cogni- 
td dicunt, ftatuiffe Eutychen quod in Chrifto dua natura, & tamen 
non dua fed una natura fit : It a poftea hiftoria fiunt incerta & ob- 
ficura , ut nemo poffit inteRigere quid Eutyches fienfierit, aut quid 
Pontificia hiftoria fie ntiant. Amittimus hifce ambagibm concilium 
una cum caufts propter quas convocatum eft.— -Ego me as conjectural 
recitabo : ft rem ajfequor, bene 5 ft non, non propterea labefaclabitur 
fidesChriftiana.Eutychis opinio(ficut&Neftorii)errat circa idiom at a, 
quamvis alio modo. Neftorius non vult idiom at a humanitatistribu- 
ere Dtvinitati in Chrifto:— Contra Eutjches non vult idiomata di- 
vinitatis tribuere humanitati,etiamft& tp fie fir miter & mordicus re- 
tineat Chriftum effe verum Deum & hominem, Vt fi dicer em in 
Cone tone public a, Verbum filium Dei effe conditorem Coeli & Terra 
aqualem Patri ab aterno — -Et hoc Verbum, ilium ftlium Dei effe 
verum hominem : Hoc concedit mihi Eutyches nihil dubitans. fam 
fiporro die am, Jguod Me homo Chriftus fit conditor cceli & terra, hoc 
offendit Eutychen , qui put at prorjus effe abfurdum dicer e, Homo 
crcat coelum & terrain. — P. 210. Ibi vides quod idiomata fact Li 
cccaftone homines non pramonitos offendant & petfurbent. Hie erat 
fiubijemcndum tener is Confident lis fr at erna % amsca & fialutari admo- 

A a tutione 

nit tone, nee fuperbiffimi err antes akjiciendieffent. Viinam met pt- 
dicio non respondeat event us: fed vereor profeclo aliquot b&reticos 
in novijfimo die fieri judices 5 & illos ipfosEptfcopos Penes quos fuitju- 
dicandipo:eftas 3 m aternum damnatos,niDeus eft mirabilisd? incom- 
prehehjiinlts in fttisjudiciis\nifi quodfeimvu cum effepropitium humi- 
libus & injenfijfimum fttperbi*. Et pr&fertim in Concilia & Ecclcfiis 
nihil erat agendum z*elo vel invidia , vel fuperbia, quia Deus non 
pot eft ferre. 

§ 20. Readers," you fee what tedious work fome men caa 
make us: Many are fcandalized, as if we gave them falfe Hifto* 
ry, if we do not thus confute them ; and if we do, we tire our 
felves and you. If I fhould cite you many more thus to confute 
his falftiood, that never per fon before meoppofed that Faftion, you 
would be weary of it. 

§ 21. Yet now my hand is in, you (hall fee further bow much 
Luther was for the fame that I have written. [J^#/ volet poterit 
mterius legere acla Ccnalii, privata opera. Ego ad tadium & nau- 
feam ujq\ legi ifta-, ejufmodi Chaos aremoniarum & confujionum 
eft ibi^ ut videatur recle judicajfe Greg.Naz*. qui Synodis eruditiori- 
bus & fedatioribus inter fuit, — & fcrtbit [Sic affetlus fumfi die en- 
da eft Veritas, Ht malivo omnes Epifcopoyum eonventus vitare, quia\ 
nulims Synodrfincm vidi bonum, am qui magis toller et mala quam 
augerst. Nam cupiditas contentions & principatus^ & amulatio 
vincmt rationem. ZJt profeclo miror quod propter hac verba non du~ 
dwn earn excommunicavernnt ut atroaffimum hareticum. Sed 
quid jit quod dicit in Synodis Epifcopos certaffe ambiticne, Jupsrbia, 
phomteU, habes in hac Synodo clanffimnm exemplum. £>£od au~ 
tern art urn fit quod hie dicit fe nullius Synodi vid'.ffe finem bonum , 
docent nos hiftoria: Nam Ariana h&efis jocus fuit ante Nic&num 
Concilium pra ilia eonfufione quam ipfi poft Concilium excitavernnt , 
(that was not long of the SynodJ Talis etiam fmt Macedomci & 
Neftorimi Concilii K Nam ilia pars qua eft condemnata co fuit 
conjunEHor, ut tali fpecie Concordia & unit at is fuas prafttgias pin- 
gerent quafi nulli jufta rati one damnari poffent. Submde excitarunt 
major a certamina contra Concilia qua ipfi non recle intelLgebant,—- 
P. 247. Illud pojfum facillime probare- quod mifer ille Paftor in 
Hippcne S, uiuguftinus plus docuit quam omnia Concilia — Die am 
& qniddam amplius : Majus Lumen accedit Doclrina Chriftian& 
ex Catechifmo puertfi quam ex omnibus Conciliu^ <jr oratio Domi- 
nica & decern pracepta plus continent dotlrina & eruditionis quam 
omnia Concilia, § 22, 


§ 2^. Becaufe I recite the words of the Bifnops crying Tetca- 
vimttSy he exclaimeth againft me, as making Repentance and Rc- 
santation a derifion . and this by the Spirit of Schtjm which ts 
nice in point of honour 9 no Convitlicn Jhall be able to reclaim it % 
though in the mefl indefcnfible thin^ in the World.] 

slnf. Add but with the Inquiiitors , [Therefore burn them as 
hopelefs,] and you are come to the end of your LeflTon. The pe- 
netrating Wits of fome men are admirable. This man whofe face 
I never faw, knoweth my heart fomuch better than my felf and 
my acquaintance, that he can tell that it is to avoid dimonour 
that I avoid Repentance, when I offer him my Oath, that if I 
have any knowledge of my own defire, I would thank him as 
my deareft Friend, who will by Evidence fhew me any necefia- 
ry truth that I deny, or Faifhood that I hold, and will joyfully 
publiih my recantation. 

2. And he can fee Schifm in my forbearing known and hei- 
nous fin in the fatisfattion of my Confcience^ while 1 write, and 
preachy and pra&ife Communion with their Church, and can fee 
none in filencing Thoufands, and ipfofaBo excommunicating ma* 
ny more Thoufands of godly Chriitians, and denying Baptifmand 
the Lords Supper to fuch as think it is finful to do-— he knows 

3. And he can fee thofe things to be moft in defenfible, which 
after our beft ftudy we take to be clear, and can get no rational 
Reply to our defence. 

4. And (for want of memory or tendernefs of his partners ve* 
racity) when their Advocates have {0 oft and fcornfully charged 
me with Retrattations, and alfo told the World how much my 
own party (as they call them) fpeak againft me, and my many 
large and free oppofitions to the faults of Nonconformifts that 
run into any extream, do all proclaim how little I have fet by 
fuch honour 5 yea, when himfelf faith that I have fiercely con- 
tended againft all Sefts and Parties, and they call me IJhmael , 
whofe hand is againft every man: After all this to proclaim as 
aforefaid, fuch obftinate Impenitence for the love of Honour, I 
confefs doth no more further my conviction than the Oath of 
an Irifh Witnefs would have done: For if he had fworn it, I 
would have (hewed my Books and their contrary testimony, and 
have askt him , whofe honouring of me is it thaPf'buy Co 
dearly ? It is not the Rulers, nor the Prelates, nor their Clergy* 

A a 1 nor 


nor their adherents, noble or ignoble: And if I have willingly 
and laborioufly difpleafed and loft the Sectaries too, whofe ho- 
nour is it that I fell my Soul for ? 

§ 23. But did the man think that Vnconftancy and compliance 
with powerful Hercfie, is the fame thing with Repentance for 
it ? Or is it well done to perfuade the Reader that it is Repen- 
tance or Retractation of Fterefie I write againft, when I recite 
the words of the Council and their own ? Do I fay that peccavi- 
rmu was their fin ? 

§ 24. And I would humbly defire him in time to confider , 
1. Whether it was a venial fin not to be named by me, when the 
moft zealous Papifts and Hiftorians name it, for fo great a num- 
ber of Bifhops to turn and turn again fo often, and that with 
Anathematizing one year of what they voted for before with 
Anathema to the contrary, I crave your impartial confiderati- 
on but of two Liftances: How oft did they with Anathema's 
vote for and againft the Council of Calcedon as the Emperours 
changed ? Yea in the fame Ufurpers time, Bafilifcus^ when he 
changed himfelf. 2. In the cafe of Images: How oft did they 
change in Councils, for them and againft them< as the Princes 
changed ? Sir, we mind this with lamentation and not infultingly : 
But if you take thefe for venial little fins, and our not fwearing 
and covenanting all that you bid us for a mortal fin, are you not 

2. And I Would wifh you to think on it again, before you 
make this guilt your own, by mincing'and excufi»g it 5 and left 
you make all other mens fin your own, whom hereby you en- 
courage in the imitation of them. Thefe are not things indif- 

3. And do not fo difhonour Prelacy , and your Church and 
Difcipline, as to tell the World that thefe in Bifliops are little 
things ; what then is left for you to (tick at? No man mould 
make light of fuch Beams in the Eyes of thofe that mould be the 
moft pure, while they are pulling the mote of fcrupling a Cere- 
mony, yea an Oath. &c. from their Brothers Eye, and that by 
fuch Iron Inftruments as they ufe. 

§ 2 j. Next comes his Logical terms, [throwing dirt, outragi- 
otts t bitter, maliciom^ &c] And what's the matter? [I give not 
one loofe^at Emperours and Courts : {corning to change the game, 
charging the Bijhops with the faults of the Magiftrate , and lajing- 



til the blame on tbem.~] In what words? I fay, [_fo far coktdfitrte, 
andfattious Prelates prevail with a pious and peaceable Prtncc, by 
the pretences of oppojing Here fie dndSchifm. 

An[. i. Was he not a moft pious and peaceable Prince ? Then 
Socrates that Ktoew him, and protefteth againft flattery, and 
many others, are not to be believed f yea, if he excelled not 
the Bifhops ? 

2 . Do I fay that none but the Bifhops perfuaded him ? Where 
do I lay all the fault on them ? Do I not after name the Empe- 
reft Evdocia, as the Agent to perfuade him for the Eutychians, 
and Pulcheria to perfuade him againft Neftorius: My words are 

3. What Bifhops were they that perfuaded him to make a 
Law to confirm the Ephefine , Eutychian Council ? Was it not 
Diofcorus and the Eutychians ? Were they not Bifhops ? Did 
they not do it ? Yea, doth not this man oft revile them far 
more bitterly than ever I did, and revile me for fpeaking fo cha- 
ritably of them? Would you ever have expected that the fame 
man fhould have fo reviled me, for faying that thefe Eutychian 
Bifhops prevailed with a good Emperour to confirm that Coun- 
cil of Eutychians ? 

4. Is it a fin not to fpeak hardlier of fo good a Prince, who- 
after repented and punifhed his Wife and Eunuch for perfuading 
him? It was a blaming him to tell to what he was perfuad- 

Truly the mans anger here for my blaming the Eutychian Bi- 
fhops, in condemnation of whom he hath poured out fo much 
more than I, doth make me think that there is fomewhat in the 
found of fome words, that turns his wrath this way or that: 
When he hears the name of an Eutychian, away with them,fpea^ 
not eafily of them. When the fame men are called Bifhops, it's 
malice^ outragious bitternefs to blame them for getting a Law 
to confirm that called an Heretical , Murdering , Latrociaian 
Council. His words are, p. 146. [_VVere there ever greater vio- 
lences committed than in that infamous Conventicle at Ephefus ? ] 

% 1.6. P. 263. He confetfeth that the Debate between the 
Council and the Egyptian Bijhops was fomethmgteo warm : but faith 
that h:at was not altogether without rcafon. Anf. This is his way 
to confefs their faults, and then rail at me for bare reciting the 
words of the Debate or Hiftory, But ic ms mt without reafon : He 


confelfeth not (o much as this of the filencing and ruining Mini- 
fkrs now. It fhall not be the ufe of my reafon jq make Fig- 
leaves to cloath and cover the lins which God abhorreth. 

Men will be men he fait h, wherever they arc placed, whether in 
a Council or in the Church, or even at the Altar. • 

Anf. By Attn I fuppofe he meaneth Sinners : and it's true. But 
of all Sinners Oh that God would fave his Church from thofe 
who hate reproof, and cherifh the worft that will be for them, 
and excommunicate and profecute the moft confcionable that 
will not obey them in things which they call indifferent j for 
fear of finning againft God. 

§ 27. His trifling words about Leo and Rome are not worthy 
•fan Anfwer. 

§ 28. He hath, P. 268. hit again on the overfight which. I 
before confefied, even the effect of my neceffitated halte, that 
in tranflatjng Theodoret's words I put {truly) in the wrong place: 
I ask him forgivenefs, and the Bifhops, if that be any (lander 
againft them $ which is nothing to them. 

§29. He faith, P. 269. [ There is no truth in what our Au- 
thor faith, that Ibas Epiftle was acquit .] Anf There is no truth 
in faying that I faid it was, when my words were disjunctive, 
[ The Epiftle was acquit, or at leaft the Bifhop upon the reading of 
it.'] He faith, Ibas was not acquit on the reading the Epiftle, but 
\ on the defence he made^ that he communicated with Cyril. Anf His 
Accufations of Falfhood are commonly Boyifh Quibbles. Hrs 
Defence and the Reading of his Letter go together, and in Bin- 
mus the Letter, and the Letters of the Clergy ofEdcffazre the 
laft things done before he is difcharged. 

§ 30. P. 270. He faith, [ The truth is, tit Eaftern Bifhopswere 
not fo ingenuous and fair- after their reconciliation with Cyril, &c„ ] 
Thus he becomes himfelf ftill anaccufcr of the Bifliops. 

§31. Becaufe.Ifay that the Judges part fentence to caft out 
both Stephen and Baffian from Ephefus, and all confented, he 
faith, {One would thinly here the fudges pajfed fentence againft the 
confent or Inclination of the BijhopsT\ Anf There is no end of 
anfwering your thinkings. I did not fay that the Judges paffed 
the Councils Sentence but their own : And whether it were a- 
gainit the F ore- inclination of the Council let any Reader judge, 
when the Judges asking the Council their fence, [_Ref . Epifcopi 
ctriwzvtYunt, j*(titi* Bajfiamm vocat: ReguU valeant. The 



Judges anfwered them that their judgment was that both were 
to be caft out, and a third chofen, and the Council fuddenly con- 
fented. If he would be believed conrradicling this he giuft deny 
the Acts. 

§ 32. He hath found matter for a quibble againft tafrmg Pore- 
xxms FUJh with their Teeth. Teeth taite not: Dangerous falfeHi- 
ftory, or want of Learning is learnedly heredifcovered. When 
he cannot deny the moft woeful, calamitous dnTcntions which 
followed the Calcedon Council, he faith, \W<to it the misfortune 
or the fault of the [e only not to he able to heal the differences of the 
Church I Or was the defeft in the Councils, or the blame to be im- 
puted to thofe obfiinate men that oppofed the Rule eftablifhed by 
them f 1 

^nf. No : They were neither the firft nor the laft that have 
mifcarried. Nor are we the firft that fuffer under fuch mifcarri- 
age. It was the misfortune of the Churches to have fuch Phy- 
ficians : But as it is the honour of fome Phyficians to fhew how 
many Patients they have cured, fo is it of fome others , when 
moft die under their bands, t(*be able to fay, that it was long of 
the Patients that would, not be ruled, or that thtv killed rherrr 
fecundum artem. It was a Proverb in $%tton~Co!dfield, [ Who be- 
gun , ? ] A poor man had but one Afs and be loaded him too hard, 
and the Afs being in pain bit his Mafter a little on the But- 
tockj and his Mafter knockt him down , and killed him ; and 
when he faw him dying, , [ Well, (faith he) But who begun § ] 
But who had the lofs ? There be Clergy-Men that can inopeni- 
tentJy fee the Strages, the divifions, the (warms of fin that are 
the confequents of their needlefs mafterly Impositions, and wipe 
their mouths and fay, It was the obftinacy of thofe that would 
not be ruled by us I They kill a Flea on a mans Forehead with a 
Beetle, and fay they meant not to kill the man. 

But if thafCouncils Acts were a fit means to cure the Churches 
Divifions , how came they to be prefently and through many 
Ages, yea, ever fince to this day, thereby increafed (b many 
fold '< Though the Aftembly at ferufalem cured not all the 
Jewifh Teachers of their blind Zeal for Mofes Law, it was 
fo far from increafmg the Diflentions and number of Difien- 
ters, that it fatisfied the Gentile Chriftians for the moft part , 
and many of the Jewifh, and greatly diminifhed the Difcord. It's 
one thing not wholly to cure, and another to ma\efar worje. 



§33- He inftanceth alfo in the Dort Synod that made things 

Anf. 1. The Synod of Dort made things the worfe in their 
own Country 3 not by their Dotlrinal Decifions^ but by too much 
of the Mafterly Spirit, engaging the Magiftrates againlt the Ar- 
minians in theufe of ihe Sword. Whether it be true that they 
fay., that they were neceffitated to do what they did againlt 
Bar neve it and Grotius for the fafety of their State, I am no Judge : 
But I am fure it is of an ill found to thofe that read it : And fo 
is it to read in Epfccpitts and others, what violence the People 
have ufed againlt the Arminians, and they were fain to tolerate 
them when all was done. 

And it's no wonder that the Diffention increafed in England, 
when the Clergy would not long ftand to the decrees that by our 
own fix Delegates were moderated: Dr. Hejlin tells you how Bi- 
fhop Laua's Zeal was the caufe of our following Contentions : 
And how? By bearing down all that were againlt. him. 

2. But the meer Dotlrinal Decrees of the Synod of Dort are fo 
moderate and healing, that wheft Violence hath been forborn, 
and Reafon ufed 3 many have been pacified by them. And 

3. What that Synod did not, a few private Peace-makers have 
much done : The Writings of Camero Amjraldtts , C ape Hut % 
Placeus, Teftardus, Lud> Crocitis, Mat, Martinius % Conr. Bergi- 
pis, foh. Bergins, Blondel, Daile, and above all, Le Blank's have 
for ought I hear, half ended the controverfie. And having my 
felf written one Book (CathoL Theologie) for Reconciliation, I 
have not to this day bad a word of Contradiction, but the Coa- 
fent of very many. And as 1 before noted, Is not even in Lon- 
don where other differences might exafperate, yet this Contro- 
verfie almoftlaid to fleep ? But if our At minions will but get as 
fevere Laws and Canons made againft them that are not of their 
Opinions, as be againft them that dare not conforrri to the Dio- 
cefane Model and the reft, they (hall quickly fee this quarrel re- 
vived. The Articles of the Church of England determine not 
thefe Controverfies, and that is our Peace. Put in but one de- 
termining Article againft either fide, and it will break us more 
in pieces. Doth not our own Cafe and Experience then confute 
thofe over-doing Councils ? 

§ 34. His next Inftance is that of the Wcftmmfter AfTembly,— 
So far from reconciling the People , that after this thy were di* 


ftratted into innumerable Schifms ? Never was there fo lament abl* 
a face of things , never facts variety of Herefe[ y and fuch Wan- 
tonnefs, and Extravagancy , in blafphemmg God under pretence of 
Religion and Confcience: And this is the State whither the fame 
manner of men are driving again, 

Anf..\. I fay again I knew fo many of that AfTembly, asthat 
I do noc think that the Chriftian World had ever an Afiembly 
of more able and truly pious Clergy-Men, thefe 1300 Years at 
Jeaft. But thefe Upftarts that knew them not can tell us any 
thing that Faction hath taught them to believe concerning them 
and others. The Parliament was by feeming necelTity drawn to 
gratifie the Scots : The Affembly, though Conformifts, all , fave 
Eight or Nine , were as fenfible as the Nonconformiits of the 
mifchiefs of filencing worthy Minifters, and forbidding After- 
noon Sermons, and fuch like 5 and they were as much againft 
Arminianifm and Popery as the Church of England was in A.Bp. 
Abbat's days, and as much as he againft the Doctrine of Main- 
waring and Sibthorp: And the Parliament abfolurely reftrained 
them from debating any thing but what they propofed to them 5 
(b that they that were for the Primitive Epifcopacy had no li- 
berty to debatje it, or fpeak for it, but on the by. But when the 
Covenant was offered them againft Prelacy, they were about to 
enter a Proteftation againft it, and were ftopt only by limiting 
the renunciation to the Englifh frame defcribed in an explicato- 
ry Parenthefis. But for my part I think them much to be bla- 
med, that they did not , though againft that prohibition, re- 
folve to propofe fuch moderate healing terms to the Parliament 
as were agreeable to their judgments, or at leaft have teftifled 
againft the limiting of Church Concord to fuch narrow termes, 
as muft exclude fuch men as were for the Englifh Epifcopacy : 
They mighceafily have Known, that the number of fuch in Eng- 
land was fo grear, as that an excluding Law mull needs be an 
Engine of great Divifion 5 and that Conqueft .will not change 
mens Judgment*. 

And as I dot.: not but the five Diffenring Independents were 
greatly to blame, r making fuch a ftir for leave to gather their 
Churches, when nothing was impofed en them which they could 
accufe$ So J daabt not but the Afiembly were to be blamed 
formaking a greater nolle againft errours than they had caufe 
for. Their defire of Concord 3 which was good itfeJf, did raife 

B b them 


them to too great Expectations of it, and too great impatience of 
little differences* They publifhed their Teftimony againft the 
errours of the times, in which they took in Dr. Hammond, and 
made many differerces worfe than they were , too like the old 
Hereticators. And they wanted that skill to compofe their 
differences with the Independents, as was needful to that end, 
and might have been attained. And will the faults of that Affem- 
bly jultitiethe far greater faults of others?" But 

2. This fort of Hiftorians do much more differ from us about 
the matters of Fad, which our Eyes have dayly feen, yea,, about 
our own Thoughts and Minds, than about the Hiftory of the an- 
cient Church. The cafe was very far different from that which 
he defcribetb. Mr. Lawfon, a Conforming faith, [There was ne- 
ver better Preaching, Piety encouraged and encreafed, &c> than 
at that time. In all the Counties where I was acquainted, there 
were many young Orthodox faithful Preachers, that gave them- 
felves wholly to do good , for one that was ten Years before, 
and not any confiderable number noted for any immorality : We 
were in the County where I lived almoft all of one mind 3 for 
Epifcopal, Presbyterians and Independents uniting in that which 
they agreed in, and leaving all to Liberty in the reft, we lived 
in conftant Brotherly Love and Peace without DiiTention. I ne- 
ver knew of any of a divers Religion in all the County , fave at 
she end, in one or two corners about Twenty Quakers: And 
near me were about Twenty otherwife Orthodox, that denied 
Infant- Baptifm, (and perhaps as many more in the whole Coun- 
ty,) and Two or Three ignorant Socinians. In the next County 
i heard not of fo many Heterodox: Never did I fee, before or 
fince,fo much Love and Concord among Minifters, and all reli- 
gious People^ nor read of any Age that had fo much for 1300, 
Years. And whereas the common cry is, Oh, but they wtre 
all Rebels againft the King ! lhave named abundance of the Mi- 
nifters in mine Apology to Dr. Good, (who being Epifcopal was a 
Guide in our Meetings, and after fo accufed the Nonconforming 
and challenged him to name one of them that ever meddled with 
Wars. I knew none in ail the County that was in any Army fave 
the King's, Pave Mr. Hopkim of Eve/ham (dead) and my felf, and 
one that is a Conforming and one Independent (dead.) 

But it's true 3 that they were then fo fet upon Parifh Refor- 
mation and Concord, that they were more troubled at any one 



that did turn Quaker, oragainft Infant Baptifm, thanfomein- 
different Perfons are at Multitudes. And Iwasonethatdifputed 
moft againft them, and wrote againft fome diftant Antinomians, 
moftly Souldiers 5 But our Difputes fatisfied and confirmed all 
our Neighbours more than Prifons would have done. We punifh- 
ed none of them, and none of our People there turned to them. 
But Iconfefs we were commonly too little fenfible, how much 
hurtful Violence hindereth Concord, more than loving forbear- 
ance of tolerable differences. As too many were how much for 
Peace they fbould have abated of the Zeal for their private Opi- 
nions, which they thought to be better than they were. We 
were much like the days that followed the Apoftles, which had 
fbme troublefome Sectaries, but the main Body of Chriftians 
did cleave together in Love, till fuccefs had puft up a rebellious 
Army to make themfelves Rulers , to the Gonfufion of chem- 
felves and others. 

§ 3j. At laft mentioning the common Diffentions of the 
Churches, he feems to refolve the Queftion, What then mufi be 
done f But he puts us off only with the Negative Anfwer 5 that 
Xjhe Rule, u e. of our Uniformity is not to be altered. And why ? 
*[We have no ajfttrance that we fh all find afiy Conformity to it more 
than we have now^\ 

Anf. ImuftnotcaJJ this Anfwer as it defer veth. 

i. You were about dealing otherwife with the Papifts : Dr. 
Heylm tells us how much they were to have altered for Con- 
cord : Mr. Thorndikj threatens the Land, if you alter not the 
Oath of Supremacy for them: The name of the Pope and And- 
Chrift bath been expunged for them 3 yet you faid not, We know 
not that they will come any nearer us. 

2. By thefe meaflires a Rag or a Ceremony (hould never be 
abated for the Peace and Concord of any Church or Kingdom : 
You may ft'tll fay we are not furethat this will ferve thcin. The 
Pope may fay fo, where he refufeth to abate the (having of the 
Priefts Beard?, or the leaft of his Impofitions ; yea he knows 
•that would nor ferve.' They faid fo to the Bohemians four De- 
mands : They concluded fo at fir ft againft Luther. This very Ar- 
gument harh kept them from all Reformation. 

3. Can you find nothing inyonrlmpofitions that in the nature 
of the thing; is worthy to be. altered? If not, you have more or 
lefs Wifdom thanBiflhop Morton, and the reft of the Church 

B b 2 Doctors, 

Do&Qrs who at iVeftminjler motioned fo many Alterations. If 
one (hould bur then move you to correct your knawn falfe Rule 
For finding Eafttrdaj, or to give Parents leave to be the firft 
Promifers for their own Children, and Godfathers but theirfe- 
conds, or not to deny Cbriftendom and Communion for that or 
a Ceremony : No, come on it what will, nothing muft be al- 
tered, left men ask more. And yet you preach againft Clergy 
Infallibility, (or fubfcribe at leaft. ) 

4. Bur if you are fo much againft altering, why did you alter 
to our greater fuifering, and add as much more (yea five times 
morej to the former Task and Burden? You can no doubt fay 
fomewhat for all this. 

j. And when it is the fame things that the old Nonconformifts 
ftill asked, and we fince 1660 asktyetlefs, what reafon bad 
you to raife that fufpicion that we will not be fatisfied with what 
we ask. ? Have we given you any caufe ? If you mean that per- 
haps there be fome (till that may be unfatisfied , will you 
deny Peace to fo many that beg it of you, becaufe others will 
not accept it on their Terms i Or will you never agree with a- 
ny left fome difagreement (hould arife hereafter. 

Some Travellers were aflaulted by the high way by a Cap- 
tain of Sbuldiers, who took all their Money, Swordsand Hotter* 
and fwore he would kill them if they would not take an Oath 
to conceal him : One took the Oath to fave his Life, another 
fcrupledit: They begg'd his Mercy to reftore fo much as 
would bring them home: He askt them what would fcrisfie 
them: One would have his Horfe, another his Sword, another 
part of his Money. He told them , Ten are a Company of Rone a, 
that can neither agree what to ask^> nor give me affurance if Tgive 
yon this you will ask no more. I compare not the Authority but 
the Reafons of the Denial. 

§ 36. But feeing no abatement of their Canons, &c. mu:r be 
granted^ what is it that muft caufe our Concord? He would not 
tell you; but it's difcernible what's left : It muft be no Concord but 
what Punilhment can procure : And whar punifhment ? Sharpe r 
than is yet tried 5 for that hath not done it: Such Concord 
as Tmullian nameth, Solitudwem faciunt & pacem vocant : The 
Concord in Spain is worfe than the Amfterdam toleration. 

Again I remember the great Fifh-Pond mentioned by Judge 
Hale, that had multitudes of Fifli and fries and at laft two 


fffisJJ Pikes put in 5 when the Pond wa9 drawn there was never 
a Fifh but the two Tyrants (as he calls them) grown to a huge 
bignefs. The fear leaft Popery and Prelacy mould be the two 
Pikes, tempted men irregularly to covenant againft them. To 
have fuch variety as Rocb, Dace, Piercb, Tench, Carp ; made 
it a Schifmatical Pondj The two Pikes were againft Schifm and 
Toleration, and for ending the Divifion by reducing all to unity 
of Species. 

§ 37. As to his Qneftion ofQu. Elizabeths days, the Intima- 
tion may feduce the ignorant, but none eife. 1. If he know 
not that it was the Subfcription required in the Canon?, (chat 
nothing in the Books is contrary to the Word of God, fcrupled, which 
broke the Peace and Concord of England, he is unfit by his Igr 
norar.ee to be an Informer of others. I have known many that 
would have yielded to come into the Conforming Church, if 
that one \vcrd bad been but forborn: For when any practice a~ 
gainft their Confciences about baptizing, Communion, or Bu- 
rials had filn in their way, they would have filently fhifted it 
off, or been from home, and have ventured toanfwer it, fo they 
could but confcionably have got in. But our Ganoneers are for 
all or nothing, 

2. He is lure no Englifti Clergy-man, if he know not how 
much is laid on us, that was not known in the days of Qu. E//- 
zateth. Is it to inform men, or deceive tbem, that he nukes the 
difference to be between 36 and 39 Articles , and faith nothing 
of all the new Covenants, Declaration?, Oaths, Subscriptions, 
Doctrine and Practices ? 

§ 38. Many make ufe pi Mr. Edwards Gangrena, and the Lon- 
don Minifteri Teftimony againft erroars, to prove the Kerefies 
and Confufions of the late times. No doubt all fin is odiocsr 
But few men living are more competent Witnefles of thofe things 
than I. The Errours that fprung up were much mere tenderly 
refented then than now. You now have many called Wits and 
Perfons of Quality, who at a Club difpute againft the Pi ovidence 
of God, the immortality of the soul, and a future Life 5 and 
there is neither Church- Admonition, Excommunication, nor any 
great matter made of.it , but they are Members of the Church 
of England, thepureft Church in all the World : Whereas in thofe 
licentious times,if one Souldier had fpoken fuch a Word, it would 
have rung out through the Land, and perhaps his Tongue would 


have been bored with an hot Iron, It was the errours of the 
proud rebellious Soldiers that made moft of the noife, that had 
no confiderable number of Minifters left with them. I had a 
hand in Mr. Edwards Book thus: An Affembly of Minifters after 
Nafeby Fight fent me into the Army to try if I could reduce 
them. Dayly difputing with them, a few proud felfconceited 
Fellows vented fome grofs words. At Amerjham a few Coun- 
try Sectaries had fet up a Meeting in Dr. Crook* Church, to dis- 
pute and deceive the People : A few of Major Bethel's Troop 
(that afterwards turned Levellers and were ruined) joined with 
them : I met them, and almoft all day difputed againft them, 
and fhamedthem, and they met there no more. I gathered up 
all the grofs words which they uttered and wrote them in a Let- 
ter to Francis Tyton, and after I found them cited inMr.Edwards 
Gangrena. And what's the abfurd Speeches of a fewjgnorant 
Souldiers, -that aredead with them, to thcHerefies and Schifms 
that thefe 1000 or 1200 Years continue in all the RomarrCom- 
munion, and they fay in all the reft of theChriftian World. One 
cheating Papiftas a converted Jew got into an Anabaptifts Meet- 
ing, one Maxwell a Scot, and all England rung of it. But when 
Bidiops have made and keep France, Spain, Italy, 6Vc. in the 
fame Errours, Dr. Hejlin^ and Bp. Bromhall, and fuch others ., 
took them for fuch, with whom a Coalition on the terms by 
them defcribed was very defirable. 


His yth Chapter considered. 

% i.np H E Man had not the courage to defend the furgent 
A Prelacy in its Manhood and Maturity, but only in its 
Infant and Juvenile State 5 nor to defend the many hundred 
Councils which I mentioned after the Council of Calcedon, in 
which either his Modefty or Cauteloufnefs comes fhort of his 
Rd. Fathers, who fome of them own the fix flrft General Coun- 
cils, and fome of them eight, and fome would unite with the 
Church of Rome, if they will abate bat the laft 400 Years addi- 

§2. In 

§2. In his Gleanings in this 7th Chap, he over, and over, and 
over perfuadeth hisReader,thac I make or affirm that [the Bps. 
were the caufe of all the Herefies in the world, and of alHhe Here- 
fies, Schifms, and Evils that have afflicled the Church \ And hath 
thisHiftorwn any proof of this ? Or is it the melancholy fiction 
of his Brain f Yes 5 this is his proof contrary to my manifold 
Inftances, becaufe I fay in one age > [We have a ftrange thing, a 
Herefie raifed by me that was no Bifhop: which I have anf.vered, 
before. To be then ftrange, and never to be at ail ; are nor words 
of the fame fenfe? But his Anfwers throughout do mind me of 
Seneca's Words* that a man that is fore complains (or cries Oh) 
when he doth but think you touch him. 

§ j. He thus himfeJf accufeth the Biihops, p. 2-6. [There 
have keen wicked men and wicked Bifoopj in all times7\ And p, 277: 
fcThat feme Bi/hops have 'abufed their Authority and Office, and 
been the caufe of Herefie and Schifm cannot be denied^ But yec 
\_He hath (hewed fufficiently^ that mofl of my particular Accufati- 
ons are void of all truth and Ingenuity. ] Anf. Or el(c thofe 
words are fo. 

§ 4. He faith All EtcUfiaftical Writers agree, that Simon Mn- 
gus was Author of the fir ft Herefie in Chriftian Religion^ Anfi All 
confefs that Judas was before him : And if it be a Herefie to 
buy the Spirit for Money, it is a Herefie to fell Chrift for Mo- 
ney. Butlccnfefsibme tell us of his after pranks at Rome y . and 
imitating Icarus, at Peters Prayers : If you would fee why Dr. 
More takes this for a toyifh Legend, fee his Myftery of Iniqui- 
ty, Lib. 2. C. 19. § 6, 7. p. 447, 448. 

§ f. P. 286, 287. Baronim firit, and Vhilaftrim after, are 
made guiiry of Forgery and difregardable Hiftory y fo that I 
may well bear fome of his Cenfures. 

§ 6. P. 290. To confute me effectually he faith much what 
the fame which is much of the fum of all my Book : And yec 
it's falfe and malicious in me, and true and charitable in him: 
viz.i [Praifing the firft 300 years, (when the Bifhops were 
fuch as we offer to fubmit to : ) he adds [ The following Ages 
were not fo happy; . but as Chrift ians generally degenerated fo did 
the B if. ops 1 00 [\ 

Anfi What ! Before the Council of N/« / That's a fad Con- 
fcflion. I was ready to fay as a Roman Etnperour faid to a flat- 
terer 3 that ftill faid all that he faid, [Die alind aliquid m duo fi- 

mtsj . 

-musf\ But his next words allay it, [But yet notfo much as cur An- 
ther would make it appear. ] As the Dominicans and Oratorians 
mufl fay feme falfhood of Calvine, left they be thought Calvi- 

And yet he addetb 3 [The beginning of the qth Century was very 
unhappy to the Church, for Terfecution Without , and Herefe and 
Schifm within. Meletius an Egyytian began a Schifm J forfook the 
Communion of the Church, &c. Next the Donatifts, Arians, 5rc] 
Anf. It feems that the Emperours Conftantim and Valens were 
without the Churchy and yet the Arian Pr lefts and Bifoops were 
within it. When he defineth the Church we may underftand this. 
But is it not this 4th Century that is made the Churches more 
fiouriming ftate by others ? 

§ 7. Even the great Hiftorianof Herefies, Epiphanins, is faid 
p. 492. to be [unaccountably miftaken in fever al things relating 
to that Hiftory.\ And 293. hath [a ft range unaccountable miftake 
in diver fe other things relating to that matter.^] If I had at any 
time erred with fuch a Bifhop and Father 3 I might have bdi 
excufaWe for reciting his Hiftory. 

§ 8. Pa£. 29^, He opens the very Heart Gf his Parties Prin- 
ciples, and faith, [ The Church is never diftracled more by aty ■ 
thing than Projecls of Moderation. ] 

Anf Experience proveth that you fpeak your Heart. The 
words are no wilful Lye which agree with a mans Mind, be they 
never fo falfe as difagreeable to the matter. No man was more 
of that Opinion than Hildebrdnd^ that would nor yield fhe Em- 
perours the Inveftiture 5 nor as I before faid, abate the Prince of 
Calans the (having of his Bifhops Beard to fave his Kingdom. 
Vitlor began with that Opinion too foon, but his Succeflbrs have 
thefeThoufand Years been as much for it as you can wifh. 

2. But to whom is it that you intend this? Sure not to all : 
Was Bifhop Laud of that mind toward the Papifts if Dr. Hcylin 
fay true ? Was Grotim of that mind toward them \ Was Arch- 
Bifhop Bromhatt, Forbes, Bez.iar i Thorndike (and many more 
fachj of that mind ? No: Tie excufe you , that you meant not 
them and their Projecls of Moderation-. Nor I believe neither 
Caffander's, Erafmus's, Wicelius's, Sancla Clara's f Leander^s 3 

But towards fuch as I am, you have been as firm to that Prin- 
ciple as any one of our Enemies could wifli. In 1660, 1661. it 



Was moft effe&ually improved ; and you have attained much of 
the fruits then foretold : and ever fince have been unmoveably 
and prevailingly true to it. 

3. But this miketh (ome men the Diftratlerj of the Church, if 
not the greateft, which truly I have better thoughts of: Suck 
as futtius , Par&iu , Amjraldm 5 Le Blank? , Davenant, Ward, 
VJher^ Hold/worth, Morton, Hall, &c. And lately when we 
were preparing for the Kings Return, Bp. Brownrig, and after 
his death Dr. Gawden, Dr. Gulfton, Dr. Allen, Dr. Bernard^ and 
diverfe fuch did offer themfelves to a Treaty for Moderation : 
And fince then Dr. Wilkjns, Dr. Burton, Dr. TiUotfon, and in di. 
ebm iilis Dr. Stillingfieet have been guilty of this crime, of di- 
ftratting the Church by projetls of Moderation : But I can name 
the Bps. that were not guilty of it. 

To abate or forfake theneceffary pofnts of Faith and Practice 
on pretence of Moderation, is to deftroy Chriftianity on pre- 
tence of Humanity or Peace. But to make Laws that men (hall 
preach with Horns on their Heads , to fignifie the Victory of 
Truth, and to ruine all that will not keep thefe Laws (much 
more if men fhould command worfe ) and to fay a Project 
for Moderation would diftract the Church, would be as far from 
Wifdom as it is from Moderation : And fome Prelates have 
done as bad as this. 

§ 9. He confeffeth/?. 296. that by force and Fraud [the whole 
World in a manner was turned Arian.~\ And did I ever lay worfe 
of the Bifhops than this ? 

§ 10. He maketh Aerius to fpeak againft Bifhops becaufe he 
could not be a Bifhop, fo that he was of a Prelatical Judgment 
and Spirit, and calleth him [JThe Cartwright of the times,"] by 
which if he mean that Cartwright would have been a Bifhop, 
it doth but tell us that hedeferveth little belief in hisHifto- 

§ ir. He is a moft lingular Hiftorian , p, 303. in telling us, 
that after the Monothelites in following Ages of the Church the 
Devil ft art ed up but few Herejics till theje Ages,— Swenkjeldians, 
Anabaptifts, ore. 

By this I perceive he believeth neither Papifts nor Proteftants: 
For the Papifts name many Herefies fince, and the Proteftants 
fay that Popery is but a Conipofition of many Herefies , and 
name us many that coicur'd thereto. 

C c § 12. He 


§ 12. He there giveth me this ferious Admonition, [ It is a 

much greater wonder that any man that makes Conscience of what 
he faith, Jl:ould againfi ail truth of Hiftory , and again ft his own 
knowledge, charge the Bifhops with all the Herejies in the World : 
that a per [on that feems Jo Jen fib ie of approaching Judgment, as fre- 
quently to put himfelf in mind of it—-Jhouldyet advance fo malici- 
ous and groundlefs an Accufation, There is no dallying with the all- 
feeing God— What Plea /hall be made for whole Booths full of Ca- 
lumny and Detraction, &c] 

jinf. This is not the Ieaft acceptable paffage to me in his Book ; 
Hove the man the better for Teeming ferious in the belief of 
Judgment; and I hope his Warning (hall make me fearch my 
Heart with fome more iealQufie and care. He feems here to be- 
lieve himfelf 3 but being my felf far more concerned than he 
is to know how far I am guilty ©f what I am accufed, as far as 
I can know my Heart and Writings, Tie tell the Reader what to 
judge of his words and me. 

1. That I charge the Bifhops with all the Herejies in the World, 
never was in my mind 3 nor can I find it in any of my Writings : 
Yet this he very oftrepeateth : And fhould a man fo often write 
a falfhood about a thing viflble, and never cite the place where 
I fay it, and this while he is. thus ferioufly mentioning Calumny 
an4 Judgment, 

2. Can he make men believe at once that I do perfuade men 
that Bifhops or Diocefanes came not up till about i jo years af- 
ter Chrift, and yet that I make them the Authors of the Here- 
fies that were in thofe times ? Non entis non efi aclio : Could Bi- 
fhops be Hereticks when there were no Bifhops? 

3. If I had charged the Bijhops with all the Herejies, it follow- 
eth not that I had charged no one elfe with them, and made the 
Bifhops the fole Authors , and acquit People, Priefts, and Princes , 
why then doth he name many Monks and Priefts that were He- 
reticks f Or Emperours that promoted them, as if this croffed 
what I fay f Did he think that I excluded the Army if I blame 
the General, or the Prelatical Priefts when I blame the Prelates ? 
If I took the Bifhops of England to be the chief caufe of our 
Church-Schifms , and Calamities, doth it follow that I acquit 
fuchas you, and all the Clergy like you ? 

4. That I have done this [againfi allTrmh of Hifiory'] which I 
tsarrfcribed out of the Councils and Hiftorians rnoft partial for 

the higheft Prclacie , is either a great untruth, and Unproved 
by him, or 1 know not what I read or write. 

j. That I do this againft my own Knowledge I am certain is 
an untruth. * 

6. That my Accufations are malicious I zmeertain is untruth, 
as being able to fay that I fpeak in pitty to the Church, and to 
fave Souls from deceit, and malice no man ; but pray-vith the 
Liturgy 5 that God will forgive our Enemies, Ferfecutors a And 
Slanderers , and turn their Hearts, 

7. That I have brought any Groundlefs Accusation I muft take 
for an untruth 5 till my Grounds produced are better confu- 

8. Much more that I write whole Books full of Calumny and 

All thefe and more untruths being heapt up with the mention 
of Death and Judgment, tells us whither Fattion and Prepof- 
fcflion may carry men. 

2. But what is the truth I (hall again briefly tell the Readers 
i. About 2000 of fuch Minifters as I confidently take for the 
moft fpiritual , and confcionable and devoted to God and the 
good of Souls are filenced, and in Law imprifoned and ruined; 
and all the People of their mind are iffofatlo (if they confefs it) 
excommunicated, befides their other penalties. I accufe not 
the Law but mention only the matter of Fa& , which the K, 
once cornmiflioned Bps. to have prevented. 

2. The Kingdom is dolefully divided, and alas, the (ad con-; 
fequents are not to be named. 

3. Befides all our Penalties the Bifhops accufe us as thecaufts 
of all, and as wilful Schifmaticks, and call for the Execution of 
the Laws againft us. 

4. We fay, we dare not do that 5 which when ever they will 
give us leave, we are ready to give our reafons why we take it 
for heinous fin againft God, and tending to the ruine of the 
Church : nor dare we forfake our Miniftry while the Churches 
necefTities are to us paft doubt. 

5. We beg of them but to abate us fome needlefs Oaths, and 
Covenants, and Profeffions, and a few things called indifferent 
by the Impofers, that we may all live in Chriftian Love and 
Peace , and we offer them as unqueftionable fecurity for our 
Pcaceablenefs, Loyalty, and Orthodoxnefs, as the faid Oaths, 
Proraifcs,or Profeffions can be. C c 2 6. They 

6. They tell us, Nothing is to be abated us, and we ntufi ceafe 
f>reaching,t he Rule mufi not be altered-, we will do more harm in the > 
Church than out ; Projecls for Moderation moft difiratl the Church 5 . 
There is no Concord or Liberty to be expected, but by our total obe- 
dience to the Bijhops-, It is obeying the Church, yea the Vniverfal 
Church of Bijhops, that is the only way to Concord, 

7. To confute this Suppofition, which is the root of our Ca- 
lamities, I tranfcribe out of Hiftory and the Ads of Councils, 
how great a hand in the Schifms, and Herefies, and Confufions. 
of.Chriftians, thofe Bifhops have had, who have fwelled upa- 
bove the primitive, fpecies, by vaft DiocefTes , Wealth , andv 
claim of Government over other Churches and Biftiops 5 and that 
it is notorious that this Grandeur and exorbitant power of Bi- 
fhops, fingly or in Councils, hath been fo far from keeping the, 
Church from. Schifms, that it hath been one of the greateft 
caufes of the Schifms of moft Ages, fince fuch a fort of Prelacy 
fprung up 3 and that Popery came not up in a day, but rofe from, 
thai Juniority to its prefent Maturity, This was my work, 

§ 1 3. He truly tells you, that the Original of ailmif chiefs k 
the Lufis that war in our Members^ and not this or that Order of 

When the World had a good Pope, if God would blefs.that. 
Order of men, fome think he might do more good than any 
other man. But he hath toucht the Core of the Churches, Mala- 
dy. Verily, the grand Strife is between the ity/kand Spirit, ths 
feed of the Serpent and of the Woman: And if Patriarchs and Di- 
ocefans were but as much fet on the promoting of a holy and 
heavenly Life, as thofe Minifters are whom they filence and im- 
prifon, they, might do. muchgood, though .the largenefs oftheif 
Diocefs render them uncapabfe of performing the 40th part of 
a true Bifliops Work, No doubt but Bifhop Mall, and Potter , 
and Vfher, &c. did much good, by fuch preaching* writing, 
and good living, as others ufe that are no Bifhops. 

But will fire burn without fewel ? And will it not burn ifcom- 
buftible fewel be contiguous f Do not the Lufts that war in our 
Members live, upon tha,c food which we, are forbidden to pro- 
vide ? Do you think that the £#/?' of the Flefti doth not more 
defire Riches than Poverty., Honour than a low Eftate, Domi- 
nation over others, to have our Will on all, than humble Sub* 
jeftion ? Where the Carkafs is there will the Eagles be gather- 

td. Do -not you your felf fay , that the Bifheps and Church' 
grew more corrupt after the third Century? Do you be- 
lieve that when a Bifhops Power was made equal to a great 
Lords, or more, and all his Pomp and Riches anfwerahle, that 
the Luft of the Flefh would not more greedily defire ir, than it 
would defire a meer mediocrity ? Or that a worldly proud man 
would not feek more for Lordfhip and Grearnefs, than a Sjnefiw, 
and fuch others as you fay fled from it ? If the poor retired 
Monks were as bad as you make them, what wonder if great 
Lordly Bifhops were much worfe ? Will not the fire of Luft 
grow greater as the fewel is greater ? 

I am fatisfied that Riches and Power well ufed, may greatly 
ferve the. Intereft of Religion : But two things muft be confi- 

i. That the greatefl Power and Wealth being far more defired 
by carnal Worldlings, (that is, by bad men) than by mortified 
heavenly minded men, the more men defire them, the more 
eagerly they will feek them by Friends, Flattery 3 or any means : 
and therefore the liker they are.to attain them , except when 
the choofers are fome refolved godly men. And ib which way 
can a Succefllon of the worft men be avoided ? But a mediocri- 
ty that doth not to the Flefh overweigh the labours and diffi-. 
culties of the facred Office, will encourage the good, and not 
much tempt the bad : Or if good men will be never Co bounti- 
ful to pious ufes, their bounty and Church-Lands may better 
maintain Labourers enough for the work, than be made a fnare 
to one. 

2. And that Power which depopulated and deftroys its end,, 
is unlawful in its very ftate, as well as in its ufe. The Power of 
one man to be folePhyfician to the City, and to have none but 
Apothecaries under him $ or of one man to be the only School- 
Mafter in the County, and have none but Ufhers under him, is 
rather to be called Deftruttion than Power. It is Bifhops cafting 
aut Power that I am againft, that is, the neceflary Power of 
the Keys in the Parifh Minifters, or putting down neceflary 
Bifhops 5 and alfo a Power to filence Cb:i ft s faithful Minifters, 
and deprive Souls of the neceflary means, by impofing things, 
needlefs in themfelves, and finful in the receiver, that after his.. 
beft fearch believes them fuch. 

Seeing then that we are agreed, that it is the Lnfi that war- 
ret hr 

retkinmeny that is the corrupter of the Church, let burthe face 
of the whole Romane Clergy thefe iooo Years at leaft tell us, 
whether it be not the fuelling of the Power and Wealth of Bi- 
(hops, that hath caufcd fo long a Succeflion of a worldly, luftfuf, 
tyranical Clergy. 

§ 14. And he truly faith, [p. 306. that the generality of men 
when they have gained Wealth and Honour , are commonly willing 
to fecure the enjoyment ofthofe Pojfeffions, by letting things run in 
their ordinary courfe. 

( The Spanrfh Proverb is , The World if a Carryon, and they 
are Dogs that love it t and they will fnarle at any that would 
take it from them, and if it lie in the Ditch, Dogs rather than 
Men will gather about it : and its pitty fuch men fhould by fuch 
a Bait be tempted into the facred Chair.) And he truly adds, 
that Repulfe and Difappointment will end fuch mens Patience. For 
really as the man is, fuch are his defires : It is not only turgent 
Prelacy but a Prelatical Spirit that troublerh the Church : And 
If Novatianus or Arius would fain be a Prelate, it is in his heart} 
and no wonder if he be a Schifmatick } Trahit fua quemque vo- 
luptas. Appetite is the Spring of Adion. All the Popes Clergy 
are much of his mind 5 for they participate of his worldly Inter- 
eft, and depend on him, and therefore participate of the Papal 
Spirit. The Intereft of the General and Army are conjunft. 

§ 15. And its true that he faith, that the Btjhops Intereft oh- 
ligeth him to maintain Peace andVnity. And fo no doubt from 
that fenfe of Intereft it is endeavoured, in Italy, Spain, France 9 
Germany, &c. when a ftrong man armed keeps his houfe, the 
things which hepoffefTeth are in Peace. But whether therefore 
the People did ill that forfook the Bifliops and followed Lu- 
ther j or are all bound to cleave to the Bifhops Unity 3 is the 

§ 16. Whether it be true, p. 310 that very few if anyone were 
Bijhops when they turned Hereticks, I have enquired in the Pre- 
face; though if they afcended from Herefie to Prelacy it's all 
one to me. But by this I conjefture that he taketh fewer for 
Hereticks than others do, and that he pretends acquaintance 
with their minds, in that antecedent part of their Lives which 
no Hiftory mentionetb. I confefs I think that for the moft part 
men are Papifts before they are Popes or Papift BiC >ps: And 
yet I think that it is firft the defire of Papal and Prelatical Gran 



deur 9 and next the Exercife of it, which is the cau(e of SchiCm 
and Perfecution. 

§ 17. I verily believe as he doth, that Platonick Philofophy, 
and a willingncfsto win the Heathens by compliance, had a great 
hand in corrupting many Do£trines j and not only Monk* but 
others of the moft religious Chriftians, had a great hand in ma- 
ny of the ancient Superftltions, efpecially thofe that tended to 
the over-honouring of their Martyrs, and too much advance- 
raentof their Bifhops, when they came newly from under the 
Perfecution of the Heathens. But it came not to be univerfal, 
nor the Engine of great Corruption and cruelty, till theBifhop* 
turned all into a Law. Who could make any of all this neceffa- 
ry, but Pope, Prelates, or Princes, who pretended a Legifla- 
tive Power hereto ? Even Luther and MelanBhon were indifFe- 
rent to diverfe Ceremonies, fo they were made to be indiffe- 
rently ufed. But when they are made neceflary by a Law (fpe- 
daily more neceflary to a Minifter than his Mmillry, and to a 
private Cbriftian, than his Church Communion, who doth more 
vehemently condemn them than they ? 

§ 18. That Pafchafiu* Radbertns was the firft that broached 
the Doctrine of Tranfubftantijitio&^ is a doubtful exprcftion. Ei- 
ther he meaneth the Name or only the Thing under another 
Name. If the latter, he will do more'than Edm. Albertinus, or 
Bg. Confius have done, if he prove it: If it be the name that he 
meaneth, I think (by my Memory, for I will not for that go 
read him all over) that he will not find the name in RaSertw? 
nor any where before Stephana Eduenfis, about 130 years after 
him: and that all that he can truly fay, is but as Bellarmme 
doth, £Hic Author primus fait qui ferio. & copiose fcripfit de veri- 
tate Corporis & Sanguinis Domini in Euchariflia contra Bertra- 
mum Prefbyterum, 

§ 19. That the Bifhops charged by me with theje Corrupt ions , 
vpere the only Oppofers of them that we find in antiquity , as we may- 
fee in the Canons of Africk and Spain,] is a faying very near kin 
to much of his Hiftory: I confefs that fo few Presbyters in 
comparifon of Bifhops were publick Actors," whofe Judgments 
were nctified N to the World, that ft'sno wonder (after Gonftan- 
tine's time) if there be more proofs of their words and deeds 
than of other mens: But there are a great number of excellent 
men here flandered againft the credit of all Church-Hiftory, and 



-their own Writings yet in our hands. Would it be worth tte 
Readers Price and Labour, I could fwell my Book with the 
proof that what he fpeaketh is untrue. Did he think that I could 
not prore that Juftin Martyr, sithenagoras, Tatianw, lertulli- 
an $ Clemens AUxandrinm, Origene, Arnobim, Latlantim^ Ma- 
carius, Mat emus Pirmkus i Ephrem Syr us, Fauflinus, Hierome, 
Ruffinus, Prudent ins, Sulpitius Severus, Sedulius , Mammertus y 
Cajfimus, Ftncent. Lirinenjis, Socrates^ Soz.omcv 9 Ifodore Pelkfi- 
ota y &c. did fomething in opposition to fome Church- Corrup- 
tions ? Though fome of them promoted fome others : Yea_, An- 
tonie and abundance of Monks that furthered fome, oppofed 
others no lefs dangerous: Though many of them may be accu- 
sed as BelUrmine doth Sulpit. Severus^ for faying, Ecclefiam au- 
yo non firuifed deftrui. 

Judge oftimepaft by what we fee; Is it only the Bifhops that 
are againft the Popes Church-Corrupting Ufurpation in Italy , 
Spain tFrance^&c, Is it 00/7 the Bifhops that are againft the Mafs 
Corruptions, and againft all their corrupt Do&rines of Indul- 
gences, Purgatory, Images, &c. and againft all their Ceremo- 
nies, and prophanc abufe of holy things ? Was it only the Bi- 
fhops at Confiance and Bafil^ that were againft fupprefling the 
Bohemian and Moravian Reformation ? In the end ofLydius up- 
on Prateolus you may read a Letter fubfcribed by fo great a 
number of Lords and great men , for John Hhs, and Hierome , 
and the Reformation, which yetprevailed not with the Bifhops, 
as will tell you who was then the greateft Oppofers of Church- 
Corruption,, And I think Princes and Drs. oppofed it more than 
Bps. in Luther's time. Is it onJy the Bifhops that have oppofed 
warping towards Rome for Church-Unity t Have none but Bi- 
fhops been againft corrupting the Churches, by filencing good 
Minifters and ordaining bad ones f The things that are, have 
been, I confefs our difference is great on the cafe, what is to be 
accounted Church-Corruption. For that whfch in one Country go- 
eth for Corruption, in another (yea the famej goeth for Church- 
Glory, Strength^and Beauty $ Our main difference is about what's 
good, and what's bad; what's Virtue* and what's Vice. 

§ 20. He next comes to Sedition , and askerh [What Reign 
have they diftur bed here with their Sedition?"] And becaufe he 
knoweth that I can refer him to the large Volume of tbfir Trea- 
sons written by Prin y and abroad to the many Volumes in Gol~ 



daft us, and the many Hiftories of the Wars of Popes and Coun- 
cils againft Emperours,] he prevents all my Proof with a down- 
right Untruth, that [ " If a man be not blind he may fee that my 
u Hiftory is only defined against Trot eft ant Bifioops under a general 
€t name. 

An/ Was it not enou gh fo grofly to write this Untruth of me 3 
but he muft alfo reproach all the Readers as blind that will noc 
judge falfly of what they read? Doth he know my meaning bet- 
ter than my felfi* He knoweth that I plead for the Primitive 
Epifcopacy, and that I profefs to intend this Hiftory moft to difc 
cover the Rife, Growth, and Maturity of the Popifh deftrurtive 
fort of Prelacy. Readers, can you believe this man, that I wrote 
the cale of the Bifhops before and under Popery , and of the 
Popes, and of above Five hundred Councils, and all thefe be- 
fore the name of a Proteftant Bifhop was known in the World, 
and as he faith, gathered their faults, and a'l this only againit 
the Proteftant Bifhops, and not againft Popes or Prelates, or 
any of the Councils that I named? 

Perhaps he would tempt me to refer him to the Hiftory of 
Bifhop L ana's Tri a!, or ro what Bifhcp Abbot, George and Ro- 
bert, Bifhop Hall and others faid againft him: Or to tell him of 
A. Bp. Williams Arm s for the Parliament But thefe are not Sub- 
jects fit for our Debates. 

§ 21. P. 3 18. When I fay, that where Prelacy with the Pa- 
pijts is at the higheft, Princes are at the low eft. Ke asketb, Is it 
the Bifroop or the Pap ft that is here to blame ? \ Is this the effect of 
their Order ? 

Anf. 1. I thought the Pope of Rome and the Bifhop of Rome 
had been the fame. 2. But this Corrector of Hiftory taking 
Untruths not only into the Completion, but the Stamina and 
Scope of his Book, among all the reft fuppofeth me to (peak 
againft 4 Bifhop as a Bifloop , when I have troubled hi in with 
my repeating fo often that I am for Bfkcps, and that it is not 
the Office but the tumor, and that tumor that maketh another 
/pedes which 1 oppofe. Doth he not think that the Popes Bi- 
/hoprickis faulty (yea, as a corrupt /pedes?) And as it is more 
tumid than the Patriarchs, is not the Patriarchs inore tumid than 
the Metropolitans , and that than the Diocefanes ? And if Dr. 
Hammond were not deceived , who thought that there were no 
/fated worshipping Ajfsmbliesm Scripture times without a prefent 

P d Bijhofa 


ip , is not the fole Bijhop of a Thoufand or a Hundred fuch 
\ts different from a Bifhop of One only t And if many Ca- 
nons fp^k truly, that fay a Bifhop fhould be in every City that 
hath a Church, and every great Town like our Corporations and 
Market Towns was called a City, doth not a Bifhop of one Ci- 
ty, and a Bifhop of 50, or 40, or 10, differ fo far, that a man 
may be againft one without being againft the other? Doth he 
Ipeak againft Patriarchs that fpeaks againft the Pope ? Or againft 
Diocefanes that fpeaks againft Patriarchs ? Or againft the Primi- 
tive Bifhops that fpeaks only againft fuch Diocefanes as put them 
all down, and all their Churches, and almoft all true Difcipline 
of fuch Churches, like Erafiians. 

§22. P. 319. 322. His Charge on Socrates and Sc&cmene (fha- 
king thecredit of Church-Hiftory ) as writing that [which no 
reasonable man can believe as it is related by them, without loving a 
malicious Lye 7\ I fpake to before : If fuch Hiftorians believed not 
what they write or loved a maliciom Lye$ alas, whom fhall we 
believe ? Is he better than they ? 

And his note that Valefins judged Ettfebius Nicomed no Here- 
ticket I before noted. 

But I will follow that cafe no further, left he fhould draw me 
to feem to charge the ancient Bifhops with fedition, whom I ne- 
ver intended fo to charge 5 but only to defire thofe that can ex- 
cufe the Language e. g. of Gregory the great to Phocas, of Am- 
brofe to Ettgenius, of the Bifhops to Muximm , and many fuch 
like, not implacably to reproach and hunt thaft that did no more 
or not fo much. 

§23. His full Stomach difchargeth itfelf againft me three 
times over with one charge, P. 3 14, 320, 352. [Oliver Crom- 
well and his Son, the David and Abfalom of Mr % B.] And [ He 
compares the mofi barbarous villain in the World to King David, 
in his Epiftle to his Son* 

Anf. Reader if there be no fuch word in any of my Writings, 
after all thefe Accufadons of this man and many fuch other, I 
mull leave it to thy felf how thou wilt name thefe men, their 
Hiftory, and their dealings j for if I name them they will fay I 

Yea , what if this very man fit's eafie to know why and 
whence) doth even here, p* 352. &c. reprint the very Epiftle 
which he thus accufetli! and cite no fuch word, to tell us that 


he knew there was no fuch word there, and yet thus affirmeth 
it, what will you call this ? 

The words cited by himfeif are thefe, [ " Many obferve that 
cC you have been ftrangly kept from participating in any of our late 
€S bloody Contentions, that God might make you a Healer of our Had I [aid 
" Breaches, and employ yott in that Temple Work^ % which David ™b& ktbh 
« c himfeif might not be honoured with, though it was in his mind, be- J^ P ub ~ g 
* caufe he hadjhed blood abundantly, and made great Wars. I Chr.^ their chief 
22.7,8.] Dr's Elegy 

Is here ever a word of Oliver? Is he here called David* Did u P on Oliver 
I not purpofely fay, I David himfeif ] and cite the Text, left g^ 
any fhould feign the fame that he doth ? Any man may fee that t \ Krs ) w ^ 
he hath nothing to fay, but to accufemy Thoughts,, and fufpcCtjhouldihave 
that I had fuch a meaning. And who made him acquainted with he , ard / mj i 
Thoughts that were never uttered ? Or made him a Judge of ftSS/ 
them ? If bis and other mens thoughts may be thus by conjecture fiattoJo- 
accufed, no Enemy need to want matter of Accufation. liver, while 

It'* like he will appeal to my Confcience whether it were not J °? m Jj &f m 
my thought f And 1. By what authority will hefo dof 2. But^*£>^ 
I will fhrive my felf to him this once. It is fo long fince, that fattioJtmr 
truly I remember not what was in my Thoughts, any fur- malice hath 
ther than my words exprefs: But I well remember my for- &>* the hax- 
mer Heltons, and what was then my judgment of Oliver ^* 
and his Anions, and I ufe not to fpeak againit my judgment. 
Many knew that he being acquainted the firft day that I went 
into the Army, f which was after Nafeby Fight) that I was fenc 
by an AffcmbJy of Divines, to try whether I could turn the Sol- 
diers againft his fubverting Dcfigns, (then firft difcovered to 
me,) he would never once fpeak to me while I was in the Ar- 
my; and that ever after I was driven away, I openly in Pulpit, 
Prefs and Conference difowned, and warned men to difown his 
A&ions againft King and Parliament, and his Ufurpation ; and 
that I wrote againft the Engagement; And therefore I do not 
think that ever I meant to call him David, and I am fure I ne- 
ver did it. But they fay old Men can fee better afar off than 
near at hand 5 and fo all thefe notorious Untruths about vifible 
prefent things, may yet confift with fuch mens credibility about 
things faid and done 1300 Years ago. 

§ X4- And now I am here, I muftnot pafs by his friendly Ad- 
monition, p, 3J7, after his reciting my Epiftles, [" If I were as 

D d 2 " worthy 

(2 04) 

u worth) to advife Air. B. a$ he was to adv'tft Cromwell, / would 
u fay. It were much more advisable for a Chnftian, fpecially for 
ct one that thinks he is fo near his eternal State , to repent ar>d cry 
" peccavimus, than to ft and on fuftifaation of the fail, &c. ] 

Anf i. It was ufual for men to choofe their own ConiefTours: 
But it being the Cuftom of the times for Paftors and ConfefTors 
to be forced on Dilfenters, I will fubmit now to your way 

though my former ConfefFions and my Communion with you 

have been turned to Reproach and Scorn. 

i. I do daily beg earneftly of God, to let none of my fins be 

unknown to me, and taken for no fin 3 and be unrepented of; 

and that he would forgive that which I would fain know,, and 

do not. 

2. I do not repent of owning Oliver's Aclions againft King 
and Parliament, or his Ufurpation; for Inever.^owned them , 
nor the Actions of them that fct up his son. 

3 . I do not repent that I loved the Peace of the Church, and 
thatldefired the Governour, though a Ufurper, (hould do good 
and not evil. / 

4. I do not repent that feeing the Armies Rebellions andCor?- 
fufions, I ftirred up Rulers and People to take heed of favouring 
fo great Sin. 

j. But I do now by experience of other ways perceive that I 
was fometimes too eager in aggravating mens Errours 3 and re- 
pent that I ufed not more forbearance of fomc of my Accufati- 
ons of fome of them. 

6. I did think that Richard Cromwell was an Ufurper : But 
when we had been twelve Years at leaft without a rightful Gc- 
vernour, I then thought as T'homas White, albs BUcklow\ the 
moderate Papifh, wrote, that the Land could not fubfifr in Soci- 
ety without fome Government, and that No-Government is worfe 
to the People than a Vfurpedone: And that it is fomtime lawful 
to ftibmit and -ufe an Ufurper, when it is not lawful to approve 
his Entrance. And wherein I was deceived I am willing to be 
better informed. 

7. But I do unfeignedly repent that I wrote thofe two Epiftles , 
though it was to put a man on to do good, whom I never [aw ^ 
nor ever had the leaft to do with. 

8. And I do more repent of the caufe of all, viz. that I ap- 
pointed God a time, and limited his Providence; and thought 



that becattfe (o many Armies and Endeavours bad failed Twelve 
or Fourteen Years \ that had attempted the refrorirg of the 
King, therefore there was no probability of accomplifhir.g it : 
I do not repent that I was not a Propher, to know before what 
God would do $ for it was not in my power 5 nor do I repent 
that I preached Chrifts Gbfpcl under Ufurpers j but I repent 
that I waited not Gods time, and did not better confidcr that 
want of humane Power is no hinderance to Omnipotency, and 
nothing is difficult to him. 

9. I was drawn too far by Mr. Harringtons Scorn, and the 
diflike of Sir Henry FanSs Attempts for a Common- Wealth, to 
meddle with matters of Government, and to write my Politi- 
cal Aphorifms, called,, A Holy Common-Wealth: kvA I do un- 
ftignedly repent that ever I wrote and publifned it, and had not 
more confined my fclf to the matters proper to my Calling, and 
Jet thole meddle with forms of Government who were titter 
for ir. 

Ail thcfe 5 befides what's formerly faid to Mr. Bagjlja\v> I de- 
clare my unfeigned Repentance of. And though it pleaferh you 
to feign me a Schifmatick, and hater of Repentance, ( for (peak- 
ing againftthe fault- that needed it) I fhall thank you to be a 
real helper of me in f) neceflary a work as Repentance i?. 

An J that I may do the like by you, I (hall now only require 
you wich this Advice , that before you write nexr 5 you wift 
fet before your Eyes the Ninth Commandment, Thm.Jhalt not 
bear fa Ifs Witnefs againft thy Neighbour : And that when you fay 
your Prayers, you would be ferious when you fay , Lord have 
ALrcy upon us, and encline our hearts to keep this Law. 

§ if. A Roman Zeal tells us, that FacTion and Schifm, when 
animated by worIdIyInrereft,and grown up to a malignant hatred 
of the things and perfonsthat are averfe to it, is hardly bound- 
ed, but is thriving up towards deftructivc Perfecution, as fuel- 
ling Prelacy did towards the Papacy and the Incjuifition. It is 
not one or two Fifties that will fatisfie the ftomach of a Pike: 
Nor is it the llandering or ruining of one or two men, or filen- 
cingof one or two of the Minifters of Chrift, that will fatisfie a 
malignant Spirir. One Meal will not make a lean Man fat. Whe- 
ther there be a Legion in thofe that would deftroy a Legion of 
Chrifts Servants, or one have Co much Power I know not - x but 
the effects tell us whop manner of Spirit they are of. But let the 
Papifts pafs. § %6 t . 

§26. When I read ^.33 7, and 398, 359. and fuch paffages, it 
makes me think of them that cried , [ His Blood be on us t and 
our Children,"] together with our Judge's words, [ In as much as 
jou did it or did it not to one of the leaft of thefe my Brethren, you 
did it or did it not to me.] P. 337. he faith, [ " There is great 
" reafon to value the peaceable Reft ^nation of the Nonconformifts, 
c c when we confider by what V fur pat ion and Violence they were brought 
" in, and what a number of worthy learned Minifters were turned 
" out to make vacancies for thefe men, who were to inftrutl the Peo- 
u pie in new Myfteries of Religion^ which their old Paftors had not 
" the Confcience or Ability to teach them, that is, of the lawfulnefs 
" of Rebellion.-- And p. 3j8, &c. There were many of thofe Mini- 
<c fters V fur per s^ and ha$ intruded into thz Churches of other men, 
u who had been file need and cafi out."'- There were many others that 
" were intruders into the Miniftry, and fuch not a few of them as 
" Mr. B. himfelf would not have thought fit to have continued. All 
" the reft were fuch as would not fubmit to the Rule that was then 
<Q eftablijloed in the Church, but chofe rather to leave their Livings, 
H and the Bifkops could not help it, any other Wife than as they were 
Cfc Members of Parliament ; for it was the Law th.1t tied them to 
tc their choice^ and not the hiftoops. If Mr. B. means what happened 
Cc before the Lift Civil Wars, as ifs lively he may^ then thefe ancient 
€i Teachers were the inftruments of an Antimonarchical, Antiepifco- 
C{ pal Fatlion : They would preach but they would not conform to the 
iC Eftablijhed Religion : Nay many of them would preach againft it, 
* c and againft their Governours too. Thefe were fuch Incendiaries as 
St no Government would endure, cVc. ] 

AnJ. When you have noted this part of his Hiftory, it will 
not be hard to judge of his credibility. 

I. The things that he defendeth is the filencingand profecu- 
ting of three forts of Minifters. 1. Many Hundreds of Noncon- 
forming in the days of Qu. Eliz.. K. ^ames, and fome few in the 
time ofK. Charles 1. 2, Many Conformifts in the time of K. 
Charles 1. under Bifhop Laud. 3. About 2000 that conform 
not to the New Laws of Uniformity in the time of K. Ch. 2. 
What thefe Minifters were or are, and what the fruits of their 
fiiencing have been, and what it hath done to the Church of 
Englandy and to rruny Thoufands of Godly Chriftians , I will 
not.be judge : Nor will I difpute that which all England fees or 
feels. But it feems fo well done to ourHiftorian, as that he is 



willing deliberately to juftifie or defend it, which as I underftand 
is to make it his own, and to undertake to be one of thofe that 
(hall anfwer for it. What if another had done as much againft 
him, as he hath done againft himfelf? And for howfmalla 
prize f 

I I. As he before would infinuare , that what is faid of the 
great number of Drunkards, and ignorant men turned out, was 
falfe, though fo judged upon the Oaths of men accounted the 
greateft loversof Religion in their Parifhes; fohe feemeth here 
to intimate that it was only or chiefly into the places of learned 
worthy men, that the filenced Minifters fucceeded ; whereas it* 
was not one of many that came into any fuch mens places of them 
that were filenced at the fatal Bartholomew day. 

III. He feemeth to intimate, that when the Parliament 
(Tuppofe by wrong) put out either fuch as he or I defcribe^the 
Land mult be under an Interdict till the Bifhops and King were 
reftored, and that Chrifts Gofpel was no more to be preached 
in EngUnd^ till Diocefanes returned, but all Souls be given up 
to Damnation , unlefs Chrift would lave them without the 
preaching of his Gofpel, and the Land was to be left to the 
Devil and Paganifm. And who can deny now but the Diocefane 
Species is ejfential to the Church ? 

I V. When I fpake only of the filencing and ejecting Act, 
of Aug, 24. 1662. he would make the Reader believe, that this 
Change was to reftore the Churches to their ejected Paftors, or 
caft out Ufurpers $ whereas unlefs Ignorance or worfe hinder him, 
he knoweth that all that were caft out and were alive., laid claim 
to their Benefices, and were reftored before that, and their Li- 
vings refigned quietly to them, to fay nothing of the reft that 
were fuppofed to be at the Lord Chancellors difpofal. Thofe 
that were put out that the fequeftred might re-enter, were none 
of them filenced , nor made uncapable of other Livings till 
Augttft 24. i66x. 

V, He would infinuate that it was only the Nonconformifts that 
were caft out of fuch fequeftrations : Whereas in the Countries 
that I either lived in or heard of, it was as many or more of 
the Conformifts, that had fequeftred Livings and were caft our 5 
and took new prefentations, 

V I. And this is evident by his Intimation, as if it were a ve- 
ry great number of the Church Livings that were fo pofleft: 


^ LVO) 

Whereas of Nine Thoufand or Ten Thoufand Minifters then in 
Poffeflion , Seven or Eight Thoufand Conformed : There- 
fore it's likely that the Conformifts had molt of the Sequeftra- 

VII. He tells you that the Eje&ed Minifters were brought 
in to inftruft the People in the Lawfulnefs of Rebellion: Doth 
not this intimate that this was the cafe only or chiefly of 
the filenced Nonconforming? But I haveoft cited /We/ defend- 
ing the French Protectants ; Was not he a Bifhop ? I have oft 
cited Bilfon, affirming it no Rebellion if the Nobles and People 
defend their Legal Conftitution againft one that will— (I will 

not recite the reft. J I have oft cited Ri. Hooker whofe 

popular Principles I have confuted, and goeth higher againft ab- 
folute Monarchy., than I or any of my Correfpondency did in all 
the Wars. Heylin is for Conciliation with thePapifis : He know- 
eth not their' Writings who knoweth not that the Papifts are 
more for popular Ele&ion, and Power towards Princes, far than 
ever fuch as I were. And had he not put hisH^ad and Eyes into 
a Bag, he could hardly have denied but that they were Epifcopal 
Conformifts on both fides that began the War : But being got 
into the dark he loudly denieth ir. 

VIII. He faith 5 There were many ethers that himflf would 
not have thought fit to have continued, Anf. I thought I wjs 
more likely to know them than he. I remember not one fucli 
of an hundred that did not conform. I confefs that when the 
Prelatical party intreated me no longer to refufe the tVefiminftet 
Commiftioners Letters 3 deputing me with others to try ard 
judge of fome Epifcopal Conformifts that ftood then for Living?, 
to avoid all feeming oppofnion to that way I did ftrctch as far 
as I durft, to approve and keep in fome Conformifts, of very low 
parts who knew not a quarter fo much as fame Lay People did : 
But none of thefe were Nonconforming. 

IX. He faith, [All the reft were fuch as would not fuhmit to 
the Rule then eftablifoed in the Church. This is true: And what 
was that Rule f Did Peter or Paul make it, or fubmit r to it? 
Did they refufe any thing that God commanded in Nature or 
Scripture? Or any Circumftantials necefiary in genere left infpe- 
c'ieto theMagiftrates determination? They were guilty of be- 
lieving that God is above man, and that there is no Power but 
of God, and none againft him 5 and that we muft pleafe him 



whoever be difpleafed. They were guilty of fo much Self-love 
as to be unwilling to be damned for a Benefice, or for a Bifliops 
Will. They did not confent to profefs Affent and Confent to all 
things contained in and prefcribed by three Books, written by 
fuch as declare themfelves to be fallible; and fuch as not one 
of Fourty ever faw before th^y declared the faid Ailent and 
Confent to them. They did not confent to caft out all Infants 
from Chriftendom, whofe Parents durft not offer them to Bap- 
tifm, under the Sacramental Symbol of the Crofs ; nor unlefs 
they might have themfelves been Covenanters, Undertakers, or 
Promifcrs for them, as well as the Godfathers: Or that fcru- 
pled getting Strangers to undertake that perfidioufly for their 
Children which they never intended to perform. They durft not 
read Excommunications againft Chriits true Servants, nor repel 
thofe from Chriftian Communion, who fcruple kneeling in the 
reception of the Sacrament: They durft net fwear that many 
Thoufands whom they never knew are not obliged by the Co- 
venant-when tbey know net in what fence they took it: For 
they are not willing to believe that the compounding Lords and 
Knights did not put a good fence en it before they tooklr. They 
durft not fay that all is fo well in our Church Government by 
Diocefanes, Lay-Chanccliours Power of the Keys, Archdeacons, 
Official?, Commillaries^ &c. that we may fwear againft all en- 
deavours to amend it by any alteration j They do believe that 
the Law of Nature is Gods Law, and that as italloweth a fwgle 
Perfon only private defence, fo it alioweth every Nation publick 
defence againft Enemies notorious deftroying affaults : And they 
dare not (wear or covenant, that if any fhould from the Lord 
Chancellour, &c. get a Commiflion to fe'ze on the Kings Navy, 
Treafures, Forts, Guards, Perfon, and to feize on the Lives 
and Eftates of all his Innocent Subjects, that it is unlawful to re- 
fift any that execute fuch a CommiiTion. They find it fo hard 
a Controverfie , what God doth with the dying Infants of 
Atheifts, Infidels, Mahomerjnes, and Perfecurors , that they 
dare not declare, that if any of their Children be baptized and 
die,*> ii certain by the word of God that they arc undoubtedly faved. 
We fay nor that the Law binds us to any of the evil which wc 
fear : But we dare not take Oaths and Promifes which we un- 
derftand nor. 

Abundance I pretermit. 

E c He 

He is extreamly cenforious if he think that Mr. R. Hooker, 
Bp. Bilfon^ Bp. Grindaly A. Bp. <dbbot 5 Bp. &>£. ^^r, Bp. 
p*w*/, 6cc. would have been Conformifts had they been now- 

X. He faith, [They chofe rather to leave their Livings.^ Anf 
They chofe not to conform, but fubmitted only to leave their 
Livings ; Eligere efi agere. They were paffive in this, they re- 
fufed to conform as fuppofed by them a heinous Sin^ but they 
chofe not to be filenced orcaft out ; but they chofe to endure it . 
when the Bifhops chofe it for them. 

X I. He faith, that fobs Bifhops could not help it any other- 
wife than as they were Al embers of Parliament. 

Anf. i. 1 confefs Scripture ufeth the like Phrafe , Can the 
Leopard change his Spots, sec. or they that are acctiftomed to do 
evil learn to do well? And Rom. 8, 6, J. The carnal mind is enmi- 
*.y again ft God, for it is not fttljetJ to his Law, nor can le.~\ I will 
not hereitoo much contradict him, 2. But is it nothing that they 
could have done in Parliament, had they been willing? 3. Is it 
unlawful for us to know if he know it not, or derry it, how 
much the Bifhops and Clergy did with the Parliament- Men ? 
4. He (hould at leaft have Itayed till Dr. Bates, Dr. facomb, 
and I are dead, who wrote and difputed with the Bifhops by the 
Kings Commiffion, before he bad talkt at this rate to the World. 
Did not the King make his Declaration about Ecclefiaftical Af- 
fairs ? And did he not under the broad Seal commiffion thofc 
Bifhops and Doclorsto treat with us for the making ft.ch altera- 
tions as were neceffary to tender Confciences t Did they not main- 
tain that«<? alterations were thereto neceffary, and fo end the trea- 
ty. 5*. Did they not in their next Convocation lay alide the Kings 
Indulgent Declaration, and make the Additions to the Liturgy ? 
And yet could they not help it ? Nor W3S it none of their do- 
ings? 6. Doth not England know that Parliaments fince have 
by experience perceived their Miftake, and would hive fufpend- 
ed our Profecution^ and reftored us to Unity, and the Bifhops 
and Clergy will not content but rage againft ir, and preach and 
write to have us executed according to the Laws/ and no abate- 
ment to be made, and as this man, think that the Ch urches Di- 
ftrartion is from Projetls of Moderation. What name fhould one 
give to fuch Hiftories as thefe . ? The guilty cannot bear their 

XII. He 

XII. He faith, {It was the Law that tied them to their choice 
and not the Bifiops. 

Anf. i. Suppofe the word choice were proper here , [ Is it 
any juftification of the Executioners ? ] It was the Emperour 
Charles the yth's Edict that tied all the Proteftant Minifterg to 
conform to the Interim, or be gone : It was the Law that tied 
rile Martyrs in Qu. Maries days to profefs what they believed 
nor, or to be burnt. Alas! How could Bonner and Gardiner 
help it ? 2. But how many Bifhops were againft the palling of 
that Bill ? And who perfuaded the Lay-Men to it? Muft we not 
know when it's night if you deny it ? 

XIII. He tells you, that [the ancient flenced Teachers be- 
fore the Civil Wars, were the Injlruments of Antimonarchical and 
Antiepifcopal Faclion. 

Anf. i. Which of them all faid fo much as Mr. Hockir, Bp. 
Bilfon } Bp. Jewel, 6Vc. have done ? 2. If you make any Con- 
ference of the 9th Commandment, prove the Truth of what you 
fay of thofe that were fufpended and driven out of the King- 
dom in the times of A. Bp. Laud, Bp. Wren, Bp. Piercy, Sec. for 
not reading the Book for Lords-days Dancing and Sports, and 
that were profecuted for Preaching twice on the Lords-day, and 
for not turning the Table Altar-wife, and railing it in, which 
even Bp. Montague as well as Williams was againft. Was Bifhop 
Miles Smyth ofGloucefter, were A. Bp. Abbot or Grindtll Anti- 
monarchical or Antiepifcopd i 3. Prove if you are able any Anti- 
monarchical .Principles, Words, or Deeds by Mr. HUderjham, 
Mr. Brmjley , Mr. Paul Bame, Mr. Dod, Mr. Knewftubs> and 
hundreds of fuch I might name. The moft malicious are fain to 
talk of one Knox, or one Goodman, or one Junius Brutus, (that 
is, Hubert us Languetus Mclantthons friend) or fomewhat in Bu- 
chanan, not the tenth part fo much as k commonly faid by the 
JPapfts, wich whom our A.Bp. Bromhall and his Companions fo 
much plead for Concord. 4. Doth not Al. Cope 3 and Sandys, 
and Patefon in the Image oj both Churches, and lately the nomi- 
nal Bellamy in his Philanax Anglicus, and many more iucb, fay 
all the fame of theBilhops and Church of England, and all that 
they deride *%{Prot eft ants of Sincerity"] as guilty of far more re- 
bellious Principles and Practices, than evjer you can prove 
by the meer Nonconformifts old or new ? And is it enough to 
accufe ? 

E e 2 " XIV. He 

XIV. He faith, The.) wotud preach but they would net conform 
tethe eft Abli fl:ed Religion. 

An], i. But why mould they be forbidden to preach (which 
was good and they were devoted to? ) If a man will not do ail 
that you would have him to do, fhajl he do nothing f 

2. What was that which he calleth the hftabUJhed Relighn? 
It was the Ceremonies, atrd Subfcription, that there is nothing in 
the Liturgy contrary to theWera of God.~] And was this a Crime 
worthy the forbidding men to preach 'the Gofpel? Or why 
fhould the Souls ofThoufandsof the Innocent People be fo hea- 
vily punifhed for another mans omiflion , even becaufe the 
Teachers fear Conformity. 

3. But ftill we fee what thefe mens Religion is: Had their 
ReligioLbeen the Scripture, or any Doctrine or Woifhip com- 
mon to the Chriftian or Proteftar.t Churches, the old Noncon- 
formifts willingly confented to it. But here they (hew that their. 
Ceremonies and proper Liturgy forms are their Religion. But 
then 1. Why do Dr. Barges and all that plead for your Cere- 
monies and Invention, build all on this, that you make them not 
any parts of Worfhip or Religion, ( which they confefs man 
may not invent) but meer accidents ? 2. How old then \$your 
Religion} Your Liturgy was made fince Luther began his Refor- 
mation. 3. It feems then that you are not of the fame Religi- 
on with the Protectants that have none of your Ceremonies, Li- 
turgy or Subscriptions. 4. Is not then your Church of a Angu- 
lar Religion from all the World, and confequenr'y a lingular 
Church ? And is it the whole Catholick Church then , or a 
Schifmatical Church ? 

I confefs that you (hew more evidently than by fuch words, 
that your felf made Rules and Circumftances are your Religion : 
For 1. You make Conformity to them to be de fatlo more 
neceffary than our Preaching the Gofpel, or our Church Com- 
munion or any publick Church Worfhip of God. 2. And 
you excommunicate by your Rule or Canon every Member 
of Chrift in England, that doth but think and fay 3 that any 
thing of your Impofition, Liturgy, Ceremonies, or Govern- 
ment are finful. 3. And yet when you have done you call all 
your I mpofmons things indifferent. 4. And thereby you declare 
that your Religion in part is a thing indifferent. 5-. And no Man 
or Woman fhall be of your Church that cannot know all the in* 


dtjferm things in tne vvqyla wmcn may oc impoiea on rue m, ro 
be Indifferent and not Unlawful; when you knew for you know 
not whom you- dwell amongj that we have much adoe to get 
one half your Church to know things necrffarj, 6. The Papifts 
that put a greater necefFity on their Inventions will deride you 
for an Indifferent Religion. 

There was a poorPuritane Nonconformift that feared Lying, 
^that went about the Streets with Ink to fell, and was wont tru~ 
ly to cry, ^JTerj good In k^, very good I n^'] b'ut once his Ink a 
little milcarried, and he durft not call it \Jfery goodf]bi\t cried, 
Pretty' good Ink^, Pretty good lr\^ and no body woulj buy ot 
him 5 and he loft his Ink. And if you cry up [An indifferent Re- 
ligionf] whatever you have for numbers, you will have for qua- 
lity but an Indifferent Churchy ( fave our Rulers. ) 

XV. But he adds, [Many of them weald preach again ft it And 
their Governours too. ] 

*dr,f. i. You tempt them towards it. If I askfne Butcher 
[Is yo:tr Meat fweet? ] and he fay it is indifferent , I am excusa- 
ble if I think it (links. 2. They judge by the effects: They 
thought that when an indifferent thing cafteth cur a necelfary 
thing, it become-s naught. 3. But yet your Accufation is un- 
faithful : Why did you not fay then, that it was not for Non- 
conformity that men were caft our, but for preaching again ft your 
Religion? Who were thofe? Was it proved? If lb, what was 
that to the reft ? Dj you punifh many learned moderate men 
for the fault of a few others that they were not concerned wirh ? 
You now al ledge Mr. Hilderfham, Ball, Bradjhaw, Bdine t Knew- 
/tabs, and abundance fuch , for being againft Separatitm, and 
perfuading men to come to the Common- Prayer, (and many of 
them to kneel at the Sacrament,) and yet when you plead for 
their Silencing, even other mens words may ferve againft 

XVI. To conclude, in all he layeth thecaufecf their filence 
on themftlves for not conforming, and vet will not teiius whar 
we fhould do to help it. Would they have us Conform while 
we judge it as finful as I have mentioned in my firft lica for 
Peace? Noj they profefs the contrary. Would they have 11$ 
believe all to be lawful ? We cannot : Our Judgments are not 
at cur Command : What would they have us do to change? 
Worldly Litereftmaks us too willing! Weftudy as hard as they ! 


we earnettiy Deg uocis illumination to lave us trom krrour 
We read all that they write to convince us : And the more we 
read, ftudy, and pray, the more heinous the Sin of Conformity 
feems to fome. I askt Bp. Morlly the fame queftion when he for- 
bad my preaching, before the ejeftibg Act; and he bid me read 
Bilfon and Hooker : I told him that was not now to do : and in 
both of them I found the Principles which are made the caufe 
of my Silencing, my grcateft Crimes, and in one of them wor(e» 
He then told me, IfGodwould net give me his Grace he could not 
help it'. And yet moft of thefe men are againft fatal, repro- . 
b&ting, nt'cejfttating Decrees. 

The imposing Papifts ufe men Worfe : Of whom will you par- 
don a Fable. 

A Bee and a FLe were catcht together in a Spiders Web : The 
Spider when they were tired with ftriving, claimed them both 
for her Food, as a punifhment for breaking into and troubling 
her Web : And againft the Bee (he pleaded that (he was a hurt- 
ful Militant Animal, that had a Sting; and egainft the Flic that 
fhe was noifome and good for nothing. The Bee anfwered that 
her nullifying Nature and work was profitable, and Nature had 
armed ber with a Sting to defend it. And theFIie faid, asdic- 
did little good fo (he did little harm, and could make her felt 
no better than Nature had made her. And as to the Crime al- 
ledged againft them, they both faid, that the Net was made by 
a venomous Animal, (pun out of the Air and the Venom of Iter 
own Bowels, made for no ufe but to catch and deftroy the In- 
nocent, and they came not into it by malice, but by ignorance 
and miftake, and that it was more againft their Will than againft 
the Spiders, for they contrived not to fall into it ; but (he con- 
trived to catch them $ and that it was not to break the Net that 
they ftrove, but to fave their Lives. The Mafter of the Houfe 
overheard the Debate , but refolved to fee how the Spider 
would judge, which was quickly done without more words ; 
flic took thern for Malefactors, and killed them both, The Ma- 
fter of the Houlc Co dill iked the Judgment, that he ordered that 
for the time to come, 1. The Bees (hould be fafely hived and 
cherifhed. 2. And the Flies, if not very noifome, (hould be 
tolerated. 3. And all Spiders Webs fwept down. 

I need to give you no more of the Expedition of it, than by 
the Spider I mean the Papal noxious Canon-makers, and that by 



the Net I mean their unneceffury and enfiariag Urwi and 
which are made to catch and deftroy good menyand are the • 
to<the Inquifition, or Bonner's Coal-boufe, orSmttbfield Bonefires. 
Bur I mutt defire you not to imagine chat I fpeak againft the 
Laws of the Land. 

§ 27. As to the Conclufion of hi* laft Chapter, I (hall now 
add no more but this : If what I faid before and to Mr. Hinkley 
fatisfie him nor., of what Religion and Party both (ides were that 
began the War , and Mr. Rnjhworths Collections, and other Hi- 
ftories cf former Parliaments be not herein ufeful to him, let 
him but fecure me from burning my Fingers with Subjects fo red 
hot, by mens mifinterpreting and impatience, and I will (God 
willing) give him fo full proof, that (to fay nothing of latent 
Inftigators and confequent auxiliaries en either fide, nor of the 
King himfelf, whofe Religion is beyond difpute,) the parties 
elfe that begun the War in England d\d differ in Religion , but 
as A. Bps. Laud, and Neat, and Brombal, and fuch others; and 
A. Bps. Abbot and Williams, and Bp. Bilfon> on the other fide 5 
and as Dr. Mainwaring, Sibtborp, &;c. on one fide, and-Mr. Ri. 
Hooker and fuch on the other fide differed. An4 if my proof be 
confutable I will not hereafter undertake to prove that Englijh 
is the language of England, 

But my Bargain muit be thus limited. 1. I will not under- 
take that from the beginning there was no one Papift on the 
Kings fide, or no one Presbyterian on the Parliaments: I could 
i;ever yet learn of more than one in the Houfe of Commons, and 
a very few Independent?, but I cannot prove that there was no 

2. You muft not put me upon fearching mens hearts: I un- 
ci tt take not to prove what any mans heart in England was $ but 
what their Profeffion was, and what Church they joined with 
in Communion. 

3. And you muft not equivocate in the ufe of the name [Prcs- 
f iau t ] or \Nonoonformift , ] and tell me that you take fome 

A. Bps. and Bps. and fuch Divines as Ri, Hooker ^ and Bilfon, and 
Bp. Downame, the Pillars of Epifcopacy and Conformity, for 

And if it may be I would beg that of you, that you will not 
take the long Parliament for Presbyterians and Nonconform! ft?, 

) made the Arts of Uniformity, the Corporation Aft, the 


(if 6) 

Militia Aft, and thofe againft conventicles, and for banifhrnent 
from Corporations^ &c. Notwithftanding their high Votes about 
the Succeffion and Jealoufies of Popery, and that which they 
faid and did hereupon : For I confefs if it be fuch Nonconform- 
ifts or Presbyterians as thofe that you mean, Fie give you the 
better. And I muft alfo defire that you call not the next Parlia- 
ment, which confifted moft of the fame Men, Presbyterians or 
Nonconformiftsj nor the other fince them? Or at leaft that 
hereafter before we difpute we may better agree of the mean- 
ing of our terms. 

And I declare to the Reader, that nothing in all this Book is 
intended againft the Primitive Church-Government or Epifcopa- 
cy, nor againft the good Bifhops, Clergy, Councils, or Canons, 
which were many 5 nor againft King, Parliament, Magiftracy, 
the Laws, or Liturgy, or Church Communion ; nor againft our 
peaceable and patient fubmifllon where we dare not practically 
obey : But only againft the difeafes and degeneracy or* Bifhops, 
Clergy, Council?, and Canons, ana thofe dividing practices, by 
which they have for 1200 Years and more been tearing the 
Chriitian World into the Seels of which it now confifteth j and 
againft the whole afcendent Change from the Primitive Epifco- 
pacy to Papal maturity: and againft .our fwearing, Subfcribing, 
declaring, covenanting, profefling , and pra&ifing , where we 
■underftard not the Impofers fenfe, and are unwilling by our pri- 
vate Interpretations to deceive them, and where we are per- 
liiaded that it w r ould be heinous fin to u?, not meddling with 
the cafe of Lawmakers or Conformifts, who have no fuch fears^ 
but think all good. 

Chryfcfi.me (before cited) in Aft, 1. Horn. 3. p. (mihi) 472. 
fpeaketh harder than I ever did : £K**A&«vAi}*s Sec. which Eraf~ 
Was tranflaterh, FNon termre d>co^ fed ut affect w fum & fentio ; 
~Non arbitrcr inter Sacer dotes multos efje qui fiirui fiant, Jed mult 
f hues quip+remt. His reafon is the lame which fome give why 
they think molt Fhyficians kill more than they cure, becaufe 
there is fo much Wifdom, Goodnef?, Watch fulnefs, and Dili- 
gence required to their Callings which few of them have. 

Luther is much (harper than! ever was, when he faith, \Hi- 
tronjmus & alii Patres vixerunt in temper all Sncceffione Ecclef£ t 
expert es Crsecii & per fecui io>:i s. Epifcopi enim jim inm cceperant 
-crefecfe r j affgert cpikfts, exifiimathne & 'gloria in rnnndo : Et pie- 

(xi 7) 

rique etiam tyrannidem exercebant in populum cui prterant, utte- 
ftatur hifioria Ecclefiaftica : Fauci feciebant fit a Officio^ 6Vc. Loc. 
Com. 4. Oafli p. 79, 80. 

Et Cap. 17. p.-j 8. de Synodis. In pofterUribu* Conciliis nnnquam 
de fid*, fed femper de opinionibus & qu&ftionibus dtfputatum ('after 
the firfty ut mibi Conciliorum nomen pens tarn fufpellum & invi- 
fitm fit, qxam nomen Libcn arbitrii. 

What MeLm&bon though.; of the Papal defign of magnifying 
Councils, and pleading the neceflity of uninterrupted Succeffi- 
on ofEpifcopal Ordination, fee in his Epiftles, efpecially of the 
Conference at Ratisbone. 

Dr. Henry Moore in his Mjftery of Iniquity faith, p. 1 32. 1 
[ Ct That Principle tends to the ruining of Faith, which fup- 
u pofeth that without right Succeffion of Bifhops and Priefts, 
Cs there is no true Church, and therefore no true Faith: and 
" that this Succeffion may be interrupted by the Mifordination 
u or Mifconfecration of a Prieft or Bifho'p, the Perfons thus or- 
" dained being Atheifts or Jews, or ordained by them that are 

ecf As if a man could not feel in his own Conference whe- 

cc ther he believed or not the truths of holy Scripture, without 
" he werefirft affured that he was a Member of that Church, 
Cc that had an uninterrupted lawful Succeffion of the Priefthood 
Qt from the ApoftJes times till now. 

Perhaps Epifcopim and CurcelUus will be more regarded. 
Read that notable Preface of CurcelUus to Epifcopim Works, 
p. 12, 1 3. [ Refp. Experisntiam docere nullas unquAm Controver- 
fias de Religione inter Cbriftianos exortas autloritatc fynodali fx- 

liciter terminatas fu ffe---& certiorem mtiltopAcis viam effe 

Next he fhews how little good even the Nicene Council did , 
and how much worfe things were after : Hnrome faying, that 
the whole World was Arian, And Conflantius reproaching Libe- 
Yius for being with one man againft all the World : The Vulgar 
D icier turn bt'mg y Omne Concilium pmt Be Hum. Whence he ga- 
thers that Councils , fuch as the World hath hitherto had, non 
effe idoneum componendis Rehgionis d'ffidiis R;medium : Et quam- 
diu illud ufufpabitur perpetuus in EccltftA & Republica turbos fo- 

Epifcopii & pr&cipuorum emicuit fides & animi mtgnitudo , 
quod nepremiffo quidem folutionis ejufdem quo an'eA fruebantur Jli~ 
pendii, inducipo^usrint ut fe adfilentium quod imptrabaxm fervA?,- 

F f dum 

w V «.v,j,, vue ««i« ***•*» ^ ia ^yv^w,^ v^aj. ^^ t p # ^ D# in main* 
taining that the Magiftrate hath no Authority to forbid facrcd 
AfTcmblies to tolerable Diflfenters, and that Minifters and Peo- 
ple forbidden them muft hold on to the death, that I will not 
recite the words, but defirehis Admirers to read them. 



cffia cs* cS-n §£u cX-a caa ffSrf. cffi^J . *?** s§« c#3 5#s s^j B2fr ci* 


^ Account to Edward Lord (Bijliop of Cork andRotte 
in Ireland, of tbefuccefs of his Cenfure of Richard 
Baxter in England : Detecting his manifold Mn* 
truths in matter ofFacl. 

§ 1. rTIO give my Chara&er of you whom I know not, as 
you do of me, is none of my work : But t.Your 
B Stile alloweth me to fay, that by it you feem to 
me to be a man ofConfcience/earingGod. 2.And 
yet your Matter aflureth me, that you (peak abundance of Un- 
truths confidently ; I fuppofe, partly by not knowing the per- 
fons and things of which you fpeak; and partly by thinking that 
you ought to believe the falfe Reporters, with whom you are 
better acquainted. 

§ 2. The ftrait which you caft us into is unavoidable : Either 
we muft feem to own all the falfe Accufations brought againft 
its, which will hurt others far more than usj or elfe we muft de- 
ny and contradict them, and that will pafs for an intolerable ad- 
dition to our guilt, and we fhall be fuppofed fuch intemperate, 
fierce abufive Perfons as you defcribe me, while you think We 
give you the Lye, or make you Slanderers. But we cannot cure 
your Mifrefentments, but muft be content to bear your Cen- 
fures, while we call you not Lyanr, but only acquaint you with 
the truth, 

§ 3. For my own part my final Judgment is fo near, and lam 
confcious of fo much evil in my fe\f, that I have no reafonto be 
hafty in my own Vindication, but much reafon to take all hints 
'and helps for deeper fearch, and will not juftifie my Stile. And 
God knows I am afraid left felfifhnefs or partiality (hould hinder 

F f z mc 

me from finding out my fin: and I dayly and earned !y beg of 
God to make it known to me , that I may not be impenitent : 
But either Prejudice, Converfe, or fomwhatcli> 3 maketb a ve- 
ry great difference between your Judgment and mine, of Good 
and Evil : And I cannot help it : If I err it is not for want of 
willingnefs ro fee my Errour, and openly retract it; ncr for 
want of an ordinary Diligence to know the Truth. 

The Sum of our difference, as far as I can underft'and you, is in 
tbefe particulars. • 

I. Whether there be no fin impofed by the Laws or Canorvs 
on Minifters and People here ? 

I I. Whether it was well done by the Bifhops and other Cler- 
gy-Men to do what they did to caufe thofe Laws, which filenced 
the whole Miniftry of England, unlefs they would conform to 
all things fo impofed in the^ft of Uniformity j and actually fi- 
lenced about 2000, and made thofe other Laws againft their 
Preaching to more than Four, and againft coming within Five 
Miles of Corporations, and fuch others, as adjudge Nonconfor- 
ming to Gaols and Ruine j and whether the Clergy do well ftill 
to urge the Execution of thofe Laws, and are guiltlefs of the 
doleful Divifions of this Land, and danger of itsRelapfe to Po- 

II L Whether it be unpeaceable for a Nonconformift after 17 
years filent fuffering, to tell his Superiors why he dare not con- 
form,, when he is by them importuned to it? And to write a 
Confutation of a multitude of Volumns of falfe Accufations 
hroughtto juftifie the Executions ? 

§4. If you think you have proved all thofe Impofitions fin- 
lefs which I have mentioned in my firft Plea for Peace 3 I think 
you might as well havefhortfy faid, [We Bijkop art of fo much 
Wifdbm and Authority, that you muft hold them lawful^ became we 
Jay fo<2 And muftall be ruined that would not be fo convinced ? 
But if any of thofe Impofitions prove to be fin^ and fo great fin 
as we cannot chufe but think they are., is it a greater fault to. 
name them (when importuned^ than to impofe them? And a 
greater fault to feel, and fay we feel, than to ftrike or wound 
men I 

If we had taken it to be our Duty to have called thofe Cler- 
gy-Men to Repentance , which we think are ignorantly undo- 
ing therafelves and the Land 3 how fhould we do it without 


naming their Sin ? Yea, and the greatnefs of it ? And if we 
think it our Duty to deprecate our Deftru&ion, and beg of you 
to fpare our Lives or Conferences, how can we do it without 
telling what we fuffer? If it be well done of you, and be bo per- 
fection, but your Duty for the Churches good, (as no doubt 
the Executioners think) the Hrilory is your praife, and ycu need 
not extenuate the Fad: Valiant Souldiers glory in the multi- 
tudes they kill: Had you filenced the other 7000 that conform- 
ed, when you filenced but 2000, your Viclory had been the 
more famous. Some think thofe that are here againft your ways, 
are not half the Land 5 were it murdering of one man, that ano- 
ther is judged for, it were not unpeaceablenefs to fay, that he 
deferveth to be hanged : But the judge deferveth praife if he 
condemn an hundred fuch. But when thofe men who fhould be 
the tendered Peace^ makers, and skilfulleft therein, dial) be the 
men that bring fuch a Land as this into the Cafe that we are in, 
and will not be intreated., nor by any Experience be perfuaded 
toconfent to its Relief, I know not how to (hew mercy to the 
Land or them, bet by perfuading them to repent. Anil if all fin 
were made a matter of Controverfie, and many learned men 
were for it, this would not alter the Cafe with me. If I may 
compare great things with fmall, who finned more ? The Irifh- 
for murdering iooooo 3 or Sir John Temple, Dr. Henry Jones, the 
E.of Or*7,for recording and reporting what they did?Was it the 
fin of the Savoyards and others to kill and mine the Prqteftanrs in 
Piedmont f Or of Perrin, and Sir Sam.Mo or eland to write the ftp- 
ry I Did Thuanuj, Davilah, &c. fin in recording the French 
Maflacre? Or the French in doing it. ? Is it the French Prote- 
ftants now that are criminal for defcribing and complaining of 
their Sufferings ? Was John Foxe the Malefactor for writing the 
Sufferings of the Proteftants under a lawful Queen? This day 
came out (Mar. 10.) a Narrative from Bnftol how they are 
crowded in the Gaol on the cold ground, dx Is the Report the 
Crime t Do you find a Juftification in humane nature of fuch 
terms as thefe, [You jhall fuffer whatever we will inflitl on you , 
but fljJtl not tell any that you are hurt, or who did it, or why ? J 

§ y. I have told the World fo often over and over, that it is 
not ail the Conformifts, no nor all the Bifhops that I impute our 
Sufferings to, that I muft fuppofe you to underftand it, fpeciaJly 
when the Prefatory Epiftle of the Book which you fall upon . 



-tells it you of many Bifhops by name; Therefore when />. 68. 
you fay 5 £ / apply to you more than once, i Thef. 2. I j. they 
pleafe not God, &c. ] and add, [ / believe in my Conference he is 
miftaken.l Either by [to t§i] you mean, all theuConformifts or 
Bifhops, and that is not true, as the words tell you : Or you 
mean, [Vs that procured or own, and execute the aforefaid filencing, 
fflifting ABsi ] which your words feem to mean. Aritf then I 
do but fay, Oh I What may temptation bring even good mens 
Judgment to ? Is the filencing of 2000, the affli&ing of many 
times more of the Laity, the Jealoufies, Diftra&ions, and Dan- 
gers of this Land 5 fo fmall a matter, or fo good, that God is not 
difpleafed with it t And can you myour Conscience own what the 
Bifhops did towards it ? No wonder then if Ceremonies be cal- 
led things Indifferent. Certainly this cannot be Indifferent ? Ic is a 
moft meritorious or excellent work, or elfe a heinoiu Crime : It is 
either fuch a Cure as the cutting off a Cancerous Breaft, or elfe 
if it be a fin, it muft be as great as contributing to the endanger- 
ing of as many fcore Thoufand Souls as 2000 Miniftcfs were 
likely to have helpt to fave, and to the corrupting of the Church* 
and the Introduction of Popery, And few Chriftians think that 
Nathan finned by unpeaceablenefs more than David by Murder 
and Adultery, though but once 3 or Samuel more than Saul-, or 
the Prophet that reproved him more than Jeroboam ; or Chrift 
Mattk z$. more than the Pharifees ? yea 3 or than Peter, Mat, 
16. when he faid , Get behind me Satan , thou favour efi not 
the things that be of God-, or Paul more than Peter, Gal 2. or 
than the Jewifh Teachers, whom he called the Concifion & Dogs ; 
or John than Diotrephes, &c. 

Guilt is tender, and they that think God is of their Mind 
when he is filenr, PfaL 50.21. will think men fhould be fo too; 
And man dare not bid defiance to God, and openly proclaim a 
War agaisift him, and therefore hath no way to fin in peace, but 
by a conceited bringing the Mind and Law of God to his. What 
fin is there that Learned Men father not on God: And then they 
muft bepraifed ancj not reproved , and then it's worle than un- 
peaceable to aggravate that which they fay God ownetb 5 fucft 
men as I, would think it fcarce crediblegthat the Spanijh Inquifi- 
tion, the French MafTacre, the Powder- Plot, the Murder of 
200000 in Ireland, the Perjuring of a Nation, the filencing of 
Thoufands of faithful Minifters 3 fhould have one word of Jufti- 



fication ever rpoken for it. But we are miftaken: No doubt men 
can write learned Volumes to defend any of thefe $ and if one 
do but fay, They pleafe not God, men may be found that can fay, 
£/ believe in my Confidence that yon are mifiaken, and fipeal^ un- 
peaceably: God is pleafed with it all7\ Sure the day of Judgment 
will be much to juftifie God himftlf, who is thus flandered as the 
Friend of every mans Sin. What wonder is it if there be nume- 
rous Religions in the World, when every felfifh man maketha 
God and a Religion of his own, fitted to his Intereft and Mind ? 
But when all men center onely in one God , and bring th^ir 
Minds to his, and not conceitedly his to theirs, we may yet be 

And if we could make men know, that Godis net forthtm, and 
accepteth not of a Sacrifice of Innocent Blood, however men 
think that they do him good Service, yet they would not have 
this known : It's long fince unhumbled Sinners turned Chorch- 
Confefiion into Auricular 5 If 'Saul do fay at laft, / have finned, he 
would vet be honoured before the People. But the time is near 
when thofe that honour God he will honour, and thofe that de- 
fpife him (hall be lightly efteemed. 

Few men living can eafier bear with others for different forms 
and Ceremonies than 1$ but I take not the filencing and ruining 
of 2030 Minifters for Ceremonies/were that the worftof ir) to 
be a Ceremony. 

§ 6. Pag,. 69. You fay, We are not all of one mind yet: A fad- 
word'from a Bifhop. Do you think that any two Men on Earth 
are of one mind in all things? Were thofe agreed whom Paul 
perfuadetb, Rom. 14. to receive each other, but not to doubtful 
Difputations, and not to judge or defipifi each other, (much lefs 
to filence, imprifon, and deftroy.) We are agreed in all that is 
conftitutive of Chriftianity 3 and agreed that all Chriftians fhould 
Jove others as themfelves , and do as they would be done 
by. I confefs if you have fuch eminent Self-denial, as to be wil- 
jing, if ever you differ from the publick Impoficions, about the 
lawfulnefs of any one thing, to be not only caft out of your Lord- 
fhip and Bifhoprick, but to be filenced, imprifoned and deftroy- 
ed, I cannot accufe you of Partiality but of Err our. I have 
known too many Conformifts who needed no Bilhop to filence 
them, (they never preached. ) But that will not juftifle their 
defires that others be filenced. 

I have 


I have eft enough told you in how many thing* the Cotl- 
for milts are difagreed: I now fay the Bifhops rhemfelves are 
not agreed of the very Species of the Church of England: To fay 
nothing of their difagreement of the Conftitutive, national Head 
or Governor j they are not agreeJ 5 whether it be only apart of 
an miverfal, humane, political Church, fzbjett to an univerfal hu- 
mane ftipretm Power, who hath the right of Leg; flit ion and judg- 
ment over 1 hsm 3 or whether it be a compleat national Church of it 
fe!f y a part only of the univerfal as Headed by Chrift, but not as 
by Man, or as humane Politie 5 having no foreign Governour* 
Monarchical or Ariftocraticaf, (Tope or Council.^ 

Overdoing is illdoing and undoi g. He that would make fuch a 
Law of Goncord, as that none fhall live out of Prifon who arc 
not of the fame Age, Complexion, Appetite, and Opinion, would 
depofe the King, by leaving him no Subjects. Thelnquifition is 
fet up in Love of Unity: But we know that we fhall differ 
while we know but in part: Only the perfect World hath per- 
fect Goncord. I greatly rejoice in that Concord which is a- 
mong all that truly love God. They love one another, and agree 
in all that is neceffary to Salvation : The Church of the Con- 
formifts is all agreed for Croffing and the Surplice , and for the 
Jmpofed Oaths,FrofeJfions and Covenants: Oh that all our Parifhi- 
oners who plead for the Church were agreed that the Gofpel is 
true, and that Chrift is not a Deceiver, and that Man dyeth not 
as Dogs, but hath a Life of future Retribution. 

§7. 1\ 69. Asking, [Were not almoft all the Weftminfter A[~ 
fembly Ep if copal Conformable men when they came thither?'] He 
can fay, [ No 3 not in their hearts, as appeared by their fruits, ]J 
And he cites fome words of thefenfe of the Parliament,^. i%. 

Anf % 1, See here a Bifhop that knew the hearts of hundreds 
of men, whom he never faw, to be contrary to their Profeillon 
and conftant Practice. 

2. And he can prove by their reporting the Parliaments 
words what was thefe Minifters own Judgment. 

3. And he can prove by thofe words in fun. 1643. what wa* 
their Judgment a Year or two before, and is fure that the Scots 
Arguments did not change them. 

4. And he can prove that thofe are noEpifcopalConformifrswho 
are for the ancient Epifcopacy only (defcribcd by Bifhop Vjherf) 


and take the Englifh frame to be only lawful, but not unalter- 
able, or beft. And if really he do take him to be no Epifcopd 
Conformift, who is for enduring any way but their own, it is he 
and not I that gave them fo bad a Character : It is he and not I 
that intimateth, that thofe moderate Conformifts who had ra- 
ther Church-Government were reformed, than fuch Confufion 
made by filencing and hunting Chriftians, are at the Heart no 
Epifcopa) 'Conformifts: Their Hearts I confefs much differ from 
the Silencers and Hunters. 

§ 8. He maketh me a falfe Hiftorian for fixing the War on the 
Eraftian Party in Varliamtnt. Anf Did I lay it only on the 
Eraftiansf Have I not undeniably proved that the War here be- 
gan between two Epifcopal Parties ? Of which one part were 
of A. Bp. Abbots, Mr. Hookers, and the generality of the Bi- 
fhops and Parliaments mind, and the other of Bp. Lauds, Sib- 
thorps 3 Mayntvarings , Heyhns , A. Bp. Bromhalls , Sec. mind: 
And the firft fort fome of them thought Epifcopacy fure Divtno -, 
but the Englifh Frame not unreformable : And the other fort 
thought it was but fure humano, and thefe were called by fome 
Eraftians. Let him give me leave to produce my Hiftorical 
proofs, even to fingle men by name, that the EngUJh War be- 
gan between thefe two Parties, and I defie all his falfe Contra- 
diction : Only fuppofing, i. That I fpeak not of the King, nor 
of the War in Ireland or Scotland. 2. That I grant that the 
Nonconformifts were moft for the Parliament, and the Papifts 
moft againft them. 

But when I have faid fo much to Mr. Hinkley already to prove 
this, did this Lord Bifhop think to be believed without confu- 
ting it ? 

§ 9. But it tranfeendeth all bounds of Hiftorical credibility, 
that he anfwereth this by faying, [He and all his Abettors muft 
know the Catalogues of that Parliament, and I htat Affembly are ft ill 
in our hands, the Copies of their Speeches, and journals of their 
Fotes, &c. ] Anf They are fo to the Shame of fuch Hiftorians. 
You have many of them in Whit he kj Memorials 5 1 knew fo great 
a number my felf of the Parliament, Affembly, and Army, as 
makes me piety the Ignorant World, which is abulcd by fuch 
Hiftorian? as yon and yours. 

§ 10. As for your affuring me that joh Icok^ nnd day to aufver- 
for all joh fay, it minds me of the words of your Dr. slflu 

G g CI 


Chaplain to the Duke of Ormond, who (as going to the Bar o f 
God) undertakes to prove, that it is through Vnde and Covetoufnefs 
that we conform not. The Inquifitors alfo believe a day of Judg- 
ment. And what is it that fome men do not confidently afcribe 
to the moft holy God ? 

§n. Your praifes of me are above my defert : I am worfe 
than you are aware of: But mens fins againftChriits Church and 
Servants in England, Scotland, and Ireland are never the lefs for 

§ 12. You fhew us that you are deceived before you deceive: 
You do but lead others into the way of falfhood which you were 
led into your felf, when you fay 3 1 am \_faid to have afferted 9 
that a man might live without any aclual Sm.~\ A Lord Bifhop 
(Morley p. 13.) told it you, and you a Lord Bifhop tell it others, 
and thus the poor World hath been long ufed 5 fo that of fuch 
Hiftorians men at laft may grow to take it for a valid Confe- 
quence, {It is written by them : Ergo it is incredible."] I tell you 
firft in general, that I have ieen few Books in all my Life, which 
in fo few Sheets have fo many Falihoods ^matters of Faftdone 
before many., as that Letter of Bifhop Morleft^ which upon 
your Provocation I would manifeft, by Printing my Anlwer to 
iiirn 3 were it not for the charges of the Prefs. 

2, And as to your Inftance, the cafe was this ; Dr, Lany im- 
pertinently talkt of our being juflified only by the All of Faith, 
and not the Habit : Iaskt him whether wc are un/uftified in our 
fleepf which led us further, and occafioned me to fay to fome 
Objection of his, that men were not always doing moral Afls good 
or evil : and thence^ {that a man is not always acluady finning 3 
viz. In amans fleep, he may live Jometimes and not aBually fin-, 
as alfo tn an Apoplexy and other lofs of Re aj on.~] Hence the cre- 
dible Bifhop Morley printed that I faid, A man may live without 
any aclual Sin: Yea, and fuch other Reafons are given for his 
forbidding me to preach the Gofpel. And now another pious L. 
ftp. going to anfwer it at Judgment, publifheth it as from him. O 
what a World is this, and by what hands are we can: down ? Is 
my Affertion falfe or doubtful ? Dr. Bates and Dr. facombc 
who were prefent are yet both living. By fuch men and means 
is the Church as it is : Arife O Lord and fave it from them. 

§ 13. You tell me, as Bp. Morley, of being the top of a f aft i- 
cu of my own making, neither Epifcapal, Presbyterian, Indepen- 

dene, or trajttan. uinj. so, to oe agamii an faction is to be 
the top of a Faction : I am neither anArian 5 nor a Sabellian,nor an 
Apollinarian, nor a Macedonian, nor a Neitorian, or Eutychian, 
or Monothelite, or a Papift, &c. Conclude ergo I am the top of 
a new Herefie, and filence and imprifon me for it, and your Di- 
ocefane Conformity will be paft all fufpicion ("even at the heart.) 
But you will one day know 5 that to be againft all Faction, and yet 
to bear with the Infirmities of the weak, and love all Chriftians 
as fticb, is a way that had a better Author. 

§ 14. P. 73,74. As to your extolled Friend a Nonconformfl; 
who you fay, told you that [ / am not able to bear being gainfaid 
in any thing, for want of Academic^ DifpHtes> 6Vc. 

^4nf 1. Was your great Friend (o excellent a man, and was 
it a good work to filence him, with which in your Confcience 
you think God ispleafed? 

2. Now you name him not, he cannot contradict you: Mr. 
Bagjhavo faid'fbmthing like it of Mr. Herle, Prolocutor of the 
Aflemblie , which his Acquaintance contradict. 

3. Ijuftifie not my Patience; it is too little: But verily if you 
had filenced me alone, and Gods Church and Thoufands of Souls 
had been fpared, I think you had never heard me twice com- 
plain. Judge you whether I can endure to be gafnfaid, when I 
think there are Forty Books written againft me by Infidels, So- 
cinians, Papifts, Prelatifts, Quakers, Seekers, Antinomians, 
Anabaptifts, Sabbatarians, Separatifts, and fome Presbyterians, 
Independents, Eraftians, Politicians, &c. which for the far great- 
eft part I never anfwered, though fome of them written by Pre- 
latifts and Papifts have fpoken fire and Sword : Nor to my Re- 
membrance did any or all thefe Books by troubling me ever 
break one hour of my fleep, nor ever grieve mefo much as my 
own fin and pain (which yet was never extream) have grieved 
tne one day. Alas Sir! How light a thing is the contradiction 
or reproach of man who U fpeaking and dying almoft at once? 

§ 15. P. 7j. As to my Political Aphorifms I have oft told 
you I wifh they had never been written : But all in them is not 
wrong which Bifhops are againft. The firft paffage challenged by 
your Bifhop Morlej is , My calling a pretence to unlimited Mo- 
narchy by the name of Tyranny ^ adding niy reafon, becaufe they are 
limited by God who is over all, Minifters were never under Turks 
thought worthy of punifliment for fuch an Affertion: But Bi- 

G g 2 fhop 

mop Money is no lurk. It Monarchs be not limited by God, 
they may command all their Subjects to deny God,or btafpheme 
him, to take Perjury, Murder, and Adultery, for Duties: 
and they are unwife if ever they will be fick^ die , or come to 

§ 1 6. You fay, [ Cc / was told by a Reverend Prelate, that at 
" the Conference at the Savoy, Mr. Baxter being demanded what 
" would [at isfie him, replied, All or Nothing : On this I refletled 
Cl on what that grave Divine told me."] 

Anf. Alas good man! if for all other your hiftorical notices 
you are fain into fuch hands, what a mafs of Untruths is in 
your Brain ? But why will you difhonour Reverend Prelates fo 
much as to father them on fuch . ? I never heard the queftion put 
[What will fat ts fie you ^ nor any fuch anfweras All or Nothing: 
When the King commifFioned us to treat of fuch Alterations as 
were neceffary to tender Conferences, the Bifhops, i. Would not 
treat till we would give them in writing all that we blamed in the 
Liturgy, and all the Alterations we would have, and all the addi- 
tional Forms we defired. 2. When thusconftrained_, we offered 
thefe on fuppofition, that on Debate much of it would be de- 
nied us 3 or altered $ but they would not vouchfafe us any De- 
bate on what we offered 5 nor a word againft our additional Forms, 
Reply, or Petition for Peace, jw To the laft hour they maintain- 
ed, that No alteration at all was neceffary to tender Conferences J\ 
And fo they ended, and the Convocation doubled and trebled 
our Burden, and the Bifhops in Parliament together. 

Once B\(hop^CouJtns defired us to lay by Inconveniences^ and 
name only wha't we took for downright Sin, I gave him a Paper 
defcribing Eight fuch \ We did but begin to debate one of them, 
(Cafking fuch from the Communion of Ch'ifis Church that dare not 
take the Sacrament kneeling, though they bemifiaken) and our time 

Dr. Pierce undertook to prove it a Mercy to them to deny 
' them the Sacramentj and he made a motion to me, that. he 
and I might go about the Land to preach men into fatisfa.cYion 
and Conformity : I asked him how I could do that when they 
intended to filence me f For though I fcrupled not kneeling at 
the Sacrament, if they made any one Sin the condition of my 
Miniftry, I mould be filenced, though they abated all the rein 
It may. be. this went for S^All or Nothing.^ And I am forry that 


the Bilhops be not ot tne lame mind : bt. fames was, tnat ttud» 
He that breahth one is guijty of all : And Chrift was, who faid, 
Me that breaketh one. of the leaft of thefc commands, and t sachet h 
men fo, /ball be called leaft it} the Kingdom of God. 

So that it was not All Inconveniences, but All flat Sins that 
we craved in vain to have been exempted from : Much lets was 
it the Eftablijhment of all that we propofed to have been treat* 
ed of, openly profefTing our felves ready to alter any thing amifs 
or needlefs upon treaty., and fuppofing there would be many 
fuch words: But they would not touch our offered additions , . 
nor entertain any treaty about them. 

And now pitty your (elf who have been drawn to believe fuch 
Reverend Prelates as you fay, and pitty -fuch as your Writings 
will deceive. 

§ 17. That you take it to be contrary to a Chriftian temper 
to be fenfible of the Sufferings of the Church, and to name and 
defcribethefin that caufeth them, and that but in a neceffitated 
Apology for the Sufferers^ is no wonder, the Reafons and your 
Anfwer I gave you before § 4. and 5*. I think ir no breach of 
Peace with Perfecutors or Silencers, to tell them what they do$ 
efpecially when the Sufferers are feigned to deferve ic all $ and 
not to fin and that deliberately, is made a fin deserving. all that 
we fuffer and the Nation by ir. 

§ 18. But />. 77. tells us yet more whence your Errours 
come, even by believing falfe Reports., and then reporting whae 
you believe. You fay , [ Some People have talked of a Combina* 
tion orVaii amongft tbemfelves, that except they might have their 
own Will throughout , they would make the World know whata.breac& 
■they could make* and how confiderable they were. ] 

Anf. 1. Do you not think that Rogers^ Bradford, Vhilpt % 
and the reft, did fo in Qui. Maries days, and that ic was they 
that made the Breach by being burnt? What is it that fuch Hi- 
ftorians may not fay ? So Luther was taught by the DevU^Bucer 
was killed by the Devil, fo was QecUmpadiw, Calvin was a frig- 
matized Sodomite, and what not: And even the rn oft publick 
things are yet uncertain before our Eyes : Godfrey killed him- 
felf: The Papifts had.no Plot: The Presbyterians have a PIqe 
sgainftthe King: The Nonconforming filenced themfelves: An I 
did not the Citizens of London barn their own Houfes ?• When 
you that area Bifhop cite other great Bifhops for fuch things as 

ysu do, may it not come in time to oe trie taitto $j tnt Lbur*^ 
and thence to be necejfary to all. 

2. EJut how do ycu think all thefe that werefcattered aH over 
England, and knew not one another by name or Dwelling, fhould 
fo confederate ? 

3. Do but think of it as a man. There were Nine orTenThou- 
fand Minifters that had conformed to the Parliaments way in 
pofleflion: They were all to conform or be caft out. The Book 
and Ad of Uniformity came not out of thePrefs till about that very 
day Aug* 24. Neither Conformifts, nor ( afterj Nonconforming 
could fee it, but thofe in or near London : What time was theif 
to tell them all over England in one day ? How knew we who 
would conform and who would not 3 when NineThoufand were 
equally in PoiTeffion ? If we had written to them all, would not 
One Thoufand of our Letters have detected it? Or at leaft 
fome of thofe that conformed, with whom we prevailed not? 

4. What was it that moved them all to this Confederacy? 
To fufferRuine in the World? To make tbemfelves confiderable 
you fay, andjhew what a Breach they could make . ? And for what ? 
Vnlefs they might have alt their own Wills ? And what was their 
Will f Was it to be Lord Bifhops ? Or domineer over any ? Or 
to get great Benefices . ? I think no high- way Robbers do any 
Villanies meerly to fhew what mifchief they can do, much left 
ruine themfelves to fhew that they can do Mifchief by Suffering. 
Some fuch thing is faid of fome odd Circumcellians that they 
killed themfelves «to make others thought their Perfecutors: 
But Perfecution was more hated then than now. Did the former 
Life and Do&rine of thefe Two Thoufand men fignifie a Spirit 
fo much worfe than the reft ? 

5. And do you think that the other Seven Thoufand or Eight 
Thoufand that conformed did confederate beforehand to con- 
form ? How could they do it who declared AfTent and Content to 
every thing contained and prefcribed in and by the Book which 
they never faw, unleft they confederated at a venture, to do 
whatever was impofed . ? And if Seven Thoufand could agree 
without confederating, why not Two Thoufand ? I could not 
then have my Poft Letters pafs without Interception: And it's 
a wonder that no Letter of this Confederacy was taken. 

And Tie tell (not you, but thofe that believe me ) how far 
We were from it. When we were all caft out and fome new mo- 

tion was made for our fervice, one weak man moved here, that- 
we might draw up a contenting Judgment to how much we 
could yield, that we might not differ. Ianfwcred that it was not 
our bufinefs to make a Faction, or to ftrengthen a Party 5 nor 
were we all of one judgment about every Ceremony, and therefore 
no man muft go againft his judgment for a Combination with 
the reft : If they would abate but fo much as any one mansCon- 
fcience would be fatisfied in, that one man muft ferve the Church 
accordingly. And if any were taken in,, the reft would rejoyce.] 
This Anfwer filenced that motion, and I never heard any move 
it more : And I am fully affured there was never fuch a Com- 

But with this exception : How far any thought the Covenant 
bound them againft our Prelacy I cannot tell, Thofe that I con- 
vers'd with faid, it bound them to no more than they were 
bound to before. But I confefs we did all confederate in our 
Baptifm, againft willful fin: And I know of no other Confedera- 
cies bue thefe : which indeed was enough to make all men for- 
bear what they judged to be finful. 

§ 19, You add, £" But jet it is not fair to over-reckon know-- 
" ingly, and in ordinary courfe Two Hundred in the fum, as Mr. 
u Baxter and others do, p. ly^ 210. thereby to fwell the ac- 
" count to the greater odium, by complaining roundly Two Thou- 
" fand : This I muft conclude to be done knowingly , for femtimes 
" he only mentions One Thou fand Eight Hundred^ p. iy i ? Src. ] 

Anf I am perfuaded that it is not knowingly that you fpeak 
fo much befides the truth ; but for want of knowing what and 
whom you talk of. I never medled with gathering the number, 
Mr, Calamy did, and (hewed us a Lift of 1800, upon which I 
long mentioned no more, and feldom faw him afterward : But 
Mr. Ennis who was more with him, afTuring me that they had 
after an account of at leaft 200 more, who were omitted; L 
fometime to fpeak the leaft mention the 1800, and fometime 
fay about 2000, and by his laft account that was the leaft. Yet 
with a Lord Blfhop that knoweth nothing of all this, I fyomng- 
ly over-reckon : But if God be pleafed with their filencing^ why do- 
you take this ill ? 

§ 20. The next and great Accufation is my extenuating theB;~ 
Jhops Clemency, and aggravating our Sufferings, and that againft 
tny Qonfcience I impute to the BijKops that bloodinefs which they ne- 


iwr intended but abhcr. -And he will not believe what I fay oftht 
death of any by Imprisonment or want. 

An[, The good Lady that pittied the Beggars when (he came 
in out of the Froft and Snow, when (he had warmed her felf, 
chid them away, and fa id., k was warm enough. I could name 
•you thofe in London, that travelled out of the North in great 
want, and took up with fuch cold Lodgings here in great want 
of all things, that they were paft cure before their mifery was 
known. How many poor Quakers have dyed in Priforfmany 
know : It's like you never heard of the death of Mr. Field, a 
worthy Minifter, in the Gate-heufe-, nor of Mr. Thompfon in the 
noifome Prifon at Briftol, nor of Reverend Mr. Hughes of Pli- 
mouth's Death, caufed by his Prifon ficknefs $ perhaps you ne- ' 
ver read the Life, Sufferings, and Deaih of excellent fofeph Al- 
len of Taunton : I will not be the gatherer of a larger Catalogue, 
But I believe fome others will. But thefeyou know not of, 

§ 2i< The words in my Book which I fpeak argumentatively, 
(hewing clearly whither their caufe will lead them, if they truft 
to bring us to Unity by force, you unworthily feign that I fpeak 
^as accufing the Bifhops Inclinations. My Argument was', If you 
think by violence to eff eft your ends, it ma ft be either by changing 
mfns judgments, or by forcing them as Hypocrites to go againft 
1 heir judgment s 9 or elfe by utter deftroying them till there are no 
Diffenters: But none of theft three ways will do it : Ergo Violence will 
not do it. 1. I prove that force will not change their Judgments. 
2. I prove they are fuch men as will rather fuffer death than 
fin againfr their Confciences 5 and fo lefs Sufferings which cure 
not do but exafperate the Difeafe. 3. I prove that if, when 
lefs doth no good, you would deftroy them, that would notdo 
your work but crofs it. And doth this fignifie that I charge the 
Bifhops with bloody purpofes? They openly tell us that it's pu- 
<Kifhing us that muft bring us to Concord. I tell them, Lejfer will 
not do it, andgreater will but hurt themfelves* A man would think 
that I hereby rather infer that Bifhops will not be bloody, than 
that they will, when I argue ab incommodo. Truly Sir, I fee no- 
thing in your Book which tempted me to lament, that I mift 
the happinefs of your Academical Education or Difputes: Nor 
do I -envy thofe that now enjoy it. God fave his Church from 
♦the worfer part of them. 

§ 2i . You fay, p. 79, You muft needs loc\on my aggravating 


tnyown and the Diff enters Sufferings bejond Truth, jou are fure be- 
yond Probability, to have proceeded from want of temper. As for 
faying that fome have lived on brown Bread and Water. 

Anf. I find (till that our difference lieth in matter of Faft, 
done in the open fight of the World : And if it were whether 
we are EngU/h- men, I have no hope of ending it ! O what is Hi- 
ftory ! My own Sufferings by them are very -final!, fave the 
hindering of my Labour: Leave to work is all the Preferment 
that ever Idefired of them : What I have had hath been againft 
their Wills, who have called out for my greater reftraint. God 
hath enabled me by the Charity of others to fend fome fma!I re- 
lief to a few of thofe whofe Cafe he will not believe. Some of 
them have Seven or Eight Children, and nothing at all of their 
own to maintain them, and live in Countries where fcarce two 
Gentlemen of Eftates within their reach do befriend them 5 and 
the People are generally poor; and many of thefe have none to 
preach to, being not permitted , And when they attempted to 
meet with fome few fecretly, to fail and pray in fome cafe of 
need, have had their few Goods carryed away by Diftrefs, 
Good Alderman AJhhttrft, now with Chrift, took care of many, 
and hath (hewed me Letters and Certificates of undoubted cre- 
dit,, in the very words which 1 named. One is now near us, that 
was put to get his Living by Spinning. Mr. Chadwick^ was the 
laft of whom I read thofe words in a juft certificate, that he and 
his Children had long lived on meer brown Rye Bread and Wa- 
ter. It is now above'a dozen Years fince Dr. l r ermnxden told me 
that Mr. Matthew Hill was his Patient, with Hydropical fvvelPd 
Legs, with drinking Water and ufmg anfwerable Food through 
meer Poverty : But God turned it to good ; for necefTity drove 
him (when a little ftrengthened) to Mtry-Land, where he hath 
been almoft the only able Minifter they have. We that know 
them our felves, and beg Moaey to relieve them, are fuppofed 
to be Lyars: for telling that which all their Neighbours know. 
Through Gods Mercy few in London fuffer fo much, (though di- 
vers are in great (freights.,) But greet numbers in the Countrys 
who live among the poor, had not fome of them now and then a 
little Relief from London, were like to beg for Bread, or fall in- 
to mortal Difeafes by Food unfit for Nature. Even in London 
they that knew Mr. 'Farnworth, Mr. Spmage, and fome others, 
and how they lived and dyed, underftand me, Tie name Mr, Mar- 

H h tin 

*I>iad tin formerly of IVeedon, * very poor in London, to tell you of 
pneitbt y 0Ur impartiality; though he loft one Arm in the Kings Army^ 

rf'tbtif ** e ^ ac ^ noc a ^ a ^ atec ^ ^im * n J^nricJ^Gaol for preaching. 

; § 12. As to his repeating all my mention of their dealings, 

and my blaming the Bifhops at the Savoy for our pre Tent dhrifi- 
ons, and my aggravating the evils which Violence will produce 
if they truft to that way, I judge it all nectifary to be fpoken; 
Unknown fin will not be repented of nor forborn 5 nor unknown 
danger prevented 5 nor the unknown needs of the Peoples Souls 

He asketh, Is this the way to be at Teace with m ? I anfwer, 
There is no other way : What Peace can we have with them 
that think they are bound to filence us, and keep us fix Months 
in Gaol for every Sermon, and fo on for the next, and for the 
nextf Or to pay 40 /. a Sermon, and to banifh us five Miles 
from Corporations, andmuft not be told of any fuch thing? He 
was not unpeaceable that (aid, He that feeth his Brother have 
need and fhutteth up the Bowels of Companion from him, how dwel- 
leth the Love of God in him? Nor for faying, He that hateth his 
Brother is a Murtherer: Nor Chrift for telling us how he will 
judge them that did not relieve and vifit him in his little ones 3 
and how he will ufe him that beat his Fellow-Servants. It is 
with you and not with your fins that we would have peace. 
Not only MaJfoniusan& Platina, but even Genebrard, and Baro- 
nim fpeak far fharplier of the faults of many Popes themfelves, 
and all Hiftoriansof their Prelates, and yet are taken to be 
peaceable men. Either thofe that I mentioned will repent here 
or hereafter, and then will fay far worfe of themfelves than I do , 
And may I not foretel it them, when it is but in neceffnated 
deprecation of the miferiesof fhe Land ? 

§ 23. One of their Champions wrote that he was not bound 
to deny his own Liberty, becaufe ot hers would pievijloly take fcandal 
at it. I (hewed the finfulnefs of that Conclufion, and that a 
mans Liberty often lay in as fmall a matter as a game at Chefs, 
a Pipe of Tobacco, or a Cup of Sack: andmoft fcanda! is taken 
by pievifh perfons : and yet even a pievifh mans Soul is not to 
be fet as light by as fuch things. Chrift and Paul made more of 
Scandal : And this very arguing of mine is numbred with my 
unpeaceable difrempered words. 
5 24. As to his talk abcuc our Controverfies of paffages in 


Conformity, be confefTeth that he hath not ,read my Plea for 
feace^ in which I have partly opened them: And much lefs 
what I have (aid fince of them to divers others; and I confels 
I have neither mind or leifure to fay all over again in Print, up- 
on the occafions of fuch words as hi?, which have been oft an- 

§25. I named the Martyr-Bifhops Hooper, Ridley, &c. as 
Nonconformifts to the Laws of their Persecutors, to fhew 
that fuch Sufferers leave a fweeter name than their Per- 
fecutors 5 and he feigneth me to have made them Nonconfor- 
mifts to our Laws, and faith, [Ingenuity and Chriftian Veracity 
would blujh to own this Art.] Thus It ill falfe Hiftory is that which 
aflaulteth us. 

But I humbly ask his Lordfhip, 1. Whether he think that 
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were more for Conformity than 
fewel, Bil[on, and Hooker, and Abbot ? And 2. Whether he 
will fo far reproach thefe men as to fay, that fewel, Bilfon, and 
Hooker would have conformed by approving that which they 
moft exprelly wrote againft l I have oft enough tranferibed their 

§ 26. To fhew that iince my expulfion I drew not the People 
of Kiderminfter from the Bifhops, I faid that I [never fine ~e came 
near them , tor except very rarely fent them one Line; which he 
pretends I contradict, by faying, 1 fent them all the Books I wrote. 
One might have found hiflorical errours enough in his words 
without a Rack or Quibble. 1. Sure Books are fomwhatrare- 
lier written than Letters. 2. An ordinary Wit would have un- 
derftood that I fpoke of one Line of Manufcript, or one Letter, 
and not of Printed Books, I delivered them to Mr Simmons, or 
their Neighbours to fend them without Letters. And few of 
thofe Books were written before this Apology. 

§ 27. As a Self-contrad idler he faith of me, [omtime I am 
againft all Subfcribing, as P. 60, 113. ccc. and fometimes not. 

An[ Still untruth! P. 60. The words are [If men were not 
driven fo much to [nbferibe and [wear as they are at this day. ] 
Reader, is it true that this is againft All Subscribing ? 

Pag. 113. The words are, [// we had learned the tricky *f 
f peaking, writing, a\d [wearing m univerfal terms, and meaning 
not wwerfally but. particularly, as many do , we could [ay, or fit b- 
fcribe, orfwear as jar as you defire us.~\ And [ Take off the penalty 

H'h 2 

oj jut>jcrit?wg, aeaartng. crojjwg, occ. wnaj gooa aotfi juojcrwing 
a Sentence which he believeth not ? ] Is this againfi Ml Subfcri- 
bing ? 

§ 28. Whether to profefs our tendemefs of other mens Re- 
putation, and yet to name the nature and aggravations of the 
fin which we fear our felves , when we are importuned to it, be 
contradictory, let the impartial judge. 

§29. P. ?\ Hf faith, as my judgment, [To fubfcribe andde- 
dare, that it is not lawful on any pretence vphatjoever to tal^e Arms 
againfi the King, or that an Unlawful Oath cannot bind men to un- 
lawful ABions, is Per jury, fome of the great efi that Hellfuggefieth."] 
*Anf, Not one true word ? I believe all this to be as he faith r 
Both in my firft and fecond Plea for Peace, I have largly told 
him what it is, and what it is not which I own 5 but he hath 
feen neither, and yet feigneth me to fay or hold what I have fo 
oft renounced. 

§ 30. P. 94. He might have known how oft in Print I have 
retracted the Book called, "the Holy Common-Wealthy wifhing the 
Reader to take it as Non-fcriptum: Yet he faith, [ as far as is 
generally known I have not done it. ] And how ihould I make it 
generally known more than by oft Printing it ? 

§ 31. P. 95-. He pittieth me for calling the Author of the 
friendly Debate, the Debate maker ': And I piety England for fuch 

§ 32. P. 96. Whereas the Convocation hath impofed on all 
Minifters a Profeflion of undoubted certainty of the Salvation of 
dying baptised Infants, without excepting thofe of Atheifts or 
Infidels, I ask whether all the young, unfiudiedfort of Minifters 
have arrived at this certainty any more than I 3 and how they 
came by it? and crave their Communication of the afcertain- 
ing Evidence. And what doth his Lordfhip but pretend that I 
call the Convocation thefc young, unfiudied men, as if they had 
made this Rubrick for none but themfelves? 

§ 33. And he hath found another fault which exceedeth all, 
and that is, the Title and Dedication of my Methods Theologid, 
where I fay, that I dedicate it not to the Jlothful, hafiy^ tired 
Settaries, &c. but tofiudiom, ingenious, humble ^fkz. young men, 
as being the perfons that are above all others born, difpofed, conje" 
craieiio Truth, Holin?fs z and the Churches Pence, &c] Exceed- 
ing bad! 


Will you hear the proof that this is exceffive Pride? i. 

Book, in the fi-ront indirectly and fitly calls the Reader, Jlothpd, r. 
foolijh, 6Vc. Anf Is this true f i. It is only thofe that I would 
not have to be the Readers. Yea, 2. Only thofe that I fay it is 
not dedicated to. 

And do you think there are none fuch in the world f Will not 
his forefaid Debater, and Dr, Parker, and Dr. Sherlock^, and abun - 
dance more , tell you that the Nonconforming are many of 
themfucb, and will you now deny it? If not, ami bound to de- 
dicate my Book to fuch ? By what Obligation ? 

But he faiuh fo volmninom and tmboft a Title will deter the 
Readers. But do you not know the Dedication from the Title, on* 
ly becaufe it is printed on the Title Page ? Is that unufua! ? 

But the odious Arrogance followeth, [Could any thing eafily 
be faid with more (appearance 0/) Arrogance; in the very Tit Is 
Page toojhan that hisBookjs above all others of the fame Subject ,(/ 
know not how otherwife to interpret his fupra omnes, viz.. Metho- 
dus Theologia? Chriftiana?,] &c. framed, difpofed and hallowed 
to the propagation and growth of Helinefs, to the Peace and Ho* 
nour of the Churchy I will now for ever acquit him of hypocritical 

Anf I defire Mr. Morrice to compare this Ld. Bp's Tranfia- 
tion with that overfight of 'The odor et's words which he fafteneth 
on in me. What if I had faid that this Bifhop knoweth not how 
to interpret a plain Latine Sentence,, as he faith it of himfelf7 
That which I moft exprefly fay of pious, ingenious Youth, he feign- 
eth me to fay of my Boot*. Reader^ look on the Book and judge 
whether Methedus, the Nominative Cafe fingular, agree with 
nat&, difpofiu, confecratA 9 the Dative Cafe., when ^uvsntuiii 
Parti fiudiofe, feduU, with many other Datives, went before 
it: There are no lefs than Twelve Adjectives joined to Parti in 
the Dative Cafe, and yet he conftrueth the three laft a agree- 
ing with the very firft Title-name in the Nominative Cafe. And 
is this the way to make me lament my want of his Academical 
Education? Is it any wonder if thefe men prove us Liars aud 
proud, and if they fentence usfcr leffer Crimes ? 

Yea, here he concludeth that I write [fo puvifoly % fj v. r> 
onfly and unconftantly to my j elf, fo blindly^ as if willfully blihdan i 
not penitent of my own guilt, and fo arrogantly, and difdampdly i &c. ] 
You have heard the proof, 

^•54. Pag. 99. He provethmy unpeaceabUnefs from the Pe- 
ru :on for Peace, and Additions to the Liturgy : The Crime here 
IF, \Thtttt not one Office, no not one Prayer of the old Liturgy, and 
is l'tiled A Reformation of the Liturgy, and little more than a Di- 

An[. O miferable World! What cure is there for thy De- 
ceits ? This good man talks as he hath heard, and lb all goes on. 

But 1. he knoweth not it feems what Title our Copy had, 
but judgeth by that which fome body printed. 

2. It feems he knoweth not that this Draught was only offer- 
ed to debate_, expecting abundance of Alterations : We openly 
declared that it was done on fuppofition of obliterating and al- 
tering all that they had any juft exception againft, were it but as 
needlefs. And for the claufes, [Thefe or the like words! we pro- 
felr, that we expected an Obliteration of them, but had rather 
theBiihops did the impofing part, if it muft be done, than we. 

3-He knew not it feems that ours we re offered but as additional 
Forms, that fuch of them as both fides agreed on, might be 
mixt as Alias's with the old Liturgy. And doth his Lordfhip 
then exclaim with reafon, that [Net one Office^ not one Prayer of 
the old was in, when all (after correction) was to be in 3 and none 
left out. Oh what is Hiftoryl and what men are its corrupters ? 

And (that his work may be homogenealj p. 100, 101. having 
recited my Commendation of their Liturgy as better than any 
in the Bibhoth. Patrum, he addeth'as an Accufation, [Yet /\ 2 19. 
he complains of fuch failings in i> 3 that IT IS A WORSHIP 
which we cannot in faith be affured God accepteth.~\ 

Reader, This is one of the leffer fort of deceiving Accufarions. 
I (aid that (among greater fins which we fear in our Conformi- 
ty) we fear leaft by AfTent and Confent to all things contained 
and prefcribed. &c> we fhould be guilty of juftifying all the 
failings in that worfhip, and alfo of offering to God aWorflnp that 
we cannot in faith be affured that he accepteth. This Lord fo word- 
eth it, that the Reader who perufeth not my words would ve- 
rily think that I had frid this of the Liturgy in the fubftance of 
Worfhip there prefcribed , which I faid only as to the things 
xrhich we dare not conform to : And I explained it by faying, 
\\Ve dare no: juftijie the bjl Prayer we pat up to God in all things.'} 
E.g. To dedicate Infants to God without their Parents exprelt 
Dedication , or confent , or their promife co educate them as 



jChriftians, and this upon the falfe covenanting of Godfather*: 
'that never owned them> nor ever mean to educate them as 
promifed, ('as is known byconftant experience, neither they nor 
the Parents intending any fuch truft in the undertakers) and ro 
dedicate them by the facramental Sign of theCrofs, or a badge 
of Chriftianity, and to refufe all that will not be thus baptifed, 
This we fear is a worfhip that God will not accept. But is this 
therefore faid of the fubftance of the Liturgy ? 

And if the Lord Bp. be wifer or bolder than we, and be be- 
yond all fuch fears, mould he not fuflfer Fools gladly, feeing he 
himfelf is wife ? And if he like not our fearing an Oath, Subfcrip- 
tion, Declaration, Covenant, or Practice, which he thinks to be 
true and good, and we think to be falfe and evil, why may he 
not endure our timorouihefs while he may rufh on himfelf and 
venture j mould he not rather pitty us, while ScP**/ faith, He 
that donbteth is damned if he eat, becavfe becateth not in Faith. 

§ 3y. P. ic8. He queftions whether their communion be my- 
practice: and p. no. givethme two friendly Councils, i. To 
perufe my Books, and retract what's amifs. 2. To tell the 
World now my fober Thoughts, what I could and would do were 
I to begin the World again. 

I heartily thank him for bis Counfel, for it is good and honeft, 
But alas,, what a thing is it to write of things which men know 
not! 1. Heknowethnot that I have retracted much already $ 
partly bydifowning, and partly by large Obliterations : Of the 
flrft fort are my Aphor. of Juftification, and my Voht. Aphorifms 
(though not all that's in them.J Of the 2d he may fee many and 
iarge Obliterations in my Saints Reft t my Key for Catbohclrs, &c e . 

2. He feemeth not to know what bloody Books^ to prove me 
one of the worft men living, their Church Advocates have writ- 
ten againft me, fetcht mainly from thefe retracted Books and 
Words. Nor how they that commend Augu^ine^ reproach me 
as mutable for thofe Retractations. 

3. It feemeth he knoweth not that I have already performed 
hisfecond Advice, in my Cvre for Church- Divifions, my Sec 
Plea for Peace , (about Government) Ye3, Bifhop Alorley before 
the King , Lords, and B mops at Worcejhr- bottfe, fpeaking of 
Ceremonies and Forms, caufed my Dif put at ions of Charcb-Gc- 
verntnent, produced and faid, No man hath written better than 
Mr. Baxter, (as if it v/erc .jgainft my feif) And indoctrinate, 

:.ithoL fhetl. and Methcd-a Tbeot. and Cbriflian DireFtoryhiVtcxpref- 
led my maturcit, calmeit thoughts. But hcthatconnfcls rr.e to it^nows 
not that it is already done. And more for Reviling and Retractation I 
would do, ifneceifity did not divert me, even the want of time and 

§ 36. P. 1 1 y. You fay. {That Reverend and great man Bp. Morley tells ut 
\_tbe generality of None on j arming Divines Jbewedthemfelves unwilling to en- 
ter on Difpute, andfeemed to like much better another way, tending to an 

amicable and fair compliance, which was wholly fruftrated by-—— a cer . 

tain perfons furious eagernefs to engage in a Deputation.] This was it feems 
thefnfe of both fides at that time.] 

Anf. How far from Truth ? It was the fenfe and Refolution of the 
reconciling Party, called by them Presbyterians: We all defired no- 
thing but an amicable Treaty— We were promifed by they fhouli 

meet us half way. When we met, Bifliop Sheldon declared the Agree- 
ment of his Party, that till we had brought in all our Exceptions agatnfl 
the Liturgies, aisd our additional Forms , they would hot treat with us. IVIr. 
Calamy, Mr. Claris, and others, would have taken that as a final Refu- 
ial, and meddled no more, left Difpute mould do more harm than good : 
I was againftfuch an untimely end , and faid, They will report that we 
had nothing tofiy : It's better let the cafe befeen in writing, than fo breal^ off. 
The reft wrote the Exceptions about the Liturgies ; ibme Agent of the 
Bifhops anfwered them without the leaft conceflion for alteration at all. 
I wrote a f{eply, and the Additional Forms, and a Petition to the Bifiops, and 
they would treat of never aoneofthem: But at the end, put us to dif- 
pute to prove any Alteration necefjary, they maintaining that none at all 
was neceffary to the ca/e of tender Confciences. (Of which before.) 

§37. I had thought to have proceeded, but truly the work which 
the Bifliop maketh me is lb unpleafant, almoft all about the truth or 
Falihood of notorious matter of Fa<5t, that I have more Patience to bear 
his Accufations ( whatever his learned Friend faid of my impatience) 
than to follow him any further at this rate. But whereas he faith, that 
\_fome will thinly that many things in his Boof^want truth.'] I am one of 
thofe, and leave it to the Readers Judgment whether they judge not tru- 
ly : And whereas he lays fo muchftrefs on Bp. Morley's words, if any 
Printer (hall beat the charge of Printing it, I purpofe while he and the 
Witneeflsare yet alive, to publiflj the Anfwcr to his Letter, which 1 
caft by to avoid Difplcaiure. And if they will ftill be deceived, let them 
be deceived. I cannot help it. 

It is no wonder that hethat is defcribed, JoL 8. 44. mould carry 
on his Kingdom accordingly in the World : But muft his Dial be let 
-on the Steeple of Chrifts Church, and have a confecrated Finger for its 
Index ? O lamentable Cafe ! 





Yet Difcovered in the Primitive Times. 

O R 

A Defence of the Anfwer to Dr. Stilling- 

fleets Allegations out of Antiquity for 

fuch Churches. 


Againfl the Exceptions offered in the Preface to 
a late Treatife called a Vindication of the Pri- 
mitive Church. 


What is further produced out of Scripture and 

Antient Authors for Diocefan Churches is 

alfb Difcuffed* 

. Lift, Vin ; », : 


Printed for Thomas ^Parkhhrfl at the Bible and three Crowns 
at the lower end o£ Cheap-fide near ^Piercers Chappel 1682. / 


■p > %tutt ' 

JL Age 59.1. 4. r. Sirmond. p. 6*7. 1. 35. r. to. p. t<5. r. Euodius. p. 80. 1. ii»r. oqaro- 
rum. p.8£.l. itf.r.Congtegations. p 87. 1.27.r. Bifhops. p. 9$. 1. 7. r Jlcnv-mms, 
p. ult. I. 9. r. tefs. befides mif-acceming fome Greek words, and other mif- pointings; 



Iflenters are accnjed of Schifm by fome of 
this Churchy both thefe and the other are 
branded not only as Schifmaticks, but as 
Hereticks by the Papifts ; who upon this account 
judge its unworthy to live y and had actually dejhoyed 
both together, if God in Mercy had not difco- 
verd their devilifh Plot. The difcovery gave 
them fome interruption, and put them upon an af- 
ter-game 3 to retrieve what had mifcarryed. And 
this was fo to divide m, as that our (elves fbould 
help them in their defign to mine us all, when they 
had lefs hopes to do it alone. In pur fiance hereof 
fuch influence they have had upon too many, as 
to raife in them a greater aver fat ion to DifTenters 
than to Papifts. Thefe the Conlpirators count 
their own, and thinly they may well do fo, fince 

A 6. thpv 

The Preface. 

they are too ready to concurre with them in then 
defign to exterminate thofe, who are true Prote- 
ftants in every point, and differ no more from 
this Church than thofe in France do, who by the 
fame Counfeh are at this time in extreme danger 
to he utterly extirpated. Others are fo far f re- 
tailed with as to mafy ufe of one of the fiarpejl 
weapons they have again]} diffenting Proteflants, 
and that is the charge fl/ochifme, lately renewed 
and re-inforced. 

In thefe hard circumflances, while we do what 
we can againfl the common Enemy, we are put to 
ward off the blows offuch as (notwithstanding 
fomeprefent diflemperj we will count our Friends. 
Amoiigft other expedients, fujficient to fecureusa- 
gainfl this attaque, it was thought not unufeful, to 
anjwer the allegations out of Antiquity, concern- 
ing two pints, wherein only Hoe Antients were 
made nfe of to our 'prejudice, vi^. i. FtfrDioce- 
fan Churches, and then ily. Againfl the Electi- 
on of Bifhops by the people in the primitive 
times. Something was performed and publifloedin 
reference to both thefe in a kite difcourfe. One half 


of which, where the latter is dijcujjed, concerning 
the popular Eledions of Bifliops^ hath yet faffed 
without any exception that I can fee or hear of; yet 
this alone is enough to defend us againfl the of or ef aid 
charge : For thofe who will not makg the primitive 
Church Schifmatical, mutt not condemn any as 
Schifmaticks for declining fetch Biftiops as that 
Church would not own. 

Agamfl the former fart of the Difeourfe, con- 
cerning Diocefan Churches., feme exception hath 
been made, but very little ; a late Author in his 
Preface to a Treatife of another Subjeli, hath touch- 
ed about 5 pages in 40. butfo as he hath done them 
no more harm, than another, who to fend one fault 
therein, runs himfelfinto two or three, about a*<w, 
render d indefinitely according to the mind of the Au- 
thor who ufesit,andthe moft common ufe of it. 

I difyarage not theGenthmmsLearningwhoat- 
taques me in his Preface, he fljews that which, (with 
anfeverable care and Judgment^ might befervice- 
ableiu a caufe that deferves it. But much more than 
hejheivs, would not be enough tofupport what he 
would effablijh. And he might have for bom the vi- 

A 2 lifvin? 

'Vilifying of thofe y who ate haiown to be Mafters 
of mhcb more valueable Learning, than appears in 
cither cf us. The negleB of fome occur atenefs in 
little things, remote from the merits of the caufe, in 
one mho is not at leifurc to catch flies., is no argu- 
ment that he is destitute of Learning 

I complain not of his proceeding with me ; hut 
am obliged by him, that he treats me not with fo 
much contempt as he does others, who lefs deferve 
it. I wijh he had dealt more temperately with M. 
B. it would have been more for his rcputatim, and 
no prejudice to his undertal^n^ ; 0: good caufc, 
when it hath a Sufficient Advocate, does not need 
any undec cut f implements. 

After 1 have cleared my Difcourfe from this- 
Gentleman's exceptions, I thought it not imperti- 
nent to few what in reafon Cannot be counted com- 
petent proofs cfDhcckn Churches;^// if any will 
pnrfne this debate farther, instead of oppofng w, 
they may not beat the Air, and amufe thofe that en- 
quire after truth , with what is infgnifcant. 
PVithal i have given an account of what other alle- 
gations out of Scripture and Antiquity this Author 


The Preface. 

hath brought in other farts of his Treatife for fifth 
Churches ; and jhe&> d that there is no evidence in 
them, at to thepurpofe they are alledgedfor* 

Injhorty I find nothing in this Author, ,or any 
other before him, which mayfatisfe a judkiom and 
impartial man, that in the two nr&AgesofChri* 
Hianity any Bijhop had more than one particular 
Church or Congregation for his proper charge ; <or 
that in the third Age, there was any Bijhop which 
had a Church confiding of more than are in feme one 
of our Farifhes, unlefs it was the Church ,ofR ome 
Cnor is there fuffcient evidence produced for that :J 
Or that ir; the middle of the fourth Age there 
were 4 Churches 3 eacb of which ccmpri fed more than 
comU ajfemhk in one place {though if they had con- 
tained more y t hat might he far enough from making 
them P&cefans \ J Or that afterwards , within the 
time <£ die four firft General Councils, where 
there were fever al Churches belonging to one Bifloop, 
he did exepcife juris diBum over them alone, or only 
by bfflfeJfmd Ms Delegates. It will he ti^ie c- 
nough tow$nre m M Schifmaticks for declining 
Diocefan Churches, when they have made it ap- 


The Preface. 
fear, that there wasfuch, in the bett ages of Chri- 
stianity : (which not appearing, the cenfure falls 
upon the primitive Chrittians, from whom it will 
Aide of Jipon themfelves.J If they will forbear us, 
till this be performed, we need defire no more. Vn- 
lefs we may prevail with thofe who ft 'merely profefs 
themfelves Proteftants, to regard the fecuring 
themfelves and their Religion from the deUruBive 
defgns of the Papifts , more than thofe things 
which are not properly the concern either of Pro- 
tcRantorof Religion. 

As for thofe who prefer the Papifts before Di£ 
{enters, and revile thefe as-worfe, though they differ- 
in no one point of Religion from other true Prote- 
ftants : We need not wonder if we meet with no 
better treatment from them, then from declared Pa- 
pifts; fince by fuch preference they too plainly declare 
r^eProteftant Religion to be worie than Popery., 
in their accountXbe following fheets have lain by me 
many Months, and bad done fo tfill; but that the 
importunity offome, and the mifreprefenting of my 
filence by others, forced me to pnblifh tbem^ 

» •- 

( o 

Diocefan Churches not yet difcovered in 
the Primitive times. 

TO fhew that many Presbyters in one Church 
was not enough to prove it a Dioce/an , I 
I made it manifeft that it was ufual in the anti- 
ent Church, to multiply Presbyters, beyond 
what we count neceffary^ (not. beyond what is neceffary, 
as it is too often mifreprefentedO For this I offer'd two 
Teftimonies, one aflerting it to be fo in the Fir Si <Age, 
the other in the Fourth, and thought thefefufficient, if 
they could not be denied, (as they are not J to evince it 
to have been fo in the Third : For who can reafonably 
fiippofe, but that had place in the Thirds which was 
ulual both in the Ages before and after ? The firft was 
that of Tiifoop Downham, who (ayes, at the firjl Conver- 
ftonof Cities, the number of people converted were not much 
greater than the number of Presbyters placed amongji them. 
hut this, its fayed can be of little uje$ 'becaufe, i. This 
' was not the cafe of the Church of Carthage, it was 
* not a new converted Church, but fetled long before, 
e and in a flourifhing condition. 

The Church of Carthage by the fierce perfections in 
Cyprians time(which is the time we fpeak of) was brought 
fo low, and reduced to fo very few, as if it had been 
but new converted, and how was kin a fetled and flou- 
rifhing condition, when it was fo lamentably wafted, and 
ftill harrafiedone year after another $ or who can be- 

B lievc 


lieve it, that reads Cyprian lamenting , Treffuw jjiittt 
tarn turbidam uaflitatem, qua gregem noUrtim maxima ex 
parte populataeft, adhuc & ujque populatur, and that they 
were po(iti inter plangentium ruinat, et timentium reliquias 
inter numerofam & languentiumflragem, et exiguamftanti- 
nrnpaucitatem .<? ("a) Was not this much the cafe of the 
^Apoflclical Churches, unlefsthis of Carthage was worfe, 
and fo lefs for our Author s advantage ? Or if this were 
otherwife, the Churches in Nazianzens time were not 
newly converted, but Jet led long before, and in a flour 'iflj- 
ing condition 5 which yet cannot be denyed to have had 
more Presbyters than we count needful. So that this 
was the pra&ifein every condition of the Church, whe- 
ther flourishing or not. 

2. c He (ayes, many more Presbyters may be ordain* 
*edin a City, than is neceffaryfbr the firft beginning of 
'a Church, with refpedt to future increafe. e>v. 

And who will queftion, but the many Presbyters in 
the Church of Carthage were for future increafe both in 
City and Country £ So that herein the cafe is not diffe- 
rent h And the defign of that number of Officers might 
partly be for other Congregations, (Epifeopal Churches, 
though n6t Dioce(an) to furnilh them with Officers. 
This is apparent afterwards in the praftice of the Jtfri- 
canChurches, who when a new Church was erefted, (up- 
plyed it with aBifhop or other AfEftants from places bet- 
ter ftored with Officers \ And it is exemplyfied particu- 
larly (as we (hall fee hereafter) in the provifibn which 
St. Auflin made for Fuflala. 

c He (ayes further, the multitude of Presbyters belong- 
£ ing to one Congregational Church, might be occafi- 
c on'd by the uncertain abode of mod of the Apo flies 

* and their Commijjtvners, who are the Principal, if not 

* the»onlyOrdainers of Presbyters mentioned in Scrip- 

* ture. 


(3 ) 

But herein he does but guels, and had no reafon to 
be pofitive, unlefi the Apojiles and their Commijjiomrs^ 
(as ha calls them,) had been then the only Ordainers, 
which he will not venture to affirm, knowing what evi- 
dence there is againft it. 

'Laftly, he (ayes, if this opinion of TSijhop Downham 
c had any certain ground in Antiquity, we (hould pro- 
'bably hear of it with both eares, and we (hould have 
'it recommended upon antienter Authority than his. 

This of BiJIwp Dovpnham hath certain ground in the 
beft antiquity, if the^cmTefiament befuch 5 v where it 
is plain there were many Presbyters in diverfe Chur- 
ches, (uchas are not yet, nor ever will be proved to be 

To\\\zto{y\(jizianzen^ he (ayes, c it hath received 
'its anfweiv and adds, he that cannot an(wer it to him- 
'fel£ from the great difference between the condition of 
'the Church in Cyprian^ and in J^azianzeris time, hath 
'a fond nefs for the Argument. 

This is the an(wer it received, T*ag. 51. and this dif- 
ference was thus expreffed a little before 3 ' But that any 
e Church fixt and fetled, having its Bifhop alwayes pre- 
c fent, (hould multiply Presbyters beyond Ineccjfity, in the 
^circumftances of the Primitive Chriftians before Con- 
'Jiantwe, is altogether incredible 5 for the neceflary ex- 
c pences of the Church were very great, the poor nu- 
'merous, the generality of Chriftians not of the Rich- 
'eft, and the Eftates they had being at the difcretionof 
'their enemies, and mind with perpetual perfecution, 
&c He fayes, multiplying Presbyters beyond mccjfity^ 
and without neceJJIty^ while he alters my words (b as to 
change the fenfe, he difputes againft himfel^ not me 5 
But this looking more like an Argument than anything 
before, I ihall take a little more notice of it. t . Is not 
all this applicable to the Churches in the Apojiles times, 

B 2 when 

wnen it cannot oe aenyea rresvyiers were muitipiyea 
beyond what we count neceffary ? The poor numerous, 
the generality of ChrilJians not of the Tfychejl, afid the 
EJiates they had beingat the difcretion of their enemies, and 
mind with perpetual perfection. 

Further, the Church before ConBantine and Carthage 
particularly , fuppofing thefe to be its circumftances, 
might have many Presbyters without any great charge : 
For i ft. the Church Stock was referved only for thofe in 
want, r&i JtotMoit, as is determin d in one of the Canon* 
b)can. 4. which pals for jipoftolic&l, fb) and the lame decreed in 
c} can. 25. the (ynod at jintioch. (c) ^ntbrofe even in the 4th. 
Age, will have none to have a ftipend wha hath other 
revenues, Qui fidct exercet militiam, agelli fki fru3ibus y 
fi habet, debet ejfe contentus 5 Jinon habet, Stipendiorum ft- 
d) ogki L. 1. orumfruUu. (d) And Chryjbftomtdh us that in Eleftions, 
• * 5, thofeof the Competitors that had Eftates did carry it, 

becaufe the Church would need to be at no charge in 
maintaining of fiich, ** & /lo/ro tfh&m c* ?w t« owKhtm'** 
1) ve factrd. *p#Aw 2ly. When they had no Eftates, andtheC^rrA 
tiLSaviu* could not maintain them, they were ta provide for 
tbemfelves by fome honeft imployment. The Council 
of Elvira allows all forts of Clergy men to drive a trade, 
for their living, provided they did it only in the Pro- 
: ) Can. 19. vince where they lived, (f) and in the 4th. Council of 
Carthage it is ordered, that the Clergy, though they be 
learned in the word of God, flail get theirlivingbya trade. 
cm. $11 (gj and in the next Canon that they flail get food and 
rayment by a Trade or Husbandry, with this provifo, that 
it be not a prejudice to their Office* Our ^Author (ayes in* 
*) Va&* 154. deed, (h) that this is contrary to theufage of all other Chur- 
ches 5 how true this is may be (een by the Canon before 
cited. He fayesalfb, that this is forbidden by the ^d. 
Council of Carthage 5 but neither is this fo, that Canon adds 
but another rcftri&ion, viz. that they get not their liviug* 


(5 ) 

by an employment that is fordid or difljonejt, where the (j) can. i 5 . in 
Latine and Greek both agree in it. gly. The Church Cod * l6 < 
was to allow none of them, no not Bif/jops more than*e- 
ce/Jary>even zitetConftantims time. That Canon call'd the 
ApoJilesyZnd the other Antioch forecited, exprefs this in the 
lame words, the Bifljop may have of the Church Stock what 
is neeedfitll, if he be necejjitous, rd </Wr«« JWt* ©e/s *V*Jxca- 
•f;c?«ifltft for necejfary ufes, and thefe are afterwards ex- 
plain'd to be food and rayment. Zonaras expreffes it fully 
and clearly, whom he that the Canon doth not fatisfie, 
may confult. 

Having fhew'd out of Jujiinian, that 60 Presbyters 
belonged to the great Church in Constantinople , and 
thence inferr'd they were numerous in Conjiantines time, 
the 6 number ((ayes he, J was become extravagant in jf«- 
*Sfinians time 5 but what is this to their number in Cy- 
l prians} 

He (taould have asked the Dean this, who to prove 
Diocejan Churches from the number of Presbyters, im- 
mediately after Teftimonies out o£ Cyprian, brings this of 

c For this very edift of Jujlinian (hews that this multi- 
plying of Church Officers was an innovation, m&therc- 
c fore would have them reduced to the firft eftaWifh- 

Jujlinian took order to retrench the numbers of Pres- 
byters, not therefore becaufe it was an innovation, but 
becaufe the Church revenue could not maintain fo many, 
which is exprefs in the Novel. 

c But that firft eftablifbment it (eems admitted grear 
c numbers, for one Church had 60* True 5 butitmuft alfb 
c be noted firft, that thefe 60 were to ferve more than 
* one Church. 

Some may be ready to ask how it can be true, that 
one Church (hould have 6o, and yet more than one had 
thefe 60 amongft them, c For 

* tor tnere were tnree more oenaes at. Sophia to be 
c fupplyed by theft Presbyters. &cl 

True 5 but this ftill confirms what I anfwer'd to their 
argument from the multitude of Presbyters, that in the 
antient Church the Officers were multiplyed above whai 
we count needful : For it is not now thought needful that 
any 3 or 4 Churches in a City, (hould have 60 Presby- 
ters, 100 Deacons, 90 Subdeacons, Readers no. &c. 

c Yet after all, there is no argument to be drawn from 
'this number, for thefe were Canons o£ a particular foun- 
dation, defigndfor the fervice of a Collegiate Churchy 
'and no meafure to be taken from thence concerning the 
c numbers of Presbyters belonging to the Diocefi. This 
c is evident from the Preface of the (aid Novel. 

If no argument is to be drawn from this number, why 
did the Learned Dean draw one from it .<? 2ly. This 
feems fcarce confident with the former Period .- there, 
thefe Presbyters were for 3^4 Churches, here they are 
but for one Collegiate Church of which they were Canons, 
and this faid to be evident in the ^Preface, where I can- 
not fee it. 3ly. Since no meafure is to be taken from hence 
concerning the numbers of ^Presbyters belonging to a Dio- 
cejs 5 it feems there may be this number of Presbyters 
in a place which cannot be counted a Diocefi, (as this 
one great Church never was, nor can be) and then no 
argument drawn from thenumber of Presbyters at Rome, 
Carthage, SdeJJa, <&c. will prove a Diocefan Church 5 for 
here was the greateft number, which any where we meet 

Dr. St. to prove Diocefan Churches from the nume- 
-roufhefs of Presbyters, mentioned 60 in C. P. in Jujli- 
maris time? from hence on the by, I thought it reason- 
able to fijppofe they were numerous in Conjiantine'stime, 
when yet Theodoret fayes, all the Brethren met together 
with the Bijhop. That the number of Presbyters is no 



proof of a Diocefan Church was evinced fufficiently be- 
fore: this fell in occafionally, and was added cxabun- 
dantt 5 Yet upon this (upernumerary ftragler he turns 
his main force, (pending about 12 Pages on it. lam 
little concerned what becomes of it, fince the main Hy- 
pothefis is already (ecured by the premiffes 5 but that 
this Gentleman may not quite loofe all his labour, I am 
willing to loofe a little, in taking fome notice of it. 

c I muft confefs that what is added concerning the 
c Church of C. P. is fomewhat furprizing, no doubt 
c (ayes he , that the Presbyters were more numerous in 
C CP. 

Indeed it might have been furprizing if I had (aid as 
he reports me, that they were more numerous $ but I (aw 
reafon not to fay (b, though what reafon there was to 
impofe it on me I know not : I cited Soc : mifprinted 
Soz. (aying, Conjiantine built two Churches at C. C P. , but 
laid no ftrefi on it at all. f k) It is true, he fayes not that (k; to U 
he built no more than two, but his expreffion plainly im- c% I2# 
plyes it, and he v^as concerned if he had known any more 
to have mention d it, when in the fame Line, he (ayes 
Conjiantine intended to make it equal to T\ome. Eufebi- 
us's words agree well enough herewith, he (ayes Confian- 
tine adorn d it , *r*rfww, -coith more Churches , and that's 
true, if he built but two more, or any more than was 
there formerly, or any more than was ufaal. And theft 
more Churches were not in the City, but ("as the Hijlorian 
(peaks ) partly there, and partly ^f 3 wars®-, which as the 
word is u(ed, may denote places many Miles di- 
ftant from the City, as the Gentleman elfewhere ob- 
serves after Valerius. Sozomen (ayes he built toaaw, ma- 
ny Churches, (not very many as he will have it) but if 
he thereby meant more than are named by Socrates, we 
need not underftand that done before the time Theodoret 
ipeaks of} Norfhould a lax expreffion be more relyed 

on, ; 


on, than one that is pun&ual and definite 5 unlefswc 
have a mind either to be milled, or to fet the two Hifto- 
rians together by the ears. Sozomen names but one 
Church more than Socrates did, and that not *>, but a 
good diftance from the City, (70 Furlongs by Land,) 
and 3 may pais for many, when it was a rare thing for 
any City to have more than one. The heft Authors, as 
they fometimes exprefs^er^ few by none, and a generality 
by all- fo they exprels tffore than ordinary by many 5 and 
twoo* three fuch Churches in one City were more than 
ordinary at that time, when one City in an Hundred had 
not two Churches, and one in a Thouland had not three 
Churches, that could be ftyled **Wfc ^//that Conjiantine 
built here were fuch, both Eujebius his more, and Sozo- 
mens many, are laid, by them to be very great, i&yw* 
But no confiderable Author that I meet with in that 
Age, or fome Hundreds of years after, names more than 
two very great Churches ere&ed by ConBantine in that Ci- 
ty. And if companion be made, thece is no Hijiorian 
of thole times, to be more regarded in matters which 
concern C. *P , than Socrates who tells us, that he was 
born and educated in C. P. , and continued there ("as an 
advocate ) when he wrote his Hiftory. 

But if we (hould luppofe that Sozomen intended more 
than 3 or 4 Churches, or that the Emperour built no 
more than was requilite, and only conlulted convenien- 
cy, anddefignd not State or Magnificence, (which yet 
our Author a little after layes he did 5 and we know no- 
thing is more ordinary than for great Cities to have more 
Churches than are needful : it was lb in London before 
the Fire, and the retrenching of their number fince 
fhews it :) yet this will be lb far from proving sAlexan- 
der's Church in C. 7\ to be Diocejan, that it will not 
prove it greater than fome fingle Congregations: for there 
were 12 Churches in Alexandria, when yet the Church 



in that City adhereing to .Athanafius confifted of no , 
% more than are in fome one of our Parifhes. For which 
ftch Evidence has been brought, as is not yet, nor I 
think, can be defaced. c Npr can we imagine that two 
c Churches, much lefs one, could fuffice all the Chrifti- 
c ans in C. T. when the City of Heliopolk being convert- 
ed to Chriftianity required more, and Conftantine 
c built feveral for them, **xM9**t o ml**t. 

The word plurally exprefled is much improved by 
our ^iitthor, he makes out of it diverfe Churches^ and all 
tkefe Churches^ when yet all tkcfe were but one Church, 
as Socrates himfclf makes it plain a little before/ 5 for isoc. i.i.c.iB. 
having related how Conftantine ordered a Church to be 
built near the O^at Mambre^ he adds, that he order- 
ed another Church ("not Churches ) to be ereclcd at Helio- 
polis, M&v UMwieut y47*titdsa&ivcu. And to put it pad 
doubt, Eufehius whom the Emperour employ 'd about 
thofe ftru&ures, and from whom in all likelihood So- 
crates had the Relation, gives an account but of one 
Church there founded by the Emperour^ which he calls 
l7x»?luK7iigMG4uttoiolat0f, and that it was furnifhed with a ml.$.c.$6.t>f 
^Btfrjop^ 'Vresbyters and Deacons. So that the Bifhop of lM Con i iiint - 
Heliopolk had but one Church for his Diocefs, which 
our [Author fhould not be fb loath to own, fince it can- 
not be proved that at this time one Bilhop in an hundred, 
had more. 

Valefius (whom our Author much relies on) in his 
VSj>ies upon this place, is fo far from thinking that Con- « 
fiantine built more Churches in Heliopolis^x. he judges 
this one at prefent was not neceffary for it, the Town 
haviug then no Chriftians in it : and affigns this as the 
reafon why Eufebhis fpeaks of it as a thing unufual, that 
it fhould have a Bifhop appointed, and a Church built 
in it. His words are, Fortajfe hoc novum & inauditum 
ftiijfe intelligit^ &c. He may think, this new and unheard 

C of, 

C to J 
of, that a Church fiwuld he built in -a City, where as yet there 
were no Chriflians but all were alike idolaters. Therefore 
thk Church was built at Heliopolis, not for that there* was 
any nccejfity of it, but rather in hope that he might invite all 
the Citizens to the profejficn of the Clyrifiian Religion. So 
that the Bilhop here had none for his Diocefe but one 
iniib^Mvk. Church, and that empty, there being then no Chrifti- 
?^' °' 58 ' ans in ^at one Parifh 3 which yet was all he had to 
make him a Diocefan. 

The better to confute Theodoret, whofaies (Tor they 
are his words, not mine ) that Alexander with all the 
^Brethren met together, he endeavours to (hew the (Vote 
of that Church about the latter end of Conjlantine, Sec. 
this he does here and after by an undue Application of 
feme paffagesin Sozomen. For the account which that 
Hijlorian gives of that City is not confined to Conftan- 
tines time, but reaches beyond it, ay, and beyond Ju- 
lians too, which appears, as by other paffages, fo by 
his mentioning the heathen Temples in the time of that 
Emperour. And with refpeft to the time after Con- 
Jlantine muft that expreffion be underftood, which 
makes C. C P. to exceed Rome, not only in Torches, but in 
the number of inhabitants, otherwife it will be apparent- 
ly falfe. For when Chryfijlome was Bifhop there, about 
70 years after (when it is like the number of the Inha- 
bitants were doubled, it cannot be queftioned but they 
were far more numerous) he who beft could do it, rec- 
n in ab. mm. kons the Chriftians then to be an 100000 n 5 our Au- 
1 i.pag.6^ tkor will have us look upon the Jews and Heathen there 
to be inconfiderable but let us count them another 
icoooo. Yet both put together will fall incomparably 
{port of the number in old Rome, which by the compu- 
o m Ma'gnit. tation of Lipjius was at leaft two millions p. And in 
Rom. nb. 3.C.3. Confiantines time new Rome was as far fhort of the old 



as to its greatnefs in circuit, for whereas Hcrodian de- 
clares that Severus quite demolifhed ^Byzantium for tid- 
ing with ^Qger, and reducing it to the if ate of a Village 
fetbjetfed it to Perinthus, *"V« ^W ntoivtion J8&* *Adn p, ? lib. 2.. p. 62. 
we cannot in reafon fuppofe it to be extraordinarily 
fpacious 5 yet as Zofimus reports, all the inlargement 
which Contiantine gave it, was but the addition of 1 5 
Furlongs, *»<#•'* ^m^V^'^. Now (uppofe it was 30 q//^. 2. ;. 62. 
or 40 Furlongs in com pais before fand fo larger than 
one City in an hundred) yet this addition will leave it 
lefs than Alexandria^ which, as Jofephu* defcribes it, was 
80 Furlongs, that is,ten miles in circumference r, yet A- rpeBeih Jud. 
lexandriawas four times lels than'Z^We, forby Vopifeuas ll0 ' 2 * caf ' l6% 
account, in Aureliaris time, not long before Confiantine^ 
the walls were made by him near 50 miles in circuit. So 
it will be in comparifon of Confiantinople when firft 
built, rather like a V^ation than a City^ as ^iriftotle fa id 
of the Other Babylon, %X H myyesiVkS pahhov ?$»* i-dhsm j. s Pol. lit.$.c.2. 
If then we will have this paflage ofSozomen to have 
any appearance of truth,itmuft be extended far beyond 
Conjlantinesume, when, as Zofimus tells us, many of the 
flicceeding Emperours were ftill drawing multitudes of 
People to thatCky,fothat it was afterwards encompafled 
with walls far larger, wd*a» rfo^^ than thofe ofConJian- 
tine t. And in an Oration of77?e^7/ri^itismade a que- t lib. 2. p. 6$. 
ftion whether Tkeodofius junior did not add more to 
C.P. than Confiantine did to Byzantium. 

c Many of the Jews and almoft all the Heathen were 
| c converted and became Christians. 

The expreffion of Sozomen does not hinder but as the 
'main body of the Jews remained, fo the numbers of the 
Heathen might be confiderable. Tcrtnliian fpeaks of 
Citizens in his time as if they were almoji all christians^ 

C 2 pa J 

C " J> 

u Apol. c. 37. y en ± otnnes elves chrijliani u 5 yet no inftance can be gi- 
ven of any one City where the Chriftians were the 
major part of the Inhabitants .• thofe that take his 
words in a ftri<S fenfe are very injurious to him, and 
make him (peak that which no antient Records will 
warrant. Sozcmm alfo may fuffer by ftraining his -ex- 
predion } but I will not digrefi to take farther notice 
of what is not material 5 forldeftgnnot, nor have any 
need,to make any ad vantage of the numbers of the Hea- 
thens in this City. 

He tells us of 950 Work-houfes whofo rents were al- 
lowed to defray the Funeral expences of all that died in 
the City (for fo it is exprefled in the Conftkution, 

W Novel. 43. TT&f 1 rlw YMviuj a,7idv7wv dv&$cv7mv ooidM 70 <7az£yyu8 t <s^JHmv VP ) thefe 

being performed with great folerrjnity, and multitudes 
of Attendants maintained by thofe rents for that pur- 

x Nov. $9.c.z+ pofe x. How this here makes the Chriftians in C. 7 J . to 
be fo very numerous as he would have them, he fhould 
have (hewed us 5 I am not yet fo fagacious, as to difco- 
ver it. The number of the Decani was determined 

y cod. de Led. by Ronorhts to 950 y. Our Author thinks it 
probable they were fo many at the firft eftablifhment, 
but there's more ground to believe, they were much 
fewer in Conftaniims time \ for about 800 were counted 
Efficient in Jvjhmaris Reign, 200 years after, when 
the City was both larger, and much more populous and 

% *bvtL$9j.& j n j ts g rea teft flourifti z. Thofe that confider the pre- 
mises, may well think, he might have form'd his con- 
clusion in terms left confident, to (ay no worie of 

Next he forms an Obje&ion againft himfelf : c not- 
c withftanding the number of Chriftians in C. P. might 
c be much too great for one Congregation, yet the ma- 
4 jor part might be Hereticks or Schifmaticks^ fuch as 
c came not to the Bilhop's Church , and therefore all 


( i3 ) 

c that adhered to him might be no more than could 
1 meet in one Aflembly. 

To which he anfwers, that the number of Heretic^ 
and Schifmaticks was inconsiderable, and will not except 
the Arians or V^ovatians. For the Arians, he faks, 
they had not yet made a formal Separation. 

But if they did not feparate themfclves, the Church 
would have them feparated, and did exclude them from 
communion, and withftood Conjlantines importunity 
for their admiffion, both here and in other places : 
Athanafws was threatned by Eufebius of ^Qcomedia a, zSQcdib.icn 
and banifhed by the Empcrour for this caufe among o- 
thers. And Alexander being fecured by Arius his 
death from admitting him to Cothmunion, was the oc- 
cafion of this paffage in Theodorct which gives our Au- 
thor fb much trouble. Now the Arians being debar- 
red from communion, leflened the Bifhop's Church, 
both here and elfewhere, as much as if they had fepa- 
rated themfelves. And they were numerous here, this 
being the place where they had greateft favour 5 in 
Conjiantines Edid againft the Hereticks whofe meetings 
he would have fuppreffed, the Aridns were not men- 
tioned when the other are named/'. Socrates writes bzufeb.de vitx- 
that the People in this City was divided into two confUnt.vk^. 
Parties the Arians and the Orthodox, they had contimi- _ ( 
ally fiarp bickerings, but while Alexander lived the Or- 
thodox had the better 5 as foon as he was dead (which 
was 4 " while Conjlantine lived J it feems they appeared * Vales obftw. 
equal,for the conteft fixes he, ivas dubious, *wfaiwri p*w c f tnSUn &Sc ~' 
In ^{aziznzens time fb far they overtopt the Orthodox, Q s'ocAlb.i.c^,. 
that this great Diocefan Church appear 'd but in the form 
of a private meeting, held in a very little honfe, where 
he kept a Conventicle with them, ^^^V^^x^^ah^s^ 
fb Sozomen d, and Socrates agrees with him in the ex- dz./fc. ? . ^, 5 , 
prciiion, «WJ»K? tam»^ fuch a diminutive place feemsas 


i x 4 ; 

unproportionable for fuch a Diocefan Church as a 5Yut- 
Jfje/J for Howcr's Iliads, or a Keyhole for a Witch^ to 
ufe our Author's Elegancies. 

As for the Novations to which he will have no more 
allowed than a Conventicle, they were numerous in o- 
ther places, they had once diverfe Churches in ^Alex- 
andria, many Churches in Rome and in other places. 
It is like they were numerous here, for here they had 
as much favour or more, and longer too, than in the 
Cities forementioned, here Socrates fayes they had three 
<Lcap.$o. Churches e, and if three Churches w 7 ould but make one 
inconjiderable Conventicle $ it is poffible the other Ortho- 
dox 'Churches (though he will have them to be many) 
might be comprized in one vaji Congregation. 

I might obferve how much Sozomeu is mif represent- 
ed in what he fayes next of thofe concerned in the £dicf, 
the V^ovatians efpecially. He fpeaks not mincingly as 
our Author would have him, but fully that the iN^ova- 
tians did not fuffer 'much by the Edift 5 he does not fay 
only that it was probable they fuffered little, but (ayes 
this only of a reafbn himfeff gives, why they fuffered 
not much. He gives other reafbns for itthanf/>e opinion, 
the Novatians had of that Bifhop. He does not fay the 
other Heretic ks were altogether extirpated. He does not 
confefs that the Novatians fffircd the fame meafure with 
ethers every where, no, nor any where elfe, it is the 
^Montanifs that he fayes this of. He dares to affirm 
they had a Conventicle or more, for he affirms they had 
an eminent Bifhop in C. 'P. and were not only numerous 
therebefore the Edidt, but continued fo after. The Gentle- 
wan was in too much hafle here, as himfelf will per- 
ceive, by obferving how much his account differs from 
the Hiftorians. 

At laft he comes to that paflage tff Theodorct which 
occafioned all thefe lines, but Theodorct affirms they 


were no more than could meet in one Church, and that they 
did a&ually do fo, c I anfwer, fayes he, th.it Theodoret 
* does not-fay fo, and the paffage cited does not con- 
c elude it. 

I did not fay Theodoret affirms they were no more, than 
could meet in one Church, but he (ayes the fame in effect, 
viz. that all the Brethren ajjembled with Alexander. His 
words are, Alexander, the church rejoycing, held an Af- 
femhly with all the 'Hrethren, prajing and greatly glorify- 
ing God. The words are plain, and the fenfe, I take 
them in, is open in the face of them. Nor do I believe 
that any difinterefted perfbn would put any other fenfe 
upon them than this-, that the generality ofChrijlians of 
which the Church at Conftaminople confijied, ajjembled 
together with their TZ/fiop Alexander, to praife God joy- 
fully for their deliverance by the death of Arius. But he 
will not have the words taken in a general fenfe, but will 
fuppofe them taken with refpeli to that particular Congre- 
gation^ in which Arius was to be reconciled. Yet this fup- 
pofition hath no ground either in the words, or in the 
contexture of the Difcourfe, or any where elfe that I 
know of, or our ^Author either } for if he had, we 
fhould have heard it with both ears, as he fpeaks elfe- 
where. He will not have all the Brethren, to be all the 
Believers at C. P. yet he knows that Brethren and Be- 
lievers are Synonymous terms both in Scripture and an? • 
cient Authors. vAnd thofe were the Believers or Bre- 
thren of the Church of C. T 3 . which had occafion to re- 
jovce, and that was the whole Church there .* as for 
■attVJs*, render'd Z)niver(i, Ido not take it jw- all and every 
one of the Chriftians there } for in all AfTemblies,of great 
Churches efpecially, mwy are alwayes abfent. He had 
dealt more fairly with Theodoret, if by all he would 
have underftood the generality of Chriftians adhereing ta 
Alexander at C. P. or the greateft part of them, and 


• r to 

about fuch an abatement of the full import of the word, 
there had been no need to contend , but his reftraint 
of it to a particular Congregation agrees not with the 
words, nor the occafion of them, nor hath any fupport 

Nor is that better which follows, unlefs you will fay 
that with all the Brethren, does not Jignifie their perfonal 
pre fence, hut only their unanimity. 

This looks more like a fhift than a plain anfwer, 
and therefore he was well advifed in not venturing to 
own it. 

c Theodoret could not think that all theBeleivers of C. 
c P. could come together to the Bifhop's Church, for he 
c cites a Letter of Conjiantines a little after, where he 
* gives an account of the great increafc of that Church. 
In the City that is caWd by my name by the Providence of 
God \ an infinite multitude of^Pcople have joined them/elves 
lo the Churchy and all things there wonderfully increasing, 
it feems very requifite that more Churches flwu Id be built 5 
nnderflanding therefore hereby what I have refolved to do, 
I though fit to order you to provide 50 'Bibles fairly and le- 
gibly written. 

He does not fay an infinite multitude, the words of 
the Letter are vhwv n$Sos 9 that there was a very great 
multitude pf Chriftians is not denied, nor that he intend- 
ed to build more Churches 3 but this confirms what is fig- 
nified before, that thefe very many Churches were not 
yet built, but only in defign, and that with a profpect 
of Chriftians there (till increafing. And the Bibles, if 
they were intended only for C. P. might be for the future 
Churches, not the prefent only. 

His Conclufion is, c where Chriftians were fb multi- 
plied that it was neceffary to build more Churches, 
c and to make fuch provifions for the multitude of their 
c Affcmblies, it could not be that they fhould all make 
e but one Congregation. He 

He (hould have concluded that which is denied, o- 
ther wife all he hath premifed will be infignificant, and 
to no purpofe : it is granted that all the Chriftians at 
C.P. did make more than one Congregation, and for 
their conveniency met atother times in feverai Churches. 
That which is denied is, that the main Body or genera- 
lity of Chriftians there could not meet in one Aflembly, 
or did not lb meet at this time with their Biftiop Alex- 
under, as to this he hath proved nothing, and therefore 
did well to conclude nothing againft that which is affir- 
med to be the plain import of Theodora's expreliion. 

And it may be fuppofed that Tkeodoret, if he had not 
exprefled it, might well thinks (though the contrary be 
iuggefted ) that as great multitudes , as Conffaxtines 
Letters fignified, might meet together at. the Biftiop's 
Church 5 for himfelfdeclares what a vaft Congregation 
he preached to at dntioch, having an Auditory of many 
Myriads f. I will not ask him what Uttfebius could thinks f Ep. 8 $. 
when he tells us the Chriftians had mwh*< Zfofwai"}**, 
djfemblies confining of ^Myriads g. Nor what Socrates g ^-8. Cap. u 
thought, when he tells us long after, of C. P. that the 
whole City became one ^ijjembly, and meeting in an Or a- 
tory, continued there all day h, ''okvtkxk rf&lKKKmdt.iyknTihUb.'j.cap.ii. 
h o t4 ivwsico w'Q/ufyQt 9 <&c. But I would have him tell 
me how he underftands that paffage of Chryfoftcmc^ %w 

TpJh /. vVhat is the import of thefe words ? Do they i mm. 8$. h 
fignify that ten ^Myriads were affembled in one place Mat - Tm - z -h 
to hear Chryfoftome? Iffo, there will be no queftion 52p * 
but that the generality of Chriftians might meet in one - 
Church with Alexander in Confiantines Reign $ for that 
then, (about 70 years before J there was any thing near 
fo many Chriftians as an 100000 , adhereing to one 
Bifhop in this City, cannot with any reafon be iroagin- 

D ed. 

C i8J- 
ed. Or does he mean only, that there were fo many 
^Myriads of Chriftians contained in that City.<? If fo, 
then he faies here no more than in another Homilyfoxt- 
cited, where the number of Chriftians in C. P. is com- 
puted to be an ioooco, reckoning all he fides Jews and 
Heathens. Now if they were no more in his time, they 
cannot with reafon be fappcfed to have been above 
half fo many in Covftantines (unlcfs any can imagine, 
that their'numbers advanced more in 6 years than in 
7c, when the fucceeding Emoerours multiplyed the 
Inhabitants exceffively, y ^f rfe^ x?"** as Zofimus tells 
lt-L/k 2*. us 4, crouding the City fo full as that they could fcarce 
ftir without danger : ) and a great part of thefe were 
fallen off to Artus while .Alexander was Bifhop : the 
y^Qovatians alfo, were numerous, having feveral Chur- 
ches s and thefe with other Se&s being dedu&ed, the 
Chriftians there that communicated with .Alexander 
will be no more (if fo rnanyj than belong to fome one 
of our Parifhes. 

* It would fwell this Preface to too great a Bulk, if I 
* fhould anfwer the reft fo particularly. 

Since he defigned to be fb brei£ and to have fo 
fhort a Preface, I wifh he had employed more of it a- 
gainft that which is the ftrength of the Difcourfe he 
oppofes, and of more confequence to the main Caufe 3 
and not have fpent (b many leaves upon a by-paflage, 
for which we have little reafon to be concerned : for if 
he could make it appear, that the Chriftians at C P. in 
Conjlanttnes time were more than could meet in one 
Congregation, yea, or in two either 5 that would be 
far from proving it a Diocefan Churchy unlels fome one 
or two of our Parifhes can be counted fo. 

Let me add in fine, that our Author has done juft 'no- 
thing towards the difproving of what Theodoret was al- 
ledged for 3 unlefi he fhew, that C. P. exceeded old 


C 19 ) 

Rome, was furnifhed with ftch an infinite number of 

Chriftians, Co many ("more than two J) magnificent 

Churches there ere&ed, the 50 Bibles thought needful 

to be provided, and almoft all the Heathen befides many 

Jews converted } before Alexander (who is faid to hold 

this Affembly with all the brethren) deceafed 5 and (b 

unlefs he prove that all this was done (which himfelf I 

think can fcarce believe) in lefs than a year. For Vale* 

Jius (uyn whofe authority this Gentleman takes much) 

proves at large (^making it the bufinefs of one of his 

Tiooks) that Alexander died (and yet muft live fome 

while after this panegyrical Affembly) in the year 331. l. 2. ohferv.h 

Anditsmanifeft, that C.P, was not built, nor had that Soe - &S9 * 

name till 331. For tho' it was building the year before, 

yet it was not finifhed till 25 of Conftantines Reign (as 

Jerome and others:) and the beginning of his Reign \s chronic. 

reckoned from the death of Conflantius his Father, who 

was Conful with Maximianus in the year 306, and V4 conful. 

died in the middle of it. There needs not a word more 

to (hew that all his difcourfe on this fubjeft is wholly 

infignificant, and not at all for his purpofe, tho' this be 

the moft confiderable part of his* Preface. 

c This Author gives feveral inftances of feveral Rifliops 
c being in one City at the fame time, in anfwer to the 
c Dean otT^aul*^ who affirmed that it was an inviolable 
c rule of the Church to have but one, &c. Jerufalemh 
c thefirft inftance, &c. I wonder to find a manofLearn- 
c ing cite this paflage, than which nothing can be more 
'disadvantageous tohisCaufe. 

There is one who I fuppofe paffes for a man of learn- 
ing who for the fiime purpofe makes ufe of this inftance, 
fince mine was publifhed 5 We have, faith he, Examples 
in Ecclefiajlicaljlory of of two Bijfwp's at the fame time in 
the fame See$ and yet this was never thought Schifmatical^ 
when the fecond was advanced by the conjent of the firfi. 

D 2 Thus 

C 20) 

Thus Alexander a Bifhop in Cappadocia torn made Bijfjop . 
of Jerufalem while Narciflus wo* living, but very old: and 
Anatolius at the fame time, fate in the Church fl/Caefarea 
with Theotecnus, and this was St. Auft'in s own cafe, who 
)££%$ Drk rcas r,tade Bifiop tf/Hippo while there was another Hijjjop 
living /. He (ayes alfb, Nothing can he more difadvan- 
tagcous to my caufe than this pajfige. If it had been no 
advantage to my caufe, I fhouM have thought it bad 
enough 5 but if nothing could be more difadvapt.ige- 
ous, I am very unhappy : let us fee how it is made good. 

c VH^arciffus having retired, and the people not know- 
c ing what had become of him, the neighbouring Bi- 
4 (bops ordained Dins in his place, who was fucceeded 
c by Gordius and after by Germanico, ( it fliould be by 
c Germanico, and after by Gordius ) in whofe time 
<- Narciffus returned, and was defired to refume his 
c Office, and did fo. What became of Germanico (he 
'means Gordius,*) is not (aid but probably he refigned 
' or died prefently. 

There is nothing to make either of thefe probable, it 
is altogether as likely, if not more, that he continued 
Bifhop there with Narciffus for fome time 3 but becaufe 
izitfebius fayes nothing of it, I infift not on it. But be- 
fides he tells us, Narciflus took Alexander, into the par* 
ticipation of the charge. That fignifies Narciffus was not 
excluded from the Epifcopal charge, both had their parts 
therein. No, but fayes he, Alexander was the Tiiflwp^ 
Narciflus retained but the name and title only, that is, he 
was but a Titular, not really a Bifhop., and why fo £ 
becaufe Alexander, fayes he, joined with him in prayers, 
and the Hi fieri an fijes he was not able to officiate by reafon 
of his great age. He was not able it may be to perform 
all the Offices of a Bifhop, but what he was able to do 
no doubt he performed. Now if they muft.be but ti- 
tular Bifhops, who perform not perfonally all the 0£ 


fices of a Paftoral charge ( when they cannot pre- 
tend Mvatfv yk?f) how many real Bifhops fhall we iind 
in the World .<? But betides the V^jime and Title, did he 
not retain the Power and Authority of a Bifhop f If 
not, how came he to loofe it I Did he rcjign, or was 
he depojed <? That he refigned there is not the leaft in- 
timation in this Hijiorian or any other 5 nor any in- 
ftance in the antient Church, that ever any Bifhop di- 
verted himfelfof all paftoral "Tower upon this account. 
To have depofed him for his great age h id been a barba- 
rous Ad, andfuch as the Church in thofc times cannot be 
charged with. No doubt but he retained the Epifco- 
pal power, though through Age he could not exercife 
kin all inftances } and if he had not only the Title but 
theTWer, he was really a Bi(hop 7 and there were two 
Bifhops at once in one Church, and then this inftance 
is (b far from being n/oji dijadvantageous, that it (erves 
me with all the advantage I defigned in alledging it. 
, As for the words o^Valedm cited by him, if they be 
taken in the fenfe which our Author would have them, 
that learned man will not agree with himfelf For but 
a very few lines before, he fays, thefe two were Co- 
Epijcopi, TSifiops together in that City, juperjiite epifiopo 
adjutor & coepifcopus eli adjunttus, And tho' he (ays 
(but fays it doubtfully with a rd jailor ) this was forbid- 
den at Sardica (above 100 years after )} yet he adds 
that, notwithjianding it was jiill ufoal in the Church, nihil 
ominus ider.tidem in ecclejia ujurpatum eji, which is all 
that I need defire. And afterwards, where Sujebius in/. 7.^.32. 
again mentions two Bifhops in one City, he obferves y 
that in one of his Copies, the Scholiaji lus this note up; 
on it in the Margin, A)*" 7 ™^^** mvwmifvonswwe&^here 
alfo there were two Bifiops of one Church. Vaiejiw adds, 
the Scholiaji nnderjiands Alexander, who w#$ Tiij/wp of 
]exufalcrmtogether with Narciflus. 


The next inftance is oiTheotecnus and Jlnatotius 
who were Bithops of Cafarea together. Againft this he 
hath little to fay, I fuppofe becaufe nothing can be (aid 
againft it in reafon. Only he feems willing that Anato- 
lius (liould pafs but as Epifcopus dejignatus^ whereby iF 
he mean one, who is not yet aftual'ly a Bifhop, but de- 
figned to be one hereafter, as Eradius was by dugujiine, 
it is inconfiftent with what Izufebius fayes and hirnfelf 
quotes, but one line before, viz. that Theotecnus or- 
dained him BiJJjop in his life-time , for if he was not 
actually Bifhop after he was thus ordained, he was never 

m Euftb. 1. 7. Bifhop at all m. 

c -l 2 - Another inftance was of ^lacarius and ^Maximns 

both Bifhops at once otjcrufalem. 

He would not have ^Maximus to be Bifhop while 
ZMacarius lived, becaufe it is (aid he was to rule the 
Church after his Death. 

But £Maximus was to govern the Church not only 
after his death, if he furvived him (as he was like to do 
being much younger) but while he lived 5 and fo did 
aftually together with him, ™wsp£d«/ 3 which denotes 

n^./.2.f.i9.theexerci(e of the fame Fun&ion together n : befides 
the Hijiorian fayes, ^Maximus was before this ordained 
Bifhop ofDioJpolis, and if he had officiated at Jeruja- 
lent, where they were fo defirous of him, in a lower 
Capacity =, their kindnefs to him had been a degrading 
him 5 which it cannot be fuppofed they would either 
offer, or he yeild to. 

I alledged epiphanius, who fignifies that other Cities had 
two Bifiops together, and excepts only Alexandria. To 
w.hich he anfwers, that Epiphanius cannot mean that all 
other Cities had two Bijfjops at a time, nor did I (ay that 
he meant this, but his expreffion imports no le(s than 
that it was ttfualfor other Cities to have two Biftops. Nor 
is there any reafon to think that Epiphanius refj^&sonly 



the cafes alledged $ it was quite another cafe that was 
the occafion of his words 5 and diverfe other inftances 
might be brought of a different nature and occafion, 
though this be fufficient to (hew, that the rule againft 
two bifliopsinone City was not inviolable : He adds, c I 
c do not fee what advantage can be made of this paf : 
4 lage. 

This pajpige (hews that there was commonly two Bi- 
(hops in a City at once, ^Alexandria is only excepted 
as varying herein from other Cities. And this is ad- 
vantage enough for me, and it is enough againft him 
too $ and leaves no reaibn for his pretence that it was 
only in extraordinary cafes. I affirmed it could not be 
Epiphanius hk meaning (as a great Antiquary would have 
it) that Alexandria ww never fo divided, as thatfeveral 
parties in it f/oould have their rejpetfive Bijlwps there, .and 
brought feveral Inftances to evince it .• for Jo it teas di- 
vided in the time of Epiphanius, when the Catholicks had 
Athanafius, the Arians had Gregorius, and then Geor- 
gius 3 and afterwards the cne had Peter the other Lucius, 
and the Novatians had their Bifiops fuccejfively in that 
City till Cyril V time. 

c He anfwers however I do not fee why that learned 
4 Antiquaries opinion may not be maintained againft this 

* Gentleman's objeftions, he (ayes that Alexandria was s 
c divided before epiphanius his time between feveral Bi- 

>c (hops (I faid in epiphanius § time) it cannot be denied. 
c But that is not the thing Epiphanius fpeaks ofj but that 
; before the Eleftion of Theonas againft Athanafius , 

* there were never two oppofite Bifhops as in other 
4 Churches. 

But this doth neither agree with the one nor defend 
the other 5 it agrees not with Epiphanius, but makes 
him contradict himfel£ for he tells us there were two . 
oppofite Biftiops at Alexandria before Theonas was cho- 

fen. . 

fen. For this was not till Alexanders death,but he (ayes 
Tijlus was made Bifhop there by the .Avians while 
o Her. Sv.yum. Alexander was living 0. And he could not be ignorant 
I'huantt. ofwhat Sufebius declares />, that upon the divifion in 
/. 3. ap. 4. ' Egypt occasioned by Arius,\n every City, n<fih&?iw mhtf 
there was Biftop againft Bifiop, and People againft Peo- 
ple. Nor doth it defend the Antiquary, for he (peaks 
. univer(ally without limiting himfelf to the Election of 
TkeonaS) &cclejiam Alexandrinam nunquam in partes fcif 
Jam quorum (ingulf £pifcopum fuum habebant, that Church 
was never divided fo as to have oppojite Biftops. 

c Theinftances are all later than this Fad:, and there- 
c fore are infignificant, (ayes he. 

They are fully Significant, both in reference to the 
Nff: ^Antiquary againft whom they are brought to prove that 
he miftook cpiphanius^ when he would have it to be 
his meaning, that Alexandria was never (b divided as 
to have two oppofite Bifhops 5 for they (hew it was of- 
ten (b divided : and alfo in reference to Epiphanius, they 
were fb late as his time on purpofe, to (hew more un- 
<jueftionably, that could not be his meaning, which 
was againft his knowledge, and notorious inftances in 
his own time. 

But he will not deny the infta?2ce of the V^ovatians to 
he fignificant, only Socrates does not fay that they had their 
TiiJ/jops fuccejjively to Cyril/ time. 

Nor do I fay he does 5 but he (ayes Cyrill JImt up the 9 
Novatian Churches there, and tool^ away all the facred 
treajure in them^ and deprived their Tiiffjop Theopom- 

pus of all he had* Now when our Author meets with 
Churches, and a Biftop over them} he is not wont to 
queftiona Succcjfwn, unlcfi it appears he was the firft. 

4 It may be they began there after this time, for there 
' is little Account in Church-Hiftory, that I know, of 
* any ^ovations in Alexandria before Athana(ius 7 


(2 5 ) 

We are little concerned about this, yet it may be 
they began before this time, for there is no account at 
all in Church Hifiory, that the Novatians began there in, or 
after Athanafius his time. 

I had produced evidence that many African Tiifiops 
declared, in the cafe of Valerius and Aufiin, that it was 
nfual in all parts, to have two Bifhops in a City at once 5 
to this he anfwers, ' but fuppofc all this true, that this 
c might be . maintained by the Examples of feveral 
c Churches, what is it that two Bifhops may be in one 
c Church ? no, that is not the matter, but that a Bifhop 
c when he growes old, may appoint or ordain his Suc- 
c ceflbur, to prevent the mkchiefs, that are ufially produced 
c by popular Ele&ions. 

If what the African Bifiops did alledge, werereftrain- 
ed to that particular cafe he contends for} yet this is 
enough to make good all I intend, viz. that ufially in 
the antient Church, there were two 'Uifiops together in 
one place. For when one is ordained Bifhop in the fame 
place, when another isftillliving, with whatever defign, 
upon what occafion foever this is done, yet there are 
two Bifhops at once in the fame place. 

I fee no reafon why this fhould be reftrained to that 
particular cafie, the occafion of what the Bifhops affirm 
may clear it, and that was Aujiins feruple, not to fuc- 
ceed Valeria but to be made Bifhop of Hippo, while 
his Bifhop there Was living, Epifiopatum fifcipere, fuo 
vivente Spifiopo, recufibat, for fo there would be two 
together, which he took to be againft the Cuftomof the 
Church, contra morem cZcclefw 5 but they all perfwade 
him that this was ufually done, id fieri fiolere, and prove 
it by examples in all parts q. And Valerius his defire q Poffloa.viu 
and propofal was, that jlufiin might be ordained Bifhop A wfl- ty& 
of Hippo, Quifu£ Cathedra non tarn fiuccederet fed Confii- 
cerdos accederet, not as one that was to ficceed him only, 
but to be Hifiop together with him. E When 

(26 ) 

When he affign9 this as the reafon of appointing a 
a Succeffour, to prevent the mifchiep that are nfitally pro- 
duced by popular elections, he (peaks his own fence, not 
theirs 5 for they were better advifed than to brand the 
general pra&ice of the ancient Church as mifchievous, 
and how this fuggeftion becomes one, who undertakes 
to write a vindication of the primitive Churchy let him- 
felf confider. Others may judge it, a more intolera- 
ble Jefleftion upon the univerfal Church in the beftand 
after times, than any £M. 13. can be juftly charged 
with. However the reafon affigned for it by 'Vojjido- 
nius is another thing than appears in this Authors whole . 
account, it was becaufe Valerius feared left fome other 
Churchy flwuld feeh^ him for their BiJIwp, and get a per- 
fonfo approved, from him. 

Whereas in fine he fayes, c Thefe Cafes (pecified 
* were not thought to violate the Rule that allowed but 
c one Bifhop to a City. Yet it was thought fo by St, 
yiufiin, when heexcufes his fuffering hiitifelf to be made 
Bifhop with Valerius, by this, that he knew no: it was 
forbidden by a rule of the V^Qcene Council, Quod Conci- 
lio ^Qceno prohibitum fuiffe nefciebam, and gives this as 
the reafon why he would not fo ordain Eradius. 

Next he would prove, that this provision for a Suc- 
ceffour does not dejlroy that 7(u!e, by an inftance, I need 
not tranfcribe it at large, the fum of it is this, when the 
Government is ^Monarchical, if it fall out once Cin many 
Ages, as it did in England once in above 500 years) 
that another King be crowned, beftdes him who hath the 
Throne } yet it will be true enough, that it is the rule of 
thoje Kingdoms to have but one King. To which I fay 
briefly, if it be ufual to have two Kings in fuch a Go- 
vernment, it will fcarce be thought true, that it is the 
inviolable Ttyle of thofe Kingdoms, to have but one 
King. And then how this inftance will fate his pur- 


pofe let thofe judge who take notice, that, I have al- 
ready proved it ufaal in the antient Church for Cities 
in all parts to have taw Tiifiops at once. 

From pag. 12. he paffes to pag. 23. To (hew there 
were more Bifhopricks than one in the Region or Dio- 
cefs of Hippo I brought feveral inftances 5 and might 
have produced more, but that I confined my felf to 
thofe which the learned Dean alledged to the contrary. 
Fujfala is one of them 5 and that alone this Gentleman 
takes notice of. St. Auflin calls it Cajlellnm diverfe 
times in one Epiftle. He finds fault that I tranflate Ca- 
ftellum a Cafile. I did no more expeft to be blamed for 
this, than if I had render'd Oppidum a Town. But I 
(uppofe he counts it no great crime, fince he runs into 
it himfelf and in a few lines after calls it a Cafile. 

c But thefe Caftles, fayes he, were Garrifon Towns, 
c with a good dependance of Villages belonging to 
c them. 

They were Fortreffes, and fbmetimes had Villages 
depending on them, and might contain fo many build- 
ings as there are in fome Village or little Town 5 how- 
ever he calls them Cajiles, and may give me leave to 
do (b too. 

He adds, cc It was 40 miles diftant from Hippo, and 
c was in St. An/lines Diocefs, and never had a Bifhop of 
its own. 

It is faid indeed to belong to the Diocefs of Hippo, 
but I do not find it faid to be in St. Auftines Diocefs or 
Bifhoprick 5 thefe are two things and (hould not be 
confounded. When it is faid to belong to the Diocefs of 
Hippo, fb farr diftant, Diocefs is not taken as an £ccle- 
fiafiical fenfe as it is with us, for part of a- Countrey 
under the Government of 0#e Bifhop 5 but as it wasufed 
in Africa in a civil fenfe, for part of a Province, without 
refpeft to one Bifiop, or to any one Bifoop at all. Some 

E 2 parts 


parts there call d DiocefTes had no BiJI)Ops,t;or were to haze 

i con. earth. 2. any by Decrees of the African Councils r. Other places 

fr?c'. S $z.° dl A ^~ ca " Cc ^ a Diocefs had more Bifhops than one. T^ctilian 

(ayes, that in the place where his Collcgue Januarius 

was Bifhop there were 4 Bifhops befides, all five in una 

{coii.cartb.D.i Diarcfi s. And thus it was in many other places, parti- 

jtoB.117, cularly in that called the Diocefs of Hippo, as I fhew'd 

by diverfe inftances, and St. Aufiins own Teftimony. 

Hereby it appears that in Africa, a Diocefs and a 
Ttifjopricl^were not the fame thing, though they be 
wjth us. There were diverfe Dioceffes and no Bifhop- 
ricks and many Bifhopricks where but one Diocefs 5 fb 
that Fujfala and 20 other Caftlesand Towns might be in 
the Diocefs of Hippo, at 40 Pities dijiance or more 5 and 
yet St. Anflins Bifhoprick, not one jot the larger for it, 
nor he more a Diocefan. 

Whereas he adds, that it never had a Bifljop of its own. 
It is unqueftionable that Fujfala had a Bifhop of its own 
in Aufb/s time 5 and this renders it wholly unfervice- 
able to their pur pofe \ for the Bifhoprick of Hippo, faid 
to be of 40 miles extent, will not upon the count of 
Fvffala be "40 yards larger. Nor will either of thefe Bi- 
fhops, nor any other inthat Region be Diocefans 5 un- 
lefs there can be two Diocefans, and I know not how 
many more, move Diocefs. 

I affigned this reafon, why Fuffala had not a Bifhop 
iborier, becaufe Auflin declares, there vcas net one Catho- 
lichjn it, and fuppofed this might ferve the turn, not 
dreaming that thofe who count all the people in a very 
large Parifh, or in an 100 Pari (lies little enough for a 
Diocefan 5 could think his Diocefs competently furnifh- 
ed when he had not one Soul (or but fome few) in 
communion with hirii. 

He fayes, the Town or Cafile indeed had none, hut the 
County belonging to it had fome 5 he will have the Terri- 

t 29 ) 

tory or Parifli depending on this Caflle to be a County. 
I cannot but obferve the admirable power of a fancy 
tinctured and prepofTefled. It wilPturn a Party into a 
County i and a Caftlc into a County Town 5 and fincc a 
County with us, was a ''Province with them, one 'Pro- 
vince muft be as much as all Africa 5 and a very (mail 
part oiJfytnidjfa muft be far greater than the whole. 
But there are fome Hypothefes, which may ftand in need 
of fuch imaginations. 

However he likes not my reafbn, and why .<? be- 
caufe, though it had no Catholicks in it then, it might have 
fome before and concludes it had, becaufe it belonged here- 
tofore to the Diocefs of Hippo. 

" But that it formerly had Catholicks, ((aies he) we 
" may conclude by Mr. Baxters reafoning, becaufe it 
" belonged heretofore to the Diocefs of Hippo. 

If Diocefs be taken in a civil fenic ("as it is frequently 
in African Authors ) this will be no proofj that there 
had been any Catholicks in it, becaufe in this fenfc Fuffa- 
la might belong to that Diocefs, though there had not 
been either Chriftian or Bifhop in the whole Region: 
Nor will it be hereby proved, taking it in the Ecclefi- 
aftical fenfe 5 for that part of Hippo, which was under 
the Don at if Bifhop, had no Catholick 3 and yet de 
jure, as he tells us, belonged to the Diocefs, (as he calls 
it,) or charge of St. ^fitjlin. Yet fince he allows Mr. 
^Baxters Argument, he muft admit what it concludes, 
viz. that a place that hath no Chriftians or Catholicks 
in it, belongs to no Bifhop $ and then Fujfala never 
belonged to St. Aufin as its Bifhop 5 either before it had 
Catholicks,for againft this the Argument is admitted to 
be conclufive .\ not after, for then it had a Bifhop of its 
own. And fo all they have to alledge for the largenefs 
of St. Safins Bifhoprick comes to nothing. 



1 3° J 

" So that I conceive the reafon will not hold, for its 
" having no Bifhop of its own, fince the fame reafon 
" deftroys its dependence upon the the Diocefs of Hippo, 
" which isexprefly affirmed. 

The reafon I gave for its having no Bifhop, was, 
becaufeSt. ^nfiin declares there was no Catholickjntt. 
This reafon will hold, unlefs they think a place may 
have a Bifhop where there are no Chriftians at all 5 
when as yet they judge, that a place which hath Chri- 
ftians enough to make a good Congregation, or many, 
ought not to have a Bifhop. Whereas he fayes this rea- 
fon deftroys its dependance upon the Diocefs, I wonder 
what dependance he imagines, fince it is foch, as both 
the not having of Chriftians, and alfothe having of them, 
deftroys it. The former he here affirms, the fame reafon 
(which is its not having of Catholicks) deftroys it 5 the 
latter is undeniable, for when Fujfala had a competent 
number of Catholicks, a Bifhop was there conftituted 5 
and then it depended no more on the Diocefs of Hippo, 
than one Bifhop's Church depends on another, when 
both are independent* 

The dependance of Fujfala upon Hippo was (uch, as 
that of a Countrey place upon a greater Town well 
furnifhed with Officers for their help, to convert and 
reduce the Inhabitants, and when enough are convert- 
ed to help them to a Bifhop or Paftor. This St. Aufiin 
did for Fujfala, he imployed Presbyters to reduce the 
Donatifts there, and when they were reduced, he adds 
them not to his own charge, would not have them £- 
pifcopo cedere^ but advifes them to have a Bifhop of their 
own, and procures one for them. This was the pra- 
ctice of the primitive times, in thefe methods were 
Churches and Bifhops multiplyed } it was not out ofufo 
in the fifth Age, this of ' Fujjala as managed by St. .Aufiin 
is a remarkable inftance thereof and if otherBifhops had 


(3i ) 

'mitated him, as he did the Apoftles, and beft Ages, 
the Church would not have been troubled with de- 
bates about Diocc/ans. 

That ^fuftin would not take the Charge of a Place 
lb far off as Ft/Jfala, he will have it afiribed to his £Mo- 
delly. But it was flich ^ModcSly as this excellent Perfon 
made Conference of, being convinced certijfma ratione, 
by moji certain reafon, that he was not (ufticient for it. 
If all other Bifhops had been (b modefi, fo confeientious, 
there might have been, as ^(azianzen fpeaks, when Bi- 
fhops were multiplyed in Cappadocia, ^x^ v Sa^WwxeW, 
a much more defirable thing, to thofe that love Souls, 
than a great Diocefs. 

He gives a reafon why this muft be afcribed to St. 
lAujims modejly, becaufe he di/charged the Office of a 
Tlijtwp there, in more difficult times, while the presbyters 
he imployed there, were barbaroujly ujed. 

I need not deny that he performed the Office of a Bi- 
fiop there 5 for it is the office of a Bifhop to endeavour 
by himfelf or others, the converting or reducing of all 
that he can. Only this will not prove FuJJala to be 
then a part of his Bifhoprick, no more than it will prove 
^Athanafus to have been Bifhop of Indian becaufe he 
encouraged, and fent Frumentius with others thither, 
to convert the Indians t. t soc. lu c.v 

The learned Dean had cited ^Aufin as calling himfelf So \* ^ 2 - f - 2 \ 
the Bifhop of that Diocef( underftanding by it a Region 
of vaft extent J I obferved that in the Epiftle quoted he 
onely faith he had the Epifcopal charge of Hippo. By 
this the Gentleman changing my words, will have me to 
fignifie, that he was the Bifhop ofcheTown only. This 
I did not intend, but that, he was not the only Bifiop 
of that whole Region. But whether he was Bifhop of 
part of the Town only, or of that and fome part of the 
Region alio, I am not much concerned. His words are 


C v ) 

" as if he had beenBifhop of the Town only, nay, but 
" of part of that neither, for the Donatifh had their 
" Biftiop there : fo this will ftrangely diminifti the Bi- 
" (hoprick of St. Aufiin which at firft appeared folarge. 
Then/ he anfwers, for the Donatifis htving a Bifhop 
there, itfigniji'es little to our prefent purpofe, (ince he wa>s 
but an Ufurper. 

But this fignifiesas much *o my purpofe as I need 5 for 
the Donatifis having aBiftioprickin Hippo, St. ^Aufiin s 
muft needs be diminiftied thereby, and altogether as 
much leffened, as if they had not been Ufurpers. And 
they were counted no otherwife TJfurpcrs, but (b that if 
the Donatitf Biftiop had been reconciled 3 by a Decree 
of the African Church he was to continue in his Bifhop- 
there, as a rightful Toffejfcur, and there would have 
been ftill two Diocefles (fuch as they were ) in one 

He would have us believe Aufiin as if he declared, 
that he was not the Bifhop of the Town only 3 but his 
words are, Ut modum dijpenfationjf nte<e non fupergrediar 
hoc Ecclefis ad Hipponenfim Regionem pertinenti prodeffe 
contefior, which, (ayes our Author, plainly fignifies, 
that all the Church belonging, not only to the Town, but 
but alfb to the T^egion of Hippo, belonged to him. 

But if he pleafe to view the words again which him- 
felf hath quoted, he will find it plainly fignifyed, that 
Auflin's Church belonged to the Region 0/Hippo, but not 
that all the Church both in Town and Region, belonged to 
hint. ^Antonitts Biftiop of Fuffala might have (aid this 
as truly of his Church there,as Aufiin did it of his Church 
at Hippo 3 it did ad Hipponenfem T^egionem pcrtinere,bc- 
long to the Region of Hippo. And it may be as juftly in- 
ferred from hence,that all the Church both irt the Town 
and Region of Hippo belonged to the Biftiop of Fuffala. 
If our Author will allow of this ("as he muft if he will 


r 33 j) 

ftand to hisown account of this paffage^z/tf/Z/Vs Bifhop- 
rick will bejlrangely diminif/jed indeed, it muft be con- 
fined to a part of Hippo, and made Iefi than I reprefent 
it. For I did not fay, nor had I any need to afleit, 
that he was Bilhop of the Town only. We may allow 
him befides his part of the Town, diverfe Villages in 
the Countrey (though I have not feen it proved) with- 
out any danger of affigning him a Diocefan Church. 
For Kidderminfier ("as one tells us, who very well 
knows it J hath 20 Villages belonging to it, and fome 
thoufands of Souls therein, yet according to our mo- 
dern meafures will fcarce make a Diocefan Church u. a M. B. of £- 

To (hew that there were more Bifiops in the Region rf%[ e *£ h Part 
Hippo, than St. ^fujlin, befides particular inftances 
("which he paffes by) I alledged a paffage of his where 
the Donatitls were defircd to meet together with the Ca- 
tholic!^ Bifhops, that were in that T^egion, and who there 
fitfferedfo much hy the 'Donatiiis : to this he anfwers, 
" That thefe Bifhops who are (aid to be in Regione Hip- 
" ponenft, were not the Bifhops of that T^egion^ but 
" fome Bifhops of the ^Province met together there. 

But that thefe were Bifhops of the province met to- 
gether there, is a meerconje&ure of his own, without 
the leaft ground either in this paffage or any other in 
that Epijile. It will not be hard to anfwer any thing at 
this rate. If there had been a Provincial Council then 
held in that T^egion, there might have been fome pre- 
tence for what he fayes } but there is not any hint of 
this in the whole Epijile. That which is defired is a 
^Meeting for conference, Hoc eft ergo defiderium nojlrum y 
&c. Vrimum ft fieri poteji ut cum Epifcopis nojlris pacificc 

confer at is , ideo nos conferre volumus- , and the 

prime occafion of it was the outrages committed in 
that Region by the Donatifts, wherein the Bifhops of 
that place were particularly concerned. This is figni- 

F fyed, 

fyed, as in other parts of the Epiftle, Co particularly in 
the paffage cited, £pifcopos nojiros qnijunt in Regione Hip* 
poncnji, ubi tanta mala patimur. This Meeting was to 
be with the Catholic^ Bifhops upon the place, b Regione 
Hipponenfi, not any to be call'd from other parts. And 
thefe words feera brought in to prevent an objection 
which the Donatifis might make againft a more genera], 
or more publick meeting,as that which might bring them 
in danger of the Laws in force againft them^An forte i(l<e 
leges Imperatoris vos non permittnnt nojlros Spijcopos convc- 
vire,and then immediately follows thefe words in anfwer 
to h,Eccc interimipifcopos nofiros qui funt in Regione Hip- 
ponenft, &c. Co that this to me feems the plain fence of 
both Objection and anfwer 5 If becaufe of the Laws 
you dare not meet us in a more General or Provincial 
Council, yet give a Meeting to the Bifhops of this par- 
ticular Region, where there can be no apprehenfion of 
danger. All which makes me judge, what he fayes 
concerning the Bifiops of the Province as here intended, 
to be no better than an Evafion. 

To prove that there was but one Bifhop in the Re- 
gion of Hippo, he tells us, cc That the Clergy there cal- 
" led in the Infcription of an Epiftle , Clerici Regionk 
" Hipponenjium, fpeaking of the Bifhop of Hippo, do call 
" him their Bifhop, and not one of their Bifhops, &c. 

But the Clergy fo called, way be only the Clergy of 
Hippo, and Co they are in the Title of the Epiftle Clerici 
HipponeCatholici : and well may they of Hippo be called 
the Clergy of the Region, both becaufe they were in that 
Region,and were theClergy ofit^T «&xk"\But if theex- 
preffion fhould be extended to more or to all in j:he Regi- 
on,their calling him Epifcopns noJ}cr,w\\l be no proof that 
they had no other Bifhop, but him at Hippo. For that 


C 95 ) 

phrafc Epifiopus noffer ovEpifcopi nofiri^W along in this 
Epiftle, doth not denote the Bifhop of that particular 
Church to which they belonged fas he would have it J 
but a Bifhop of their party or pcrfoafoiu So they call 
Valcntimis noftrum Catholicum tzpifcopum, who yet was 
not Bifhop of Hippo. So they call them £piJcopos ?ieftros, 
whom they dcfircd the Donatifts to meet once and a- - 
gain ip, and thrice in another page, where our 'Author w/><#. 37?. 
finds £pifcopos twtfros x. He may have many more in- x pag. 571, 
fiances hereof in that Epiftle. If there was (b many 
Bifhops in Hippo or in that Region, as the Clergy call 
Spjjcopos nojlros, he muft grant many more Bifhops in 
that Region than 1 need defire. So that this l?hrafe 
however it be underftood, is a medium unhappily cho- 
(en : if it be taken in my fenfe it is impertinent and can 
conclude nothing for him 5 if it be taken in his ownfenfi^ 
it will conclude direftly againft him. 

He paffes to Alexandria, and to pag. 32. Theinjlance 
of Mareotis hefayes little to, fo our Author, I might 
think it enough, where there was fo little occafion. 

"He infinuates asifc^/rfra?/7.r might not have number 
" enough of Chriftians tp have a Bithop, but this Atha- 
" nafius does fufficienriy {hew to be a groundlefs con- 

I had no intention or occafion to fignifie that Mareo- 
tis had not Chriftians enough to have a Bifhop, I knew 
that it both had many Chriftians, and a Bifhop alfb, 
and named him too 5 and therefore the groundleftconjt- 
Sure may be fixed fomewhere elfe. 

cc And even before Athanafius, the generality of the 
" People there were Chriftians. 

How long before ? Dionyfius in the latter part of the 
third Age declares it 2?w^w«VU?£r 5 quite destitute of 
Christians y, and the gaining the generality there, to yzuftb t tfj,c.i\\ 
the Faith, required fbme confiderable time, and it is 

F 2 like 


like proceeded not far, till Chriftianity generally pre- 

Befides Ifchyras, 1 had mentioned Dracontius^ both 
Bifhops in the Territory of Alexandria fas Agathawmon 
z4pol,2.p.6i2. alio was&) of Dracontius he takes notice, and (ayes, 
pojfibly he was a Chorcpijccpus. 

But a Chorepifcopus is elfewhere with him a D/<?a> 
^ *, and here he (ayes that he did accept a TSiJJwprick. 
Now the(e put together will go near to make a Dioce- 
fan Bilhop. But then if there were two or three Bifhops 
in the Diocefs of Alexandria, befides Athanafms^ they 
will (carce be fo much as half Diocefons. 

He (ayes Athanafius prejj'd'kimto accept it. If (b this 
great Perfon was no more unwilling to have another 
Bifhop in his Dioccfi and in a Countrcy place too, than 
AitUin was to have one at Fujfala, He fayes further this 
was an extraordinary cafe, though what was extraordi- 
nary in it I cannot imagine j to prove any thing there 
mentioned to be fo, will be an hard task. 

"And allowing this man a Countrey Bifhoprick, 
" that of Alexandria would be a great deal too bigg for 
" the Congregational meafunci 

And fo it might be, and yet be no Diocefin Church 5 
if that will (atisfie him which is too big for thofe meafures^ 
he (eems content to drop his caufe, and may leave it in 
the hands of ^Presbyterians. And he is in the more 
danger, becaufe he (eems not apprehenfive of it, but 
counts it enough if he thinks a Church is any where 
found larger than one Congregation. 

I had given inftances of feveral Towns that had Bi- 
fhops, and were but two or three or four &c. miles 
diftant one from another this he denies not : but asks 
what does this conclude? might not thofe Diocejfcs be yet 
much larger than one Congregation $ 


I might conclude that thefe were juft fuch Diocefies 
as our Countrey Parifhes are 5 and had fuch Congrega- 
tions as thofe Parifh Churches have. And fome of them 
in time might have provifion fas fome of ours have J 
for more Congregations than one. And if our modem 
DioccJJes were of this proportion, they would be much 
more conformable to the antient Modells. 

" Suppofe the chief Congregations of Holland had 
" each a Bifhop, yet I conceive they would be Dioce- 
" fans,though thofe Cities lie veryclofe together. 

He might have laid the fcene at home, where we are 
better acquainted, and fuppofed this of our Countrey 
Towns 5 or of both the cf.iefi and lejjer Towns in Hol- 
land 5 if he had defigned what would be moft paraUel. 
But to take it as it is formed, though thofe Cities lay 
not further diftant, and had each of them a Bifhop, yet 
if their Churches were governed in common by Bifhop 
and Presbyters, as the antient Churches were 5 they 
would not be Diocefan, but more like the Model of the 
Churches and Government which Holland hath at pre- 

cc And now after all this, though we have feveral in- 
" fiances out o(Egjrpt, how near Cities were together 
"in fome parts, yet upon the whole account the Dk> 
" ceffti do appear to be large enough, from the num- 

He would have us think where Cities arey& near toge- 
ther (as I had (hewed) yet becaufe of their number the 
Dioceflcs might be large enough. But where they 
were fonear together, they could not be large enough 
to make any thing like the modern Dioceffes, no, no? 
larger than our Countrey Parishes if they had Bifhops 
in them. And the Ancients thought themfelves obliged 
by the Apojlles rule to have a Bifhop, not only in fome 
but in every City, ftmJimvZfti'inHJSv % fayes Chrjifi-* 


C 38 ) 

b in i rim. tfome^ $ ><$ * y &* v *»'*" '®^»>»«v«W £, and Thecphilutt ex- 
How, ii. preffes ^w^r by ^' t^^, without exception 
of the fmallnefs of the place or its nearnefs to others. 
The reafon diverfe Cities had none, was the want, or 
the inconfiderable number of Chriftians in them. No- 
thing but this hindered any City from having a Bifnop 
in the four firft Ages 5 though the greateft part of their 
Cities ( as may be made manifeft ) were no greater 
than our Market-Towns or fairer Villages. And upon 
this account many Cities might want Biftiops, and it 
may be did fo, in Egypt particularly 5 Heathenifae pre- 
vailing in many places there, even in Jhhamfyus his 
time 5 for which I could produce fufficient evidence 5 
but will not now digrefs (b far. Afterwards the affe&a,- 
tion ofgreatnefs in fome, was the occafion of new mea- 
sures 5 and orders were made that Towns which had 
no Bifhops before (hould have none after : though the 
reafon why they had none before was gone 5 and 
thole places had as many or more Chriftians in them, 
than mod Epifcopal Cities had of old. 

" For in Athanafms his time there were not an hun- 
cAthan.Apol.2. " dred Bifhops in all Egypt, Lybia and Teniapolk c. 

I was a little furprized to read this, and fee dthana- 
fius cited for it. For I knew that lAthanafim reckons 
95 Bifhops from Egypt befides himfelf, at the Council of 
Sardica^ and others from Africa, wherein Ljlia and 
T^entapolis are ufually included $ and it was never 
known that a major part or a third of the Bifhops in a 
Countrey, did come to a Council at fuch a diftance as 
Egypt - u was from Sardka. It is fcarce credible that A- 
th0^Ljms would fo far contradict himfelf, as to fay there 
were not fb many Bifhops in all thofe three Countreys, 
when he had fignifyed there were many more in one of 
them. Some miftake I thought there muft be, and con- 
futing the place I found it not intirely reprefented. 


There is this Claufe (immediately following the words 
he cites ) left out, «<^«* r*™* »(**< w 77 * 70 , vonc of tkefe ac- 
cufed mc whereby it appears that the meaning of the 
whole paffage is this, thervwas an hundred BiJJjopsin the 
Diocefs of 'Egypt who appeared not againfi him y or that 
favoured him. But thofe who favoured ytrim (whom 
he calls Hufebians) and ^Melethis^ to fay nothing of Co- 
luthus (for into fo many parties was that Countrey then 
divided) are not taken into the reckoning 3 otherwife 
it would have amounted to many more than an hundred. 
Sozomen (ayes the Bifhops there, who took Arius his 
part were many, ^aao/ w Zhtn-nw d, and in Atkanafius dLib.i. f.14. 
there is an account of many ^MeletUn Bifhops by 
name e 5 and in Spiphanius it is laid, that in every Re- e^;»/. 2.^.5 14. 
gion through which <5Mcletius paffed, and /// every place 
where he came he made Biflwps f (Ep, far. 6d. 

The next thing he takes notice of is the defence of 
Mr. Baxter's Allegation out of At ban 'aft W, to (hew, that 
all the Chrijlians 0/ Alexandria (M. TJ's words are, the 
main body of the Chriftians in Alexandria ) could meet 
in one Church, 

cc It is to be confefTed that the expreffions of that 
cc Father feem to favour him, yjx* '**f\at \C^m and that 
" the Church did ™U A?^/ hold all, &c. 

I am made more confident by all that is faid to the 
contrary, that the evidence is really fuch, as will need 
no favonr, if it can meet with Juftice. 

" Now fuppofe that all the Chriftians in Alexandria^ 
" the Catholicks at leaftwife, could meet together in 
" that great Church, yet all the Diocefs could not. 

All that was undertaken to be proved by the paffage 
in queftion, was, that the mam body of Christians in 
Alexandria adhereing toAthanajius could, and did meet 
in that one Church. If this be granted nothing is de- 
nied that he intended to prove. As for a Diccefm the 


k 40 J 

Countrey, if he will (hew us what, or where it was, 
and that it had no other Bijhcpin 7/, he will do fomething 
that may be confidered } yet nothing at all againft 
what this Teftimony was maJe ufe of to evince. 

He (ayes 2dly, " Suppofe this great great Church 
"could receive all the multitude, yet if that multitude 
" was too great for Perfonal Communion it is infignifi- 

Upon this feppofition it might be too great for an or- 
dinary meeting in the Congregational way, yet not big 
enough for a Diocefan Church. But the fuppcfition is 
groundlefs and contradifts Athanafius who (ayes they 
had Perfonal Communion, they all prayed together, and 
did not only meet within the Walls, but concurred in 
the worjhip, and/aid. Amen. 

He (ayes 3dly, " Before the Church of Alexandria 
"met in diftinft Congregations, but we are told that 
" thofe places were very finally port and fir ait places. 

All thefe five one, I faid, which he ought not to 
have omitted. And they were Cofmal/, becaufe thofe 
who were wont to meet in them feverally, fo as to fill 
them, could all meet in one Church, and did fo as 
Athanafius declares. 

" But that they were (uch Chappels or Churches, as 
"fome of our Parifhes in England have as great a num- 
w ber as Alexandria, is hardly credible. 

I know not how thofe places could be well expreffed 
with more diminution than Athanafius hath done it, he 
(ayes they were not only Jlrait and [mall, but the very 
fmalleSl. If he will make it appear that our Churches 
or Chappels are Ie(s than thofe that were C&xfr*™, I 
(hall underftand that which I could never before, that 
fomething is lej? than that which is kali of all. But he 
will prove they were not (b fmall, becaufe firft the 
Church 0/ Alexandria was very numerous from the begin- 

tilng. Why it fhould be counted fo very numerous from 
the beginning, I know no reafon, but the miftake of an 
Hiflorian who will have a Se& of the Jem (which was 
numerous in or about Alexandria) to be Chriftians. 

" And if they met all in one place it muft confequent- 
"ly be very large. 

The ground of the confequence is removed, Vaky>is 
his own Author (ayes they had but one Church to meet in, 
in Dionyfius hk time, almoft 3 Ages from the begin- 
ning^. If that one was large, yet it is not like that it gpsg. 64. 
flood till jithanafrus his time \ after fo many Edicts for 
demoliftiing of all Chriftian Churches, and a fevere 
Execution of them in Diocletian s Perfecution. 

" Nor is it likely they (hould divide till they were 
" grown too numerous for the biggeft Meeting-place 
" they could conveniently have. 

It is as likely as that ^Athanafws {peaks truth, in a 
matter which he perfectly knew 3 he tells us they did 
divide, and yet were not too numerous for one great 
Church, in which they met conveniently too 5 yea, bet- 
ter than when difperfed in thofe little places, as he 
fayes and proves, w*° Ci\mv nv, &c. 

2dly, He (ayes, cc Though before the Umpire was con- 
" verted they might be confined to litde places, and 
" forced to meet Severally 5 yet zfevConfiantine became 
" Chriftian, it is not likely that the Alexandrians would 
" content themfel ves with fmall andjirait Chappels. 

Nor did they content themfelves with thofe little 
ones, for befides this built in Athanajius his time, there 
was one greater than thofe finall ones finifhed in Alex- 
anders time, where the body of Catholicks aflembled 
with Alexander, the other places being too ftrait, 
m&roPTw tLMavTWTi'mat l) this is that one I excepted, when 
I (aid (after Athanajius) that the reft, alljave one, were 
exceeding frnaU. But is it any proof that thefe were not 

G very 


very imall which Athanajius represents as fiich, becaufe 
there was one (exprefly excepted from that number J 
(bmething larger ? As for what he adds, that then every 
ordinary City, built very great and magnificent Cathedrals, 
it is eafily faid, but will never be proved. 

" 3dly, Some of thefe Churches had been built with 
a a defign of receiving as many as well could have per- 
" fonal Communion in Worfhip together. 

Neither will this hold, unlefs fome of thofe Churches 
could have received all, which had l?erfonal Communi- 
on with tAthanafim in this greateft Church 5 which he 
denies, and makes ufe of to Coxjlantius as a plea why he 
madeufe of the great ejl. 

" As Theonas is laid by Athanafius to have built a 
" Church bigger than any of thofe they had before. 

Where Theonas is (aid by sAthanafius to have built a 
Church, &c. I find not, nor does he direft us where it 
may be found, I fuppofe for very good Reafon. In- 
deed Athanafius in this Apology (peaks of a Church called 
Theonas fit's like in memory of a former Bifhop of that 
place) where he (ayes the multitude of Catholicks met 
with ^Alexander, *wmyww£tf **£*>$&& 5 in like Circum- 
ftances, as a greater multitude affembled with himfelf in 
the new Church, which was greater, and pleads Alex- 
anders example in defence of what he did. But Theonas 
could not build this Church, for he was dead many 
vears before, being Predeceffour to 'Peter whom Achil- 

tuttdom *' * as and Akxander fucceeded h. 

L ic, 2. " And yet this and all the reft were but few and ftrait 

a in comparifon of the great multitude of Catholicks 
" that were in Alexandria. 

I expe&ed another Conclusion, but if this be all, he 
might have fpared the premiffes } for one part of it we 
affert,. the other we need not deny, only adding with 
Athanafiu*, that the greateji Church was capable M*&» 
&*P*i °f receiving this great multitude* But 

f 43) 

But here he fticks,and will wriggle a little more," But 
" I conceive, (ayes he, after all this, that the expreffi- 
" ons of Athanafius do not conclude that all the Chrifti- 
u ans in Alexandria were met in this great Church. 

That rf//and every one did come, was never imagined. 
It is but the main body of the Catholicks that M.jB. in- 
tends, as our Author obferves a little before. 

" For the tumultuous manner in which they came to 
cc their Bifhop to demand a general Affembly, makes it 
" probable that not only Women and Children, would 
" be glad to abfent thcmfelves, but many more^ either 
" apprehenfive of the effefl: of this tumultuous proceedings 
" or of the danger of fuch a crowd. 

The Women he will not admit , but was it ever 
known that fuch a great and folemn Affembly for Wor- 
fhip confiited only of Men ? Were not the. Women in 
Communion with Athanajiuss Chriftians, that they muft 
be left out, when he (ayes all the Catholicks met.*? Can 
all be truly (aid to affemble when the farr greater part 
QVomen^ Children and his many more) were abfent £ 
Are not the Women in the 'Primitive Church often 
noted for fuch Zeal for the Worftlip of Chrift, as made 
them contemn far greater dangers, than here they had 
any caufe to be apprehenfive of .<? The fuppofed danger 
was either from the Crowd or the Tumult. For the for- 
mer, did the Women and many more never come to Chri- 
ftian Affemblies, when there was any danger of being 
crowded .<? I think there was as great danger from a 
crowd in TSafilifcus his Reign, when the whole City of 
C. *P. is (aid to have met together in a Church with the £m- 
perour, but yet the Women flayed not behind but crowd* 
ed in with the men^ as Theodoras Le&or reports it, ™tm 

civadpctdiim i Befides Athanajius here (ignifies the ' dan- i collttt* lib. v 
ger of a crowd was in the lefler Churches, (not in this J 

G 2 where 

T44) > 

where they could not meet but *$ *aM* 9wv%^ and fo 
prefers their affembling together in the great Church as 
c As for the Tumults (which might have been conceal- 

ed in a Vindication of the primitive Church) if there was 
any thing tumultuous, it was over when Athanafius had 
complyed with their defires to meet in the great Church. 
And (6 no apprehenfion of danger left to women, or any 
elfe, upon this account. 

" And even thofe that did affemble there were too 
" many for one Congregation, and was an aflembly 
" more for Solemnity and Oftentation than for Perfonal 
" Communion in Worfhip, and the proper ends of a 
" religious Aflembly. 

Here he runs as crofs, to the great Athanafius and the 
account which he gives of this Aflembly as if he had 
ftudied it, debafing that as more for Oftentation than for 
^Perfonal Communion in Worihip, and the proper ends 
of a Religious Kffembly, which Athanafius highly com- 
mends both for the more defirable communion which the 
Chriftians had there mWorfiip, and for the greater ef- 
ficacy of it as to the proper ends of a T^eligions Sjjembly. 
k ^*/.2.M3i. Let any one view the paflages £and judge. He ftts 
* 52, forth the harmony, and concurrence of the multitude in 

worfnpwith one voice. He preferrs it before their afjem- 
blies, when dijperjed in little places, and not only be- 
caufe the unanimity of the multitude was herein more ap- 
parent, but becaufe God would fooner hear them, *™ *} 
i*.y$m © 0205 tmKxei. For if, iayes he, according to our 
Saviour s promife, where two full agree concerning any thing 
it pall he done for them by my Father, &c. how prevalent 
will be the one voice of Jo ?7umerous a people, ajj Ambled to- 
gether and faying kmen to God? and more to that pur- 
pofe, by which we may perceive, htkanafus being 
Judge, how true is it that this Aflembly was more for 


r 45 ) 

Solemnity and OJlentation , than for Terjonal Commu- 
nion in Worflrip and the proper ends of a Religious Ajfem- 
bly. And thus much to let us fee through the Arts ufed 
to cloud a clear paffage alledged out of Athanafius 5 if 
M. B. hid betaken himfelf to fuch little devijes, in like 
Circumftanccs } our Author would have taken the Li- 
berty to tell him, th it he was driven to hard Shifts. 

Before we leave Alexandria I am to take notice of 
what is faid by our Author^ to part of a Letter writ by 
a Friend to M. 15. concerning this City and the num- 
ber of Chriftians therein in Conftantiits his time. The 
Writer of it obferves a grofi abufe put upon him in the 
Vindicators Anfwer to it, and defires his defence may 
be here inferted. It contains an argument to confirm 
what was concluded from that paflfage in Athanafws 
here infilled on, that the Cathoiicks then could meet in 
one place. After that paffage and to this purpofe M/B. 
introduced it, as is very apparent /. This our Author 1 church Hiff. 
leems to obfcrve when he begins with it 5 he adds^ (ayes * ag% 9% IO ' 
he, to this oj Athanafius fthe very paflage mentioned J 
another argument given him by a learned Friend m. And m Pag. 58, 
after he hath done with it ;/, becaufe *JH. B. has endea- n Pag. 6$. 
vowed to reprefent the Church of Alexandria^ inconfidera- 
ble even in Conftantius his dayes, &c. And yet, how it 
comes to pais I know not, it is quite out of his thoughts 
while he is examining it. He was fo hafly for confuting, 
that he ftaiesnot to take notice what hj was to confute, 
though the intent of it be mjft plain and obvious, both 
by the occafion and words of the Letter : But Forces that 
fenfeonit, and makes that the defign of it} which I 
was far from thinking, would ever come into any mans 
Fancy, when he was awake. The words of the Letter 
are thefe 5 The City 0/ Alexandria, fayes Strabo, is like a 
Soldiers Cloak^ &c. and by computation about ten miles 
in compafi a %d. or ^th. part of this no as taken up with 


fublick buildings, Temples and Ifoyal 'Palaces $ thus is 
two miles and an half or three and a quarter taken up. He 
anfwers," I will not fay this learned friend hath impofed 
" on M.jB. but there is a very great miftake betwixt them. 
But the miftake is his own, and fuch a one, as I won- 
der how he could fall into it. He takes it for granted, 
that the Argument is brought to prove what Chriftians 
Alexandria had in Strabos time. Here is not the leaft 
occafion given for this, unlefs the citing of Strabo (hew- 
ing the dimenfions of that City .• but ^Primate Vfocr is 
quoted too, on the lame account $ and fo as much rea- 
fon to fancy the defign was to fhew what Chriftians A- 
lexandria had in the 'Primates time. Jerome, Epipha- 
nius, Theodoret, Socrates, Sozomen are alfo cited there } 
why could not thefe as well lead him to the right Age, 
which their words plainly point at, without the leaft 
glance at any Age before, as Strabo alone (cited with- 
out any relpedi: to the time when he writ ) fo far miP 
lead him ? Nay, the 4th. age is exprefly mentioned in 
the Letter $ and the numeroufhefs of the VH^ovatians 
and Brians in ^Alexandria at the time intended , 
is infilled on 5 could he think any man fo ftupid, that 
had but the leaft acquaintance with thofe things, as to 
fpeak of Brians, and ^(ovatians in Strabos time ? But 
it may be, though I would hope better, our Examiner 
was too inclinable to fix an abfurd thing upon the Wri- 
ter of 'the Letter 3 that he might be excufed, from giving 
a better anfwer when it was not ready. 

But let us hear what he (ayes to it 5 yet what can be 
expe&ed to be (aid by one who makes his own dream 
the Foundation of his Difcourfe .<? However let us try 
if we can find any one claufe that is true and pertinent in 
the whole, and begin with the beft of it. 

Though Strabo fayes that Temples and great Palaces 
took up a 4th. or a 3d. of the City, yet our Examiner 


will have us think there might be inhabitants there $ 
when Hpiphanius (ayes, as I cited him, that part was 
W®*, deftitute of Inhabitants, fo he tells us 'Uruchium 
was. The Examiner denies not Bruchium to be that Re- 

fion of the City which Strabo fayes, was taken up with 
*ublich^ Ttuildings, but adds, what all the publick^build- 
ings of the Town in one T^egion .<? But who (aid all the 
Publick Buildings ? This is his own fancy ftill. 

" And that an outer skirt too, as it is defcribed by 
" the Greek ^Martyrology in HiHarion, &c. 

If he mean it was not a Part or Region of the City 
Sirabo and lipiphanitts will have Credit before a Siory out 
of the Greek JUtrtyrology, or him that tells it, when it 
appears not in the words cited. In Strabo it is m®" part 
of the City, in Epiphanins it is a Ifegion, l*i*Cs*%» igwdv* df ^ M 
KhjLuiAv. For as T^onte was divided into 14 Regions, and mm p. i66i 
C. T\ in imitation of it, fo Alexandria was divided into 
5, whereof Bruclmm was one, and the greateft of all. 
So I underftand Antmianus ^Marceliinus, who upon the 
lofs of Bruchitwt faith, amiQt regionum maximam partem 
qu£ Tiruchhtm apellatur 5 Alexandria loji the greateft of 
its Regions, which wis called Bruchium. 

u This Qpiphanits (ayes was deftitute of Inhabitants in 
16 his time, and not unlikely, and perhaps deftitute of 
" Publick Buildings too, for it was dejiroyed after an 
£ obftinate (lege in the Reign of htrelian as kmmtanus 
" ^Marcellinus, or otClaudius as Sf/febius. 

When he hath granted all that I defigned, that this 
part was deftitute of Inhabitants, and more too, that it 
was dejiroyed, yet he wo aid have the City no lefi, no 
t7ecejjity of this, (ayes he, fare we are not yet awake j? 
can a City loofe 7*?*%™? n x) r{trov rk 7ntvr©' m£/£oA« /d§& 
in the Hiftorians words, a \th.yea, or a third part of its 
largenefs, and yet not be (b much the lefs$ He hath no- 
thing to (alve this 5 but it may be, and it might be y 



groundlefs farmifes, without either reafon or authority, 
" They might inlarge upon another quarter, being it 
"may be forbid to build Bruchium- — — they might 
f dwell cloftr than before, and fo their multitude be un- 
<c diminifht. 

How far it is from being true, that their multitude was 
vndiminiffit } and how necdlefs either to inlarge — or to 
dwell clofcr, may (bon appear. The multitude muft 
needs be much diminifhed in fuch a War, and a clofe 
(lege of many years continuance, for fo it is reported 

in chronic. both by Eufebius and Jerome 5 and it was much wafted 
and in a conlumptive condition, before it was thus be- 
fieged and difmantled by Claitums 2. or Aurelian. 

It was greatly diminifhed in numbers by CaracaUa who 
Maffacred a great part of the inhabitants. Herodian 
(ayes, ^^T(^-$^67o^V(^^f«^o/^W^*, &c. theflaughter 
was juch that with the jir earns of b loud, which ran from the 
place, not only the vajiejl outlets 0/Nilus, hut the Sea, all 

oHift.tib.4. along the Shore of Alexandria was difiolonred 0. Towards 
the latter end of the third Age, Dionyfus gives an ac- 

p m Eufeb. lib. count of the ftrange diminution of the Alexandrians p, 

7. cap. 22. fignifying that informer dates the elderly men were more 
numerous, than in his time, both young and old, compris- 
ing all from infancy, to extream old age, *™ vnwav dfZ&pfyn 

" However certain it is, that this City long after the 
ci deftruftion of Bruchium, retained its ancient Great- 
" nefi 5 and is reprefented by no Author as diminifht ei- 
" ther in Number or Wealth. 

This is certain no otherwife than the former, i.e. quite 
the wrong way. For not long after the deftru&ion of 
TSruchium, in the Egyptian War made by Diocletian up- 
on Achilleus, which Eufebius, Sutropius and othersmen- 
tion : It was greatly diminiffjt both in numbers and wealth. 
For Alexandria after a long fiege, was taken by force 


( 49 ) 

and plundred, great Execution done upon the Citizens, 
and the Walls of the Town demolifhed. 

A great part oft he City (fayes the Letter^ was a Jfig*' 
ed to the Jews, fo Strabo indefinitely as Jofephus quotes 
hint, others tell us mere punctually, that their pare was two 
of the five divisions ; though many of them had their habi- 
tations in the other divifwns, yet they had two yh. parts in- 
tire to themjelves , and this is Ifiippofe the ***©- M©" which 
Jofephus fayes the Succejfors 0/ Alexander, fit apart for 
tkem 5 thus we fee bow 6 or 7 miles of the 10 are dif 
pofed of To this he (ayes, cc * The number of thofe 
" Jews> was much leflened within a little while after % 

" Strabo by an infurre&ion of the Alexandrians againft 
" them. 

I fuppofe he means by that (laughter of them which - 
Jofephus mentions?, where 500c o were deft royed} but %%*[£ }*~ u 
what were thefe to the vaft number of Jews in Egypt, 
which Thilo r fayes amounted to no lefi than a mil-n^t. u 
lion? CAim > 

" The civil Wars afterwards under Trajan and his 
" Succeflbr had almoft extirpated them. 

It was in 'ValeBine where thefe Tragedies were afted, 
and was (b far from extinguifhing them in Sgypt or A- 
lexandria, that thereby, in all probability 5 their num- 
bers were there increafed 5 for being diverted of about 
1 000 Towns and Garrifons by Severus (Adrians Gene- 
ral) as Dion reports, and forbidden all acce(s to Jeru- 
falem as drilio Tclleus in Sufebius f, this made other f£*M* CA h 6 ' 
places more defireable, thofe particularly where they 
might have good entertainment as they were wont to 
have at Alexandria, and what Dion Chryfoiiome (ayes, 
confirms it. 

But all this which he (ayes, if there were truth in it, 
is impertinent 5 for the Letter is not concerned what 
Jews were there near Strabo or Adrians time, but in 

H the 

the fourth Age. Yet this is all that he hath to (ay to the 
reft of the Letter, befides the publifhing and repeating 
of his own miftake, and upon no other ground making 
himfelffport with the Writer of it. 

Thus he begins, by the fame rule he might havedijpojed 
cfall at once, and concluded out ofStrabos divifion of the 
Town, that there was not one Chriftian in it : and repeats 
it thrice in the fame Page, ^(j> matter what number of 

Jews or Heathens it had in StraboV dayes , it is kindly 

done to provide for Chrijlians before they were in beings 
furely Strabo, who makes the diftribution, never intended the 
Chriftian s one foot of ground in all that division, and this 
learned Friend might have fpared his little Town cf8 or 
IO Furlongs, which hefo liberally beftows upon the r Bifoop 
^/Alexandria, before our Saviour was born , and he 

tp^.^.94. is at it again feveral times in the following difcourfe t. 
How defirable a thing is it to have M. T?. and his 
Friend render'd ridiculous/ when rather than it (hall 
not be done, our Examiner will publifh his own indi£ 
cretion fo many times over to effeft it. But I will for- 
bear any fharper refleftions upon this Author, for taking 
him to be an ingenuous Perfon, I may expeft he will be 
icvereupon himfel£ whenhedifcernshiserrour^ which 
1 doubt not but he will fee clearly by once more reading 
that Letter. 

Next he would difprove M. T3 sreprefentation of the 
Church of Alexandria in Conftantiuss time, by giving a 
view of that Churches greatnefs from the firft Founda- 

u Pag. 61. tion of it n 5 which becaufe it may concern ihtLctter du- 
ly underload, I (hall take fome notice of it very briefly. 
But there is fomething interpofed, between this and the 
Letter, which requires fome obfervance 5 there we may 
have an inftance of this Gentleman's jfeverity upon M. 
J5. and how reafonable it is 5 " His remark, (ayes he, 
" upon two Bifhops living quietly in Alexandria is fo 

* difeige- 


" difingenuous a fuggeftion, that he hath reafon to be 
" afliam'd of it,' 

But what is therein this fo difingenuous andjhamefitl} 
Does not Epiphanius fay this, 'and our Examiner ac- 
knowledge it b i Ay, but M. B. means that there were b pag. io 7 . 
not only two Bifhops, but their diftinci Churches in this 
City. Well, and does not oipiphanim give him futfici- 
ground for it .<? Does he not tell us that ^Mcletius made 
Bi(hops,who had their W«* &Ktod*t in every place where 
he came ? Does he not fignifie that the ^Meletians in 
Alexandria had their dijiincl Churches or Meetings both 
in the time of \Akxander and Athanafws ? (ayes he not 
particularly of ^Meletius that being familiar "wixh^Alex- 
ander he flayed long in that City* having )&** nv*Z*v <*»' 
wuMtti a difiinU ^meeting with thofe of his own Tarty $ 
Were there not innumerable Cities in that Age which 
had two Bifhops and their Churches, fbme three or four 
at once (thofe of the Arians, the Donatijis, the£\W- 
tians, the ^Meletians, &c. befides thofe who were ftyl- 
ed Catholicks) Would this Gentleman take it well if M. 
1?. fhould tell him, that he who denies this is difingenu- 
ous if he know it, and hath fbme reafon to be aftiamed 
if he know it not $ Ay, but Epiphanius was deceived in 
this account of the ^Meletians, and miPreprefents them. 
Indeed our Examiner makes as bold with epiphanius (a 
Bilhop of great Zeal and Holinefs, a Metropolitan, a 
famous Writer fas he does with M.-B. charging him 
with much weakpefs (as one eafily impofed upon,) many 
overfights, grofi miftakes, diver Je abfurd things, and fitch 
Stories, that he will fcarce with worfe to his Adversary, 
than to believe him c. Nor does epiphanius alone fall cP4g.u2.113. 
under his cenfure in his Vindication of the Primitive &c * 
Church (as he calls it) he goes near to accufe more par- 
ticular Perfons ("Bifhops amongft others) of eminency 
in the antient Church, than he defends 5 fo that one 

H 2 may 

may fufpeft his defign was, not (b much to defend emi- 
nent ( "Bifl)ops, as great Biflwpricks fuch as the antient 
Church had none, and to run crofi to M. 5. more than 
to vindicate any. 

" In §t.£Marl(s time Alexandria had feveral Churches, 
dEMfibJ.2 c.i6 though but one Bifhop, &c d. 

What Sufebius (ayes of Churches in Alexandria at that 
time, is grounded upon a miftakc, as appears, becaufe 
immediately afcer the words cited, he adds, Jo great was 
the multitude ofBeleivers at Marks firfi attempt there, that 
Philo /;/ his writings thought fit to give an account of them, 
»<$y&$* dfyuwnv $ikZm. tufcbius conceived that the 
Effenes, as Scaliger, or the Tkerapeut£, as Valerius, whom 
Philo defcribes, were the Chriftians of Mark's Converfi- 
on 5 and there being Aflemblies of that Seft of the Jews 
in T?hitis time , the Hiftorian (peaks of Chriftian 
Churches at Alexandria in Marl(s time 5 but thofe who 
believe that he erred in the former, can have no reafon 
to give him credit in the latter. Our Examiner does 
not deny that he was miftaken, but (ayes, it is not ma- 
terial whether they were Jews or Chriftians 3 yet thofe who 
inquire after Truth fincerely, will think it material 5 
and little value a Teftimony which hath no better 
ground than a miftake. 
e?*£.62. The next is no better c, that is an Epiftle of A- 

drian, which others are puzzled to make fenfe ofj or 
(uch fenfe as can have any appearance of Truth. 
That very paffage in it, which is the only ground of 
our Authors Argument, himfelf acknowledges to be 
falfe $ for he would fnew the Chriftians in Alexandria 
to be numerous enough for his purpofe, becaufe it is 
there (aid that feme (whom be takes to be Chriftians) did 
force the Patriarch ( whoever he be ) to worfiip thrift, 
and yet adds, there is no doubt but Adrian does the Chri- 
ftians wrong in this point, for they never forced any to their 


C 53) 
Religion. Will he have us to rely upon" reasoning?, 
which have no better Foundation, than what is //#- 
doubtedly falft by his own Confeffion ? He (ayes alfo it is 
not material to our purpofe whether this ^Patriarch were 
Tiifiop of Alexandria, or chief Governour of the Jews. 
If (b, then it is not material with this Gentleman, either 
to argue from that which is not true, or elfe from that 
which is nothing to his purpofe. For if this Patriarch 
was the Bifhop of Alexandria, that they forced him to 
worfhip Chrift, is not true, he did it of his own accord : 
and if it be not one, who was no Chriftian, that they 
forced } then is not any thing in this paflage to his pur- 
pofe, and Adrian's Epiftle might have been waved as a 
meer im pertinency. 

That which follows^ hath not the (hew of a reafon, f pag. 6$. 
" the great Catcchifts of Alexandria, as T^antenus, Cle- 
" mens, Origen and Heracles, did not a little advance 
" the growth of Chriftian Religion in that place, <&c. 

Muft there needs be a Diccefan Church there becaufe 
the Catcchifts did advance Religion not a little .<? 

The next concerning Dionyfius his Church meeting at 
Chebron (Cephro it (hould bej and Colutlio, is already 
fully anfwered, as it is offered with better improvement 
than our Examiner gives \tg. It cannot eafily be ap- g^o Evidence 
prehended how a larger Church meeting with Diony-f or r ai; 'l*>& 
fim^ made up of thofe banifhed with him, and others 
from feveral parts of Egypt, at Cephro, a Village in Ly- 
bia, a diftmct Province 5 fhould prove that he had a 
Diocefan Church ifi Alexandria, to any, but thofe who 
are very inclinable to believe it without proof Nor 
will others underftand that D/^//;/j-<fe better proved to 
be a Dioceftn by the Chriftians which came from Alex- 
andria to Coluthio in ^Mareotes-^ (there being none there 
befides) for the Believers in Alexandria it ftlf, were no 
more than one Church could hold, as Valejins collefts 


from this very place to our Examiners regret, Ex hoc 
loco coliigitur, £tate % [qjiidem Dionyjii, tmicam aclhuc fttijjh 
Alexandria Ecclejiam, in quant cntnesTJrbk il/ius fidelcs, 

h Vet. in Eufeb. Orationk causa, conveniebant h. 

Ub. 7. Mj>.if. j n t j ie next p ara g ra ph our Examiner argues for the 
great numbers of Chriftians at Alexandria , from the 
multitude of Martyrs at Thebes. 

" Under the Persecution of Diocletian what numbers 
cc of Chriftians might be at Alexandria, may be judged 

1 Pag. 64. « by t jj e mu i t i tuc i e of Martyrs that fuffered at Thebes i, 

But here he miftakes £ufebins, who gives an account 
not of the Martyrs which were *» ©«&«*, in the City 
Thebes, but *? ©«&»«<&-, the province Thebak : which 
W3s half ofthat large Kingdom,according to the antient 
divifion of it into the upper and lower Sgypt. The Supc- 
riour Sgypt was Thebak, the inferiour was called fome- 
times the Delta, fometimes Egypt in a reftrained fenfe, 
and this divifion in thefe terms we have \r\Eufebius(\.o go 

k cap. 6. no further)a little before ^, *? enCa,iJk >&T 'A/y^w, where 
he begins his account of the Martyrs in this Countrey. 
Now if the Chriftians in that Provice of large extent, 
and comprifing very many Cities may be concluded to 
be very numerous from the multitudes of Martyrs which 
fuffered there 5 yet nothing at all can be inferred for any 
numbers to his purpofe in the City Thebes, by which he 
would conclude their numeroufnefs in Alexandria. But 
if M. t ~B. had miftaken one City forfb large a Countrey 
with multitudes of Cities in it, and made that miftake 
the ground of his reafoning , it is like our Examiner 
would have expoled him for it in his Preface, as he does 
forfbme leffer matters. 

i Fag. $5. In the following Paragraph /, there is a groundlefs 

fiippofition, that the divifion of Alexandria into Varices 
was antienter than Arms, there being no mention of it 


r 55 j 

by any antient Author : as alfo an accusation of Peta- 

vius as miftaking £piphatiius his words, without any Stm. of Septra- 

caufe that I can difcern in thofe words, though he tio *P- 2 * • 

(ayes, it is plain there. That which he (ayes is plain, 

the learned Dean of "'Paul's could not difcern, but un- 

derftood Spiphanius as Tetavius and others did before 

him. Thefe I took to be preliminaries and expe&ed his 

Argument, but found it not, unlets it be couched in 

the firft words. 

" The Divifion of Alexandria between feveral Pres- 
" byters, as it were into fo many Parifhes, &c. 

But this fignifies nothing for his purpofe, if thofe in 
Alexandria thus divided could all meet in one place, as 
Athanafius declares they did 5 and that fo plainly that 
any one will judge fo, whofe intereft is not too hard 
for his judgment. Valefius Cwho had no byafs unlefi 
what might lead him the other way^) underftood it as I 
do 5 and exprefles it in thefe words. ( deciding the 
matter fo long infifted on, againft our Author) ^After- 
wards in the times 0/ Athanafius, when there were more 
Churches halt by diverfe HSifhops of Alexandria, the Citi- 
zens affembkd in fever al Churches fiver ally and in parcels^ 
as Athanafius/y ej- in his Apology to Conftantius } but on 
the great Feftivals^ Rafter and T^entecoji^ no particular 
affemblics were held, fed univerfi in majorem Ecclefiam 
conveniebant, ut ibidem teftatur Athanafius, but all of 
them affembled together in the great Church as Athanafius 

So that there can be no pretence that the Church 
in Alexandria was Diocefan at this time, unlefs thofe who 
could meet together in one place might make fuch a 
Church. Yet this was then the greateft Church in the 
Empire fave that at T(ome r) and what he adds makes 
that at Rome very unlike Juch Diocefan Churches, as 
are now aflerted. 

u Vakiius 

t 5^ J 

" Valefius inferrs from the fame paffage of Pope Inro- 
cc cent's Epiftle to Dccentius, which 'Vetavius brings to 
" prove the contrary, that though there were feveral 
" Titles or Churches in Rome then, and had been long 
" before, yet none of them was as yet appropriated to 
" any Presbyter, but they were ferved in common as 
cc great Cities in Holland and fome other reformed 
cc Countreys , that have feveral Churches and Mini- 
" fters, &c. 

The Advocates for thefe Churches, who affign the 
bounds of a Diocefs with moft Moderation, will have it 
to comprize a City with a Territory belonging to it 5 but 
there was no Church in the Territory which belonged 
•to the Bithop of Rome, he had none but within the 
City, as hinocentius declares in the cited Epiftle, where- 
as now the greateft City with a Territory larger than 
fome antient Province is counted little enough for a 
Diocefi. Further it is now judged to be no Diocefs 
which comprifes not very many Churches with Presby- 
ters appropriated to them $ but he tells us none of the 
Churches in Rome were appropriated to any Presbyter, 
but they were ferved in common. How ? as greater 
Cities in Holland and fome other reformed Countreys, 
and then they were ruled in common as thefe Cities are.. 
The Government of many Churches is not there, nor 
was of old, ever entrufted in one hand 5 and thus the 
Biftiop of Ttyme was no more a Diocefan than the Pres- 
byters of that City. 

He concludes m with two AfTertions which will 
neither of them hold good. The firft that it is evident 
out of Athanafius how the Bifljop of that City had from the 
beginning feveral fixed Congregations under him. 

This is fo far. from being evident in kthanafws, that 
he hath not one word which fo much as intimates that 
the Bifhop of Alexandria from the beginning had any fuch 
Congregations under him. » The 


The other is that thofe of ^Mareotes tnuft he Juppofcd 
to receize the faith almoli as early m Alexandria. 

How true this is we may underftand by Dionyfius 
Biftiop of Alexandria towards the latter end of the third 
Age, who declares that then iMarectes was *f »f*©- «*«Av 
qurii) <rjv£<iiw<Lvfyc!>7mv tr^ it was fo far from having any n Eufeb. t. 7. 
true Chriftians in it, that it had none of our Authors c - lu 
oldchrijlians, i. e. virtuous, good men 0. Nor is it like- °'* 6o ' 
ly that the faith was there generally received till many 
years after 5 and therefore not almoft fo early as Alex- 
andria, unlefs the diftance of above 200 years will con- 
fift with his almofi. For Alexandria received the Faith 
by the preaching of Mai\, who arrived there, (ayes 
Sujehius, in the 2d. of Claudius /?, others in the 3d. of P cbr§ *' Eh f tb - 
Caligula q. But in the time of Dionyfius it dotH not ap- q chron. Aitx. 
£ear that Mareotes had fo many Chriftians, as Biftiop 
Ifchyras his Church there confifted o£ though thofe were 
but (even, * ***» W\* w »w^»r %%v r. But enough r ^&a». jpok 
of Alexandria, though our Author is far from bringing a-w-^s- 
enough to prove it even in the 4th. age a Diocejan 
Church. He may be excufed for doing his utmoft to 
this purpofe D confideringtheconfequence of it,for if this 
Church was not nowfo numerous zstobzDiocefanjt will 
be in vain to expeft a difcovery of any fuch Churches in 
the whole Chriftian World in thofe times 5 for this is ac- 
knowledged to be the greateftCity and Church in the 
Roman Smpire nextto Rome. So that there cannot be fo 
fair a pretence for any other inferiour to this, fiich as 
JeritJalem,Carthage,Antioch,&c.m\ich\efs for ordinary Ci- 
ties, which were 10 times lefs confiderable than fomeof 
the former, as may be collected from what Chryfejiome 
fayes of one of them «^^ wfosa* vivimf <h>vA-nv v bjj £?*4<# 3 that 
it was able to maintain the poor of ten Cities/ fa Mat. hoik. 

So far the Writer of the Letter. Let me now return ^' 
to our Authors "Preface 5 To (hew that the Chriftians 

I in 

( 53 ) 
in Alexandria adhereing to ^thanaflus were not Co ex- 
ceeding numerous as is pretended, * and not to be com- 
pared with the Chriftians now in London, I had (aid, 
that the greatefl part of the Inhabitants of that City were at 
this time Heathens or Jews 5 ofthofe who paffed for Chri- 

u P&. 34« fiians, it is like Athanafius had the leffer flure u, the No- 
vatians and other SeUs, the Meletians efpecially, and the 
Arians, did probably exceed his flocks in numbers, it may 
be the Arians there were more numerous. This laft claufe 
f which appears by theexpreffion, I was not pofitivein^) 
he alone fixes on, and would difprove it by a paffage 
out of \Athanafm. But the Greek is fal(e printed, and 
and the (enfe defe&ive for want of fbme word, and fo 
no Judgment can be well paffed thereon, unlefs I (aw 
it 5 and where to (ee it he gives no diredion. My con* 
cern therein is not (b great as to fearch for it through (b 
voluminous an Author. It willferve my turn well e- 
nough, if the Jfrians were but very numerous, or as 

w Uk. 1. CT4: sozomen expreffes them, «t*Aiyw &'& *S *** w, which 
cannot be denied, though they alone were not more 
numerous. The laft thing he would take notice of, is 
the Dioce(s of Theodoret, but this is remitted to the 
Dean 0/ Paul's, yet one thing he fayes he cannot omit 5 
though fome may think that he had better have paffed 
it (as he had many other things) 5 than being (b much 
in hafte, to flip at almoft every line, as he does in thofe 
ft w which concern it. 

Iftheje 800 Churches, not 80 as this Gentleman reckons 
them ("it was not he but the ^Printer that (b reckoned 
them, as the Errata fhewj belonged to him as Metropo- 
litan, and they were all Spifcopal Churches (I never met 
with any before, that took them for Spifcapal Churches, 
and how he (hould fall into this miftake I cannot ima- 
gine 3 I will not believe that he creates it, to make 
himfelf v/ork) this poor Tfegion of Cyrus would have more 


C 59 ) 
Biflwps than all Africa (not Co neither, for by the f&& 
fercnce at Carthage, and the abbreviation of it by St. An- 
Jlin, much more to be relyed on, than the ^Qtitia 
publifhed by S(mond, which is neither confident with 
others, nor with it fel£ Africa had many more Biftiops 
than 800) notwithfianding they were more numerous there 
than in any part of the World befides. Nor will this pafs 
for true with thofe, who take" his own account concern- 
ing their numbers in Africa (which he reckons but \66 Vhdit*t»n 
taking in thofe of the Schifmaticks too 3 about 66 for 
each Province one with another, counting them as he 
does Jeven :) and the account which others give of their 
numbers, in the antient T(oman Province, the King- 
dom 0/ Naples, the IJland Crete, Ireland, to fay nothing 
of \Armenia, and other parts of the World. 

That which follows, is I fuppofe, inftead of an An- 
fwer to the other part of my difcourje concerning the po- 
pular ele&ion of Bifhops, which this Gentleman was as 
much concerned to take notice of, as of the few pat 
fages he hath touched in the former part 9 why he did 
not I will not enquire further, but fatisfie my felf with 
what is obvious 5 efpecially fince he tells us he intends a 
difcourfe of fuch a Subjeft. If in this defigned work 
he Satisfies roe, that it was not the general pra&ice of the 
antient Church, for the ^People to concur in the choice of 
their Bishops, he will do me a greater difpleafure, than 
the confutation of what I have writ, or any other that I 
can fear he intends me 5 by taking me off from further 
Conversation with antient Authors, as perfons by whofe 
Writings we can clearly know nothing. For if that 
point be not clear in Antiquity. I can never expeft to 
find any thing there that is fo. 

I intended to conclude this difcourfe here, without 
giving the Reader further trouble 5 but considering 
there are mifapprehenfions about the Subjefl: in que- 

I 2 ftion 


ilion,thofe being taken by diverfe, for Diocefin Churches 
which indeed are not fuch, and arguments ufed to 
prove themfb which are not competent for that pur- 
pofe, f of which there are many inftances, as elfewhere 
lb particularly in the latter end of this Authors dip 
courfe ) : I thought it requifite for the rectifying of 
thefe miftakes, and to (hew the infufficiency or impcr- 
tinency of fuch reafbnings, to give an account what 
mediums cannot in reafon be efteemed, to afford com- 
petent proof of Diocefin churches. 

In general, Thofe who will fitisfy us that any 
Churches, in the firft Ages of Chriftianity, wereD/^- 
fin, fhould prove them to be fuch Diocefin s as ours are, 
as large or near as large} otherwife what they offer, 
will fcarce appear to be pertinent. For the rife of this 
debate is the queftion between us, whether the Bifhops 
of thefe times be fuch as thofe in the primitive Church. 
This we deny, becaufe modern Bifhops will have another 
fort of churches or Diocefes, than were known in the beft 
Ages. Not that we rejeft all Diocefes or Diocefin 
Churches, for both **d?'*"* and toeUnw are ufed by the 
Antients for fuch Churches as we allow. It is thofe of 
a later Model, that we approve not, as vaftly differ- 
ing from the antient Epifeopal Churches. The modern 
Diocefes, and Churches thence denominated are ex- 
ceeding great and extenfive, confifting of many feores, 
or many hundred particular Churches, whereas for the 
three firft Ages we cannot find 3 Bifhops that had two 
particular Churches in his Diocefs, nor in the 4th. one 
in 50 (if I may not fay one in a hundred) that had 
more. So that the difference is exceeding great, and 
more confiderable in the confequence thereof which I 
had rather give an account of in the words of the very 
learned D. St. than mine own. Diocefes generally, fayes 
he, in the primitive, and tlaftcrn Churches were veryfmall 


and little, as far more convenient for this end of 1 1 em in 
the Government of the Church under the Bifiops charge x, x imf.n*. 
and elfewhere, Difiipline, (ayes he, was then a great 
deal more flriff, Preaching more diligent, Men more ap- 
pre hen five of the weight of their Fund ion, than for any to 
undertake fitch a care and charge of Souls, that it was im- 
pojfiblefor them even to k$ow, objerve or watch over, Jo as 
to give an account for them y,Men that were imployed in the y p a g. 332. 
Church then did not cor?fult for their eafe and honour, and 
thought it not enough for them to fit fill, and lid others ziV *-333- 
worl[z. St.Auftin fpeaking of the 3<iAge,makes account 
of many thoufand TiiJIwps then in the World a. Our tcontra Cnfcon. 
^Author (eems to treat that excellent Perfon (bmething ltb ' 3 ' 
courfely on this occafion, and goes near to queftion 
his judgment or veracity for it , b (bme may think this b ?*£• $34- 
not over decently done ( to fay no more ) when it is 
his bufinefi, to vindicate (bme antient Bifhops who need 
it,to reflect upon one,(b untainted,as to need none.How- 
ever fince he (ayes that Father judged of other Ages by his 
own, when Dioccjes were exceedingly multiply cd c, we c Pa£ - ? 
may fuppofe he will grant there were many thoufand 
Bifiops in the 4th. Age. Yet among (b many thoufand 
Bifhops I do not expeft that any can (hew me 20 f if I 
may not fay 10. J who had (b many Churches in their 
Diocejs, as (bme r Pluralifls amongft us may have, who 
yet never pretend to have a Diocefan Church. Thofe 
therefore who will make proof of fuch Diocefan churches f 
as are in queftion, mad fhew us (bme in the primitive 
times fomething like ours in largenefs and extent. A- 
mongft the inftances produced for this purpofe by for- 
mer or later Writers , I find none any thing near to 
ours, (ave that only o?Theodorct in the 5th. Age. But 
this in the former Difcourfe was (hewed to be fb inef- 
ficient to ferve the ends it is alledged for, that I may 
hope it will be preft no more for this Service. 


(62 ) 

More particularly, i ft. It proves not a Church to 
be Diocefan becaufe it confifts of more than can meet 
together in one place, for there are Parifhes in this 
Land that contain many hundreds or thoufands more 
than can meet in the Parifh Church, and yet are but 
counted fingle Congregations. Though multitudes in 
fuch Churches be far from proving them to be Diocefan^ 
yet I think two inftances cannot be given in the third 
Age of more in one Church than are in fome fingle Con- 
gregations amongft us 5 nor many afterwards, till A- 
rianifm&vA Donatifm were fuppreffed} which the lat- 
ter was not in Africa till after the famous Conference at 
Carthage^ Anno 4105 nor the former in other parts dur- 
ing the 4th. Age 5 for though Theodofius made fome 
fharp Declarations againft them and other Hereticks, 
yet none but the S.unomians were profecuted, if we be- 
lieve Socrates d 5 that Emperour gave not the leaft 
trouble to the reft, forced none to communicate with him^ 
but allowed them their ^Meetings , and even in CP. 
when afterwards the Arians divided among themfelves, 
each party had feveral Congregations in that City e 5 
both that which adhered to ^Marinus^ and that alfo 
which followed Dorothius^ thefe keeping the Churches 
which they had before and the other erefting new Chur- 

I know there are thofc 5 who from fome paflages in 
i ^c l l',}^ & Tertullianf would infer that the Chriftians in his time 
were the major part of the Inhabitants in all Cities, and 
fo enough not only for vaft Congregations, but forD/'- 
ocefan Churches. But Tertullian was a great Oratour and 
frequently ufes hyperbolical expreffions, which ought 
not to be ftreined. Such are thofe infifted on, and by 
regular conftru&ion they import no more than that the 
Chriftians were very numerous in many parts of the 
Empire. Thofe that will have them ftreined, and un- 


(6 3 ) • 

derftood as they found, offer great injury to Tertullian ) 
making him intend that which hath no warrant in any 
Records of Antiquity, Civil or Ecclefiaftical, that I can 
meet with. Before they impofe fuch a fenfe on him, 
they ought in reafon to make it manifeft, that the Chri- 
ftians were the major part of the inhabitants in fome 
confiderable Cities at thai: time § when I believe they 
cannot produce two inftances in the whole Empire, I ne- 
ver yet could meet with one. 

Our Author from thefe Oratorical expreffions flicks 
not to conclude, that it is evident that the Christians 
were the major part every where, but in Rome more emi- 
nently Jo , and Dr. Downham fignifies that Tertullian 
Jpeal{s chiefly of the City 0/Romeg, this Gentleman (ayes, g Defence l, 2, 
that by hk account it is made very probable, that they were c ' 5 * ?' ^ 
the better half of the Roman Empire, and tells us, it is p g% w 
certain that the number ofChriJlians at Rome was propor- 
tionably greater than in any part of the Empire. Now how 
fir the Chriftians at T{ome were from being the major 
part of the Inhabitants, we may judge by the vaft di£ 
proportion between the poor in the Church at T(ome y 
and thofe in the whole City. Cornelius near 50 years 
after Tertul/ian (when it was of more growth by half 
an Age) reckons the poor of his Church to be 1500 $ 
whereas out of Suetonius and others, the poorer forts of 
Citizens, qu£ e publico vi&itabat^ are computed to be 

32000O £. hlippusde 

JVlany take occafionfrom the thousands converted at Mag.^Rom.i.$* 
Jerufdcm, Acts 2. and 4. to conclude the vaft number ca ^ 2 " 
of Chriftians and exceeding largenefs of Churches elfe- 
w here. Our .Author hath nothing from Scripture for 
Diocefan Churches but this, which is confiderable/ 5 ipas4$$,&c* 
nor will this appear fo, if but a Cnall part of thofe thou- 
fands can be counted inhabitants of Jcrufelem, and fo 
fixed in that Church. And this is as dernonftrable as 


C *4 ) 
any thing of this nature can be. For this miraculous 
Converfion was at T^entecoSi, one of the three great 
Feaffs, when there was a vaft concourfe of Jews and 
Profelytes from all p arts to that City. Thefe converted 
were not only Inhabitants of Jerufalem but Forreigners } 
and in all reafbn more of thefe proportionably, as they 
exceeded the Inhabitants in number. And then thofe of 
the City will fcarce be a 20th part of the 5 or 8cco 
Converts. For the Forreigners that refbrted to Jerufalem 
at thefe great Solemnities are reckoned to be three mil- 
kjofepbde Bel. lions, ** Sa*t7« Tf/ajworV ^tajtav ^ whereas the Inhabi- 
Lf. a u. Ub ' 2 ' tants °f ^at City were but about an 120000 wifJ «&'«&** 
pvitdft^ butofthiselfe where more fully. 

The Author of the Vindication will not have fb great 
a part of thofe Converts to be Stranger j, and to return 
home when the Feaft was over, and afligns fbmething 
like reafbns for it. 

" ift, That the Scripture gives no countenance to this 
" Conje&ure, but fayes all thofe ftrange Nations were 
<c Inhabitants of Jerufalem, and the Original word in- 
cc clines moft on this fide. 

That he fhould fay the Scripture gives no countenance to 
thk, is fbmething ftrange. It is plain in Scripture, that 
God injoyned the Children of IJrael to repair to Jeru- 
falem from all quarters of the Countjcey where they 
dwelt thrice a year, for the obfervance of the three 
great Feajis. And it is apparent alfo that they were 
wont to come up to Jerufalem at thofe Solemnities, both 
Tews and Profelytes «^*to 7id^a. ffi/vsto*v$*<m.t7itt<m.tti{t yvkcuf/p 
*; vSpiMta. And it is evident in that Chapter cited, 
Ac7s 2. The Fcaft of Pentecoft being come, there was a 
refbrt of Jews and Profelytes from all thofe parts of the 
World to this City. Ay, but the Scripture fayes, all 
thofe Strange Rations were inhabitants of Jerufalem. 


C 6* ) 

He can't judge that the Scripture fayes this, but upon 
a fuppofition that the word wMrfrrx, Acts 2. 5. can 
fignify no other thing than inhabitants, but this is a mi- 
ftake, for the word denotes fuch as abide in a place, not 
only as inhabitants, but as fir angers or Sojourners. Thus 
Dr. Hammond will have it tranflated abiding , rather 
than dwelling b, thofe that were there as strangers c, and b m lot. 
here expreffes thofe abiding at Jerufalem, to be Jews c ln Aa * 10 ' 2 ' 
which came up to the Feafi of the PaJ/eover, and T>rofe- 
Ijtes which had come from feveral Rations of all Quarters 
of the World. Thus alfo Mr. ZMead d, for the word &i*Exercit.i* 
^twxSVtk, faith he, which 1 tranjlate fejourning rather '* 
than dwelling (for Jo I understand it, that they were not 
proper dwellers, but fuch as came tdworjhip at Jerufalem 
from thofe far Countreys, at the Feafi of the Pajfeover and 
Pentecoji, and Jo had been continuing there feme good 
time) it is true that in the ufual Greeks, onuo and ^twxa* 
fignffy a durable ntanfwn, hut with the Hellenifls in whofi 
Dialed; the Scripture Jpeafyth, they are ujed indifferently 
forafiayofajhorter or longer time, that is, for tofojourn 
as well as to dwell, as theje two examples out of the Septu- 
agint will tnak$ manifefi, Gen. 27. 44. 1 Kings 17.20. 
there w™*&v is tofojourn only. In a word °*m* and x&nma 
anjwer to the Hebrew Verb 1>W which Jignifies any flay or 
remaining in a place. Grotius faith it anfwers the He- 
brew word which is render d not only by wmmv but 
mauny, & c . adding, therefore it is not laid only of 
them who had fixed their habitation, but of thofe who were 
come to the City for the celebrating of the ^Paffeover or Ten- 
tecofi, fiaying there fen a while. The beft and moft lear- 
ned Expositors generally take it fo in this place, as de- 
noting, not fettled Inhabitants, but fuch as redded there 
only for a time. Indeed when this Author would have 
the Scripture fay all thefe firange Rations were inhabi- 
tants 0/Jerufalenij he makes it fpeak things inconfiftent. 

K For 

I 00 J 

an occafional recourfe of ftranger?, who inhabit remote 
parts or fbrreign Countreys. 

If there had been more Chriftians in the Church of 
Jerufalem than could meet in one place, that would be 
no Evidence that it was a Diocefan Church, whereas 
i An. 2: 44. the whole is (aid in the Alls to meet in one place /. He 
6. 2. &c. f^h nothing to fay againft this which is confiderable, 
m Pag. 441. but that the all \ may denote only thofc that wereprefent m, 
and fo the fenfe will be, all that were in one place, were 
in one place, if this can pleafe himfelfj I think it will 
fatisfie none el(e. Let Dr. Hammond decide this bufi- 
nefs, for in fuch a caufe we may admit a Party to be 
n Anfwtr to L. Umpire *, What follows, faith he, of the paucity of Tie* 
Miniftirs. pag. fevers, and their meeting in one place, is willingly grant- 
ed by us. What they fay of the point of time, Ads 2. 41. 
that believers were Jo numerous, that they could not conve- 
niently meet in one place, thk is contrary to the evidence of 
the Text, which faith exprefly ver. 44. that all the believers 
were &* riwri, which in the laji ^Paragraph they interpret- 
cd meeting in one and the fame place : the like might be faid 
of the ether places, Adts 4. 3. and 5. 14. for certainly as 
yet, though the number of Believers increafed, yet they wen 
not distributed into fever al Congregations \ 
pp. 44a. 443. Concerning the difperfion, ^ftfs8.i. he tells us, 
" Though they are all (aid to be fcattered befides the 
" Apoftles, yet it cannot be underftood of all the Be- 
" leivers. 

No, but of the generality of them, all that could 
commodioufly fly as ftrangers might do. Nor muft it 
be confined to all the Officers only, the generality of Ex- 
pofitorsare mifreprefented if this be made their fenfe, 
nor doth it appear that £ujebius (b underftood it, ^nreJ 
is ufed in Scripture and other Writers, and Eufebius him- 
fclf, to denote Believers and not Officers only. As for 


(69 ) 
the time of the difperfion (though I need not infift on 
it) probably it was nearer this great Pentecojl than fome 
would have it. On the firft day of the week in the 
morning were the three thoufand converted, the next 
or ( as fome tell us ) the fame day afternoon, at the 
ninth hour p, the number of the Converts was increafed p d. l. 
to five thousand. While this Sermon was preaching 
the Apoftles are apprehended and committed to Cu- 
ftody till the next morning. Another, it is like the 
day after, they are imprifoned, but enlarged by an 
Angel in the night, chap. 5. In or near that week 
were the feven Deacons chofen, prefently after the Di- 
fciples were thus increafed and the Apoftles imprifoned 
and difmiffed. The expreffion fignifies it, chap. 6. 1, 
It is not k ^«<, in thofe daies which may admit a lati- 
tude and fome good diftance of time, but & wW^ in 
thefe dayes, which denotes the time inftant , or that 
which immediately enfiies, without the interpofiire of 
any (uch diftance. And fo the phrafe is ufed by St. 
" Ijtkg both in the Gofpel and in the A&s. It is Dr. 
" Hammond's obfervation upon Luk. 1.39. The phrafe 
« c* Twj<jta< *mt w«*, in thefe dayes, faith he, hath for 
" mod part a peculiar fignification , differing from 
"Unwept WKa*, in thofe daies. The latter fignifies 
"an indefinite time, fometimes a good way off, but the 
" former generally denotes a certain time then prefent, 
" inftantly, then at that time 5 fo here, that which is 
" (aid of <£Marys going to Elizaleth was fure immediate- 
" ly after the departing of the Angel from her, and 
u therefore it is (aid (he rofe up & evMs, very haftily, 
cc fo ver. 24. ^-w invrai w iut^y i.e. immediately Sliza- 
" beth conceived, fo chap. 6. 12. o'mil.ai^WTB/^ j.e* 
then, at that point of time he went out to the Moun- 
tain. See Chap. 23. 7. c. 24. 18. Atis 1. 5. c. n, 27. 
and 21.15. 


Q 70 ; 
Immediately after the choice of the Deacons, Stephen. 
one of the Seven is apprehended *w w x«#7w<*, ^ feon 
as ever he was ordained, as if he had been ordained for thfr 
alone faith Eu/ebius (1.2. c. i.) And at the fame time the 
Persecution began which difperfcd that Church. Where- 
as he faith, c whatfoever numbers were forced away} it 
c is likely they returned, if he underftand it of the fir an- 
gcrs driven from Jerufalem, that they returned to fix 
there, or otherwifc than occafionally 3 it is no more 
likely nor will be (boner proved than what he aflerts a 
little after ( pag. 444. ) viz. that the empty Sepulcher 
preached with no lefs efficacy than the .Apo files. 

This is enough to fatisfy what our Author would 
draw out of Scripture concerning the Church of J eru- 
falem. After fome trifling about Objeftions which he 
forms himfelf, and then makes fport with, he comes to 
prove that Jerufalem was a Diocejan Church in the A- 
poftles time. But firft he would have us believe that 
James was the proper Bifijop of that Church, and would 
evince it by two Teftimonies, that of Clemens and He- 
gefippm. But what fayes his Clemens ? He faith not 
only that James was ordained Ttifiop of Jerufalem pre- 
fently after our Saviours jifcenfion, but what I think our 
Author was loth to mention. If he had given us the 
intire fentence it might have been better underftood. 
After the ^fcenfion of our Saviour, Peter, James and 
John, the moji honoured by our Lord, would not yet con- 
tend for the firft degree of honour, *«? %fo&)&{i&e.i J&fy^ but 
chofe James thejufi TSifljop of Jerufalem, ^ipofiolorum £- 
pifcopum. Ifyffinus reads it, This feems to fignify that 
his being made a Bifhop there, was fbme degree of 
Honour above their being Apoftles. A learned Roma- 
ntfi tells us q, that the books where £ujebius had this 
did fo abound with Errours, that they were not thought 


C7i J> 
worth preferving, and fo are loft ("as thofe of Tapias 
and Hegiftppus are for the fame reafon) this may prove 
one inftance of thofe many Errours. That which (eems 
to be the fenfe of his words is more fully expreflfed by 
one who goes under the name of Clemens too r, James r l.i.Kuognk. 
the Lord's Brother was *Vrince of~BiJJjops, and by his E- 
pifcopal Authority commanded all the Apoflles, and fo the 
former Clemens in Ruffinus calls him the TSifiop of the 
Apoflles f. If he means fuch a Bifhop as ours ( and chW. 1.2.C.2, 
otherwise his meaning will not ferve our Authors pur- 
pofe) then the Apoflles were but the Vicars or Curates 
of James. This is bad enough if James was an Apoftle y 
the abfurdeft Papift will fcarce aferibe as much to Teeter. 
But if he was not an Apoftle, it is yet more intolerable. 
If our Author can believe his own WitneG, fome may 
admire, but I thiak few will follow him. 

Let us hear Hegefippus f not quite fo antient as this 
Gentleman makes him, fince he was alive in the Reign 
ofCommodus') he (ayes, James ruled that Church wn& 
™v *fm&K»t % If we take this as it is render 'd in Jerome 
after the Apoflles^ it is not only againft Grammar, but 
without Truth, and makes James to be Bifhop when 
he was dead, for he was martyred about the 4th. of 
ZftQro, and all the Apoflles but the other James furviv- 
ed him. But if the meaning be that he ruled that 
Church with the ^ojlles, it (peaks him no more the 
Bifhop ofjerujakm than the reft of the Apoftles, who 
were not fixed or topical Bifhops, but Oecumenical Of- 
ficers of an extraordinary Office and Power ancl accord- 
ingly ;is James defcribed. One antient Author (ayes 
that he no lefs than Peter did &tT&7r1w -wt qdl^k *t>*. 
J%<L&uj t And Spiphanius reports t, that Hyginus after t Hires, ctrdon. 
James, Teeter and TW was the ninth Bi/ljop of Rome 
fucceffively, fignifying that he was as much Bifhop of 


Tfyme as Paul and Teeter. I need not quote that other 
Author who fayes he ruled the holy Church of the Hebrews, 
u Ep. to Jams, as alfo he did all Churches every where founded u. 

M However certain it is that James was Bifhopof jfe- 
" rujalem, not only from Hegijlppus and Clemens ^Alex. 
u but alfb from St. Paul, who mentions him as one of 
" the sfpojlles that he had Converfed with in Jerufalem, 
" and it is likely there were no more there at that time 
" but he and *Petcr. 

This is no way certain from Clemens and Hegefippus, 
and fb far from being certain by St. Paul, that his men- 
tioning him as an Apoftle makes it rather certain that he 
was not a Bilhop $ for the Offices of an Apo(lk and of a 
BiJIwp are inconfiftent, as is acknowledged and proved 
w Dr. Bmow by an excellent Perfon of your own. w " The Offices 
sufrmtMo, a ofan Apoftle and of aBiftiopare not in their nature 
" well confident, for the Jpojilefoip is an extraordinary 
" Office, charged with the inftru&ion and Government 
" of the whole World, and calling for an anfwerable 
" care ( the Apoftles being Rulers, as St. Chryfijiom 
a faith, ordained by God, Thiers not taking fever al Na- 
" tions and Cities, hut all of them in common intruded 
"with the whole world ) but £pifcopacy is an ordinary 
" ftanding charge affixed to one place, and requiring a 
" fpecial attendance there, Bifhops being Paftors who, 
cc as Chryfoflome faith, do jit, and are imployed in one 
"place. Now he that hath fuch a general care can 
cc hardly dilcharge fuch a particular Office, and he that 
" is fixed.to fb particular an attendance,can hardly look 
" well after fb general a charge, &c. Haronius faith of 
" St. Peter, that it was his Office not to flay in one place, 
" but as much as it was pojfiblc for one man to travel over 
" the whole world, and to bring thofe who did not yet believe 
"to the Faith, and throughly to eflabliJI) believers. If fb 
" how could he be Biftiop of Rome, which was an Office 


" inconfiftent with fuch vagrancy. It would not have 
" befeemed St. r Peter the prime Apoftle to alTume the 
" charge of a particular Biftiop, it had been a degrada- 
" tion of himfelf, a difparagement to the Apoftolical 
cc Majefty for him to take upon him the Bifhoprick of 
" Rome, as if the King ftiould become Mayor of London, 
" as if the Bifhop of London ftiould be Vicar of Pan- 
"crM. And little before, St. Peters being Bifhop of 
" Rome (it holds as welI'of]amQss being Biflwp of Jeruft- 
"lemj would confound the Offices which God made di- 
" ftin&,forGoddid appoint firft Apoftles, then Prophets, 
" then Paftors and Teachers,wherefore StHPeter after he 
" was an Apojilc could not well become a BiJIjopjt would 
"be fuch an irregularity as if a Biftiop ftiould be made a 
" Deacon. 

" Ecclefiaftical Hiftory makes James the ordinary Bi* 
" fhop and Diocefan of the place. 

There is nothing in Ecclefiaftical Hiftory for it, but 
what is derived from Hegejippus and Clemens, whom o- 
thers followed right or wrong. 

" It is ftrange to fee Salmajius run his head fb vio- 
" lently againft fuch folid Teftimonies as thofe of Hege- 
"Jippus and Clemens. 

: That great perfbn underftood things better, and di£ 
cerned no danger in running his head againft a ftiadow, 
and there is nothing more of Solidity in what is alledged 
from thole Authors. 

Further he would prove it a Diocefin Church by a 
paffage in Hegejippus, who fayes, " that feveral of the 
" J e ™ifi Se&aries who beleived neither a Refurre&ion 
" nor Judgment to come, were Converted by James^ 
" and that when a great number of the Rulers and 
" principal men of the City were by this Miniftry 
" brought to believe the Gofpel, the Jews made an 
" Uproar, the Scribes and Pharifees faying, that it was 

L "to 


" to be feared that all the people would turn Chri- 

x Pag, 445. ftians x. 

He (ayes many of the prime Se&aries were converted 
by James, but this will fcarce prove fuch a Diocefan 
Church as he contends for. That which would fcrve 
his turn (that all the people would turn Chriflians) was 
not effeUed, but only feared by the Jews, who took a 
courfe to prevent it by killing James. But if this were 
for his purpofe, Hegefippus is not an Author to be reli- 
ed on, part of the Sentence cited is falfe, that the Se&s 
mentioned (and he had mentioned fevenj did not believe 
the T^efurreUion nor Judgment, whereas the Pharifees 

in EiM.2.c.2$. and others of them beleived both, which Valejius ob- 
serves. One falfe thing in a Teftimony is enough to 
render it fufpe&ed, but there are near twenty things 
falfe or fabulous in this account he gives of James, ma- 

y Animad. h ny of them marked by Scaligery, divers by Valejius z^ 

Ttoktfeu'i. an d fome acknowledged by Petavius a. 

cap. 25. He would not have us fufpeft that the numbers of the 

l^f dHs ' Church at Jerufalem were not fo great as. he pretends, 
becaufc Pella, an obfcure little Town, could receive 
them all befides its own Inhabitants, cc but we muft un- 
" derftand that Town to be their Metropolis, and the 
" Believers all Scattered through the whole Countrey, 
? and this as £piphanius writes. 

But where does Spiphanius write this ? Not in the 
place cited, he writes the contrary both there and elfe- 

bEpipb.Her.$o. where, that all the Believers fin one place V) that all 
the Difciples fin another place ) immwpAn-m wncm* h 

c De Ponder.& ii4aah c , what he adds is but to defcribe where the 

MmJ.cap.11. Town wasfituated5 a]1 the Difciples, all the Believers 

dwelt beyond Jordan in Telia. Archbifhop WLitgifi 
brings this as a pregnant proof that the Chriflians at 
Jerufalem were but few in comparison ( and no more 
than could all meet/;; one place, as a little before he af- 


firms again and again ) his words are how few Chri- 

" ftians was there at Jerufalem not long before it wasde- 

" ftroyed, being above Forty years after Chrift £ Does 

" noxEnfebius teftifie d that they all were received into a d L *^s- ^ ; 

" little Town called Te//# ? yet the Apoftles had fpent 

" much time and labour in Preaching there } but the 

" number of thofe that did not profefi Chrift in that 

" City was infinite e. This might be farther cleared by t Defence of *. 

what Spiphanius faith of that Church in its return from $i r £"i' f ' 

Pella, but I defign briefneis. 

Our Author adds one Teftimony more, to (hew that 
under the Government of Simeon great numbers were 
" added to that Church, many thoufands of the Cir- 
<c cumcifion receiving the Chriftian Faith at that time, 
" and among the reft Jujlus, &c. pag. 448. 

But thofe who view the place in Sufebiits will fee, 
that he does not fay thofe many of the Gircumcifion 
were converted by Simeon^ or were under %is Govern- 
ment^ or belonged to that Church 3 and fb it fignifies 
nothing for his purpofe. And fb in fine, the account 
wherewith he concludes his Difcourfe of jerufalem will 
not be admitted by any who impartially confider the 

As for his other Scripture inftances, there is not fb 
much as the fhadow of a proof {hewed by him, that 
there were near fb many Chriftians as in Jerujalem, or 
as are in fbme one of our Parifties, yea, or more than 
could meet in one place, either in Samaria ("where he 
fay es'it appears not what kjnd of Government was eSiablifi- 
ed /tog. 451.) or in Lydda 9 which was but a Village, 
though a fair one, and far from having Saronfor its pro- 
per Territory, that being a plain between Joppa and 
Cajarea$ or xn^intioch, pag. 452. muchlefs in Corinth 
and Ephefus which he advifedly pafles by, pag. 456. 

L 2 Our 


Our Author does in effeft acknowledge that in Scrip* 
ture it appears not that thefe Churches were Spijcopaf, 
much left Diocefan - " It is to be confeffed, faies he, 
" pag. 461. that the Scriptures have not left fo full and 
" perfect an account of the Conftitution and Govern- 
"ment of the/r/? Churches, &c. Thus we have no 
" more notice of the Churches of Samaria and of]ud<ea 
" (]erufalcm excepted) than that fach were founded by 
" the Apoftles 5 but of thdr Government and Conftitution 
<c we have not the leaft Information. What information 
then can we have that they were Diocefan or Epifeopal j? 
He goes on, " And the.profpeft left of .AntiochmScvvp- 
" ture is very confufed, as of a Church m fieri, where a 
" great number of eminent perfons laboured together 
" to the building of it up 5 but only from Ecclefiaftical 
a Writers, who report that this Church, when it was 
" fettled and digefted, was committed to the Govern- 
cc ment ofSuodw, and after him to Igratius, &c. So 
that after what form the Church at Antioch was confti- 
tuted does not appear (It may be Congregational and 
not Diocefim, for any thing this Gentleman can fee in 
Scripture J but only from Ecclefiaftical Writers. 

But his Ecclefiaftical Writers do fo contradift one ano- 
ther as renders their teftimonies of little value. Nor is 
there much more reckoning to be made of the traditi- 
onal account they and others give concerning the SucceP 
lion and Government of the firft Bifhops, than this Au- 
thor makes, of Eufebius his traditional Chronology, pag. 
454. Some make Suodias the firft Bifhop and he being 
f Eu<eb.!.$.c.22. dead Ignatius to fucceed him/5 on the contrary fome 
will have Ignatius to have been the firft, and make no 
%cbrtf.oht.in mention of £«odmg$ others will have them to have 
if ctmens con- governed that Church both together h 3 fome will have 
fto*f./.7.*4<5. Euodim ordained by Peter, and Ignatius by Taut, o- 
thers report Ignatius ordained by Peter, and fome mo- 

C 77 ) 
dern Authors of great eminency, both Proteftants and 
Papifo ("not only Baronius but Dr. Hammond') find no 
more tolerable way to reconcile them, than by aliening 
that there were more Biftiops than one there at once, 
which quite blafts the conceit of a Diocefan Church 

And what is alledged for the numbers of Chriftians 
there, to fipport this conceit of a Diocefan Church, is 
very feeble, pag 452, 453. A great number believed, 
^Atisw a 1. and inch people, ver.i^. The next verfes 
{hew, that the :re were no more than Vaul and Barnabas 
aflembled wit a one Church} meeting «* rf gh,xkw& j 
for a year together, and there taught this Ik&Iv or m*>w 
oxw. The feme divine Author (ayes, ufffs 6. 7. ™*rft 
fXt&y a \ great Company ofthePrieJis were converted, and 
will this Gentleman hence conclude that there were 
Priefts enough converted to make a Diocefe? 

He hath no ground from Scripture to think otherwife 
o£Tfyme ("that we may take in all his Scripture inftan- 
ces together ) however he would perfwade us that 
there were feveral Congregations there in the Apo- 
ftles times. Let us fee how. " By the multitude of 
" Salutations in the end of that Epiftle he makes appear 
"the numbers of Chriftians in that City. Salute *Prtp 
^ cilia and Manila with the Church that is in their 
cc houfe. 

The Dean of T>auh will have this Church in their 
houfe to be but a Family, this Author will have it to 
be a Congregation, a$ if it might be either to ferve a turn. 
I think it was fuch a Congregation as removed with 
*Aqiiila from one Countrey to another, for this Church 
which was in their houfe at Ephefus before, (1 Cor 16.) 
is faid to be in their houfe at Ttyme, Rom. 16. that is, 
there werefome of the Church which belonged to their 

y Family, 

C 78) 

Family. It is a queftion whether there was now at 
Ttyme any one Congregation fuch as our Author intends, 
Grotius i thinks it probable there was none at all. But 
let us fuppofe this to be a Congregation, where finds he 
his feveral others ? why where another perfon would 
fcarce dream of any ? " It is not improbable, faith he, 
" that feveral that are mentioned with all the Saints that 
" aye with them, may be the Officers of feveral Congre- 
gations, f*£- 457- 458. 

But it is manifeft that in the Apoftle's times one Con- 
gregation had many Officers, how then can feveral Of- 
ficers be a good Medium to prove feveral Congregati- 
ons I The antient Authors which count thofe Officers 
(mentioned Rom. 16.) do make them Tliffjops ("and 
fome except not V^arcijjus nor Trijca, i. e. Vrifcilla^ 
tho' her Husband alfb hath an Epifcopal Chair affigned 
him) Now if they were not Bifhops at Rome but other 
places, they are alledged to no purpofe 5 if they were 
Bifhops at 7(ome, there will be very many Bifhops in 
that one Church (it may be more than Vrifcillas Con- 
gregation confifted of) which rather than our Author 
will grant, I fuppofe he will quit his plurality of Con- 
gregations here. Indeed what he adds next doth no 
waies favour them, and this number was afterwards in- 
cc creafed confiderably by the coming of Paul, who con- 
cc verted fbmeof the Jews, and afterwards received all 
" that came, whether Jew's or Gentiles, and preached 
" to them the Kingdom of God for the fpace of two 
" whole years, no man forbidding him, fag. 458. 

Vanl preached at Rome in his hired houfefor two years, 
all this while he received all that came to him 5 there is 
no queftion but that all the Chriftians there did come 
to hear this moil: eminent Apoftle .• fb that it feems from 
firft to laft there were no more Chriftians at Rome than 
a private Houfe could receive. 



He would prove what he intends from JQros Per- 
"fecution, who is faid to have put an infinite multitude 
"of Chriftians to death upon pretence that they had 
" fired Rome, pag. 458. Tacitus fpeaks of the Chrifti- 
" ans as guilty, and fa yes they confeffed the Crime, and 
" detefted many others. 

Now thofe who fuffered, either confeffed that they 
fired Tfyme and then they were no Chriftians 5 or they 
did not confefs it, and then he wrongs them intolera- 
bly, and defer ves no credit. But our Author toexcufe 
him (againft the fenfe of fuch who beft underftand him, 
Lipjius particularly , befides 'Baronius and others ) 
fayes, they confeffed not that they burnt T(ome, but that 
they were Chriftians. Whereas the inquiry being con- 
cerning the burning of Tfome, the queftion was not 
whether they were Chriftians, but whether they fired 
the City, ofthislaft T^cita/ fpeaks, and will be fo un- 
derftood by thofe who think he (peaks pertinently. 
But for truth in thofe accounts he gives of Chriftians^ 
it is no more to be expe&ed than from other Heathen 
Authors of thofe Ages, with whom it is cuftomary on 
that fubjtdifplendide mentiri. Some other inftances here- 
of we have in this report of 'Tacitus, which I fuppofe 
our Author will fearce offer to excufe, as when the 
Chriftian Religion is called £xitiabilts Juperjiiti&, and 
when the Chriftians are faid per Jiagitia invifos vulgi 

But fuppofe he fpeaks truth, what is it he fayes ? 
Nero put an infinite multitude of them to death, but ingens 
rmltitudo, which are his words, may be far lefs than an 
infinite multitude. Two or three hundred may pafs for 
n great multitude, and extraordinarily great, when 
that which is (poke of them is extraordinary. The 
Martyrs burnt in Queen £Marys dayes were a great 
multitude j and few may be accounted very many, to 


(8o ) 
fuffer in fuch a manner, as thefc did by JQrds Cruel- 
ty, Ferarum tergis conteSi ut laniatu canum interirent, ant 
crucibus ajfixi, aut flammandi, atqtie ubi defecijjct dies in 
ufum noUurni luminis uterentur, in the words of T&ci- 

To this he adds the general account which Hufebius 
gives of the (uccefs of the Chriftian faith immediately 
after the firfl difcovery of it, that prefently in all Cities 
and Villages Churches abounding with innumerable multi- 
tudes were ajfembled^ Sec. p<<g. 459. 

If he will not deal unkindly with Eujebius he mud not 
fet his expreffions upon the fvack, nor ftretch them be- 
yond his intention, nor forget what is obferved to be 
ufual with him 5 Oratorwn more rem amplificare. Thefe 
Churches confiding oi innumerable multitudes are (aid to 
be not only in all Cities, b at Villages 5 now I believe it 
will be an hard matter for our Author to (hew us any 
Villages, even in Conjlantine's time, where there were a 
Thoufand, yea, or 500 Chriftians. Thofe who will 
not abufe themfelves or their Readers mud give great 
allowance to fuch expreffions, and not rely on them in 
ftrift arguing. 

And here it may not be amifi to take notice of what 
he (ayes ofltyme in another Chapter \ M. TS, had decla- 
red, ihat fa found no reafon to believe that Rome and A- 
lexandria had for 200 years more Chriftians than fome 
London Parifties (which have 60000 SoulsJ nor near, 
^ church mp if half fo many kz The chiefj if not the only argu- 
^ r? mdiCat ' ment to prove them at Rome more numerous, is a pat 
fage in Cornelius his Epiftle (hewing the number of the 
Officers and of the poor, this was in the middle of the 
third Age, and (b not within thefe 200 years, but yet 
proves not what it is alledged for in Cornelius's time, 
near .Anno 360. The number of Officers (ignifies no 
fuch thing, as hath been made evident, the number of 


p. 27. 


the poor, being 1 500 rather proves the contrary. This 
was cleared by comparing the proportions of the poor 
with the reft in other places, at Antiochm particular, as 
was fhewed out of Chryfoficme y who reckons the poor 
to be a tenth part of the Inhabitants, and if it was (b at 
Rome in Cornelius's time, the Chriftians were about 
1 5000. This will ferve M. I^s purpofc well enough. 
But the time and circumftances being exceeding diffe- 
rent, makes it mod probable, that the Chriftians then at 
Rome did nothing near (o much exceed the poor in 
number. It is far more likely that the proportions were 
nearer that at Conjlantinople^ where Chryfoflom (ayes, 
the poor was one half this would (poil all our Authors 
pretentions, and fo he advifedly takes no notice of it. 

However fomething he would fay againft M. T?. if 
one, could underftand it. It is about the word ^tCo/^u 
in Cornelius's Epiftle render'd the poor. Valcfius obferves 
the word is ufed by the T(oman Clergy in an Epiftle to 
thofe at Carthage^ Jive Vidua Jive Thlibomeni^ i. e. indU 
gentes, (aith he, as Rufinus tranflates it, and tells us alfb 
that Cyprian I calls them pauperes & indigentes qui labo-lEp. $* 
rant. Thefe, (ayes our Author, were not only poor y 
but Jick^and difeajed^ alledging that of the Roman Clergy 
for it after Valefus^ and if he mean not only the poor, 
but the fick alfo and the difeafed he is right, for Corne- 
lius fignifies thofe that were maintained by the Church, 
Widows and Indigent whether fick or well. But when 
he (ayes thefe poor were fitch only as were not able to come 
abroad^ he feems to confine it to the fick and diftafed, 
and then it contradi&s the former, and is without rea- 
(on, againft the ufe and import of the word, as render'd 
by all Interpreters former and later that I meet with, and 
indeed againft common (en(e } for the number Cornelius 
(peaks of is fixed, as that of the Presbyters and. Deacons^ 

M (ueh 


fuch as may be conftantly known and a certain account 
given of it, whereas the number of the fuh^ is not fixed, 
but fuch a contingency as is very uncertain and various. 

But Cornelius fayes in the fame Epiftle that the people 
of his Church were innumerable. True, that is, accord- 
ing to the frequent ufe of the word, very many ( it is 
granted they were more than in any other Church) as 
when Dio (ayes the Nations conquered by Trajan were 
innumerable, and Socrates exprefles thole wounded in 
the fight between the Chriftians and Heathen in Alex- 
andria about the demolilhing of an Idol Temple were 
dvafiQwiToi m, which in Sozomen is but many n ■> and ano- 
m Lik$.a$. ther antient Author (ayes there were innumerable Bifljops 
nub.j.c.i$. j n ^4jyi ca ^ w hich yet this Gentleman can eafily county 
and tells us that Schifinaticks and all were but 466 0. 
opag. 131; M.T3. may allow him what he falls fhort in this rec- 
koning, which is more than hal£ and may grant there 
were many more hundreds of Chriftians in Rome than 
any of thefe innumerable! come to, and yet make good 
what he ftppofes. 

The great liberality of the Roman Church is offered 
as no fmall argument of its greatnefs, theyfent to a great 
many Churches^ releiving thofe that were in want, and 
fending necejjaries to fuch as were condemned to the Zftiines^ 
thus in Severu/s time,, and in the time of Dionyfus the 
Provinces tf/Syria with Arabia were thereby relieved eve- 
ry one, pag.ft. 

M. 1?. need not doubt, but fbme one Parifh near 
him might do what is equivalent to this , if the an- 
tient Charity were revived, which opened the hearts 
of Chriftians in thofe times further than their Purfcs 
could well extend. 

But the words are odly ftretched, for they did not 
relieve every one in all thofe places,but fuch as were in 
great want, and thofe particularly who were condemned 


to the £Mines } and Iimim muft denote as // were the al- 
fufficiency of 'the T(oman Churchy which fome would fay 
is, as it were Blajphemy, but our Author meant better, 
the proper import of the w r ord is no more than Jlipem 

He alledges two paflages in fzujebius p, the farmer P rag. 54. 
concerns not T(ome more than any other place in the 
Empire, the import of it is this, not that every foul of 
every fort, but that many of all forts were lead to the 
Chriftian Religion, if ™w 4»w be ftretched to every 
foul Suftbius is made to fpeak what is in a manner no- 
toriously falfe, and monftroufly extravagant. The later 
which concerns T^ome does but fignify, that more of 
Good quality for Riches and Birth with their Families and 
Relatives came over for Salvation q. Thefe he will have q lib. 5. c.21. 
to be of the Nobility, but thofe were counted noble who 
defended from fuch as had been Magiftrates in Cities 
or free Towns. How this can make that Church near 
fo great as our Author would have it, or greater than 
M. B. fuppofes, I don 1 1 underftand. 

What he fubjoyns is very furprizing and muft foem && 5* 
ftrange to thofe who are acquainted with the ftate of 
Church in thofe times, that the Chrijiians were the Letter 
half of the Roman Empire, that they were the major part 
every where, but in Rome more eminently. This hath no 
good warrant from antient Authors, no, not from Ter- 
tullian, though he. writ many years after Commodus. 
He like an Oratour draws fomething bigger than the life 
(as our Author fayes of ^Qizianzen, pag. 137.) and 
muft have allowance on this account by thofe who will 
not be injurious to him. In that very Age wherein 
Commodus reigned, it is (aid the Chrijiians were Jo often 
jlaughtered that few could be found in Rome who profeffed 
the name ofChriJi r. And near 150 years after, when r Plain* vit* 
Conjlantine had reigned near 20 years in Rome the gene- X ^ L 

M 2 rality 

rality of the Inhabitants (hewed fuch difaffe&ion to 
Chriftianity, as that is given for one reafon why he 

(7*/iw*s,Hi,l transferred the (cat of the Empire to Byzantium f. 

Li.f.61. j_j e runs b e y 0nc i ]vi # B's bounds towards the middle of 

the third Century, and tells us the great eft part 0/ Alex- 
ander Severus his Family were Christians. And (b they 
might be, and yet no more Chriftians in Tfyme for 
that, if they were Chriftians before they came in- 
to his family, which is more likely than that they 
were converted in it. However many more fuch Ad- 
. ditions will not increafe that Church beyond M. B's 
Meafures, nor make it near (6 numerous as that Parilh 
to which Whitehall belongs. 

v«g. 55. What he next offers neither concerns Rome, being 

. general expreffions,nor M. T5. referring to the Ages af- 
ter thofe which he is concerned fbr,whether by &*&&£§«{ 
®n<wv<Ly*W we underftand the great multitudes which 
were gathered into theChriftianProfeffion (as Valerius) 
or that aflembled together for Chriftian worfhip ( as 
our Author) is not material 5 though the former is more 
likely, uniefs we can think Sujebius, an elegant Writer, 
would u(e (b much tautology in fo few lines. That from 
which he may expeft more (ervice is the next exprelfi- 
on, which he renders the multitude of their ^Meetings in 
every City, but may with better reafon be render'd, the 
?mmerouJhefs or multitudes ofthofi that affemhled in Jeveral 
Cities. For it is fo far from being true, that every City 
had many Congregations of Chriftians in it 5 that there 
were many Cities long after, which had no Chriftians 
in them. And two inftances cannot be given of any 
Cities in the whole Empire that at this time had more 
Congregations than one ± uniefs where they all might 
have aflembled in one place, they thought it better in 
Prudence to difperfetheT.f?lves into fcveral Meetings. 
For in Alexandria, which was the grcateft City next to 


(8 5 ) 
Home, and the moft populous Church in the whole 
World, there is no appearance of more aflemblies till 
the end of the tenth Perfection, and the death ofTc- 
ter Bifhop there, who faffered in the ninth year of it /. tEMfib.l.+t $a. 
And therefore the elegant gradation, in discovering of 
which this Gentleman would have us take notice that 
he has a more comprehenfive faculty than Valefivs Jkems 
not very well founded: 

That which follows is an hundred years or more be- p*£. 55. 
yond the time to which M. B. limits his Aflertion, 
" About this time or not long after Tronic had above 
" 40 Churches, which we muft not imagine to be built 
cc all at the fame time, but by degrees, according as the 
<c number of Believers did require v &c. p<*g* 5 5. 

From the number of Churches he can t reafonably 
conclude fuch a multitude of Chriftians as he contends 
for. There were many Churches in Alexandria when 
Athanafius was BHhop of it, and yet there were no more 
Chriftians in his communion than could meet together in 
one place. Tiaroxifts tells us, that there was a City in 
Germany vphkh bad ^00 Churches in if-> and yet no rea- Amiofaj. ■ 
ton to think that Town was comparable for Circuit and 
Populoufhels, either to Rome or Alexandria. If I fhould 
fay that in Optatus there were not fo many Churches, 
but the number miftaken by the Tranfcribers , this 
would be as good an anfvver as that of our Author, who 
will have the 12 or 14 years of Athanafu/s his Eanifti- 
ment in £piphaniu* not to be fo many moneths, and that 
years are put inftead of moneths by the miftake of the 
Copies, pag. 113, Or that other about the number of 
Bilhops in the Council at \Aniicch, where he will have 
go in diverfe Authors to be a miftake of the Tranfcri- 
bers for, 90 (or 97 or 99. ;/) Onuphrius muft have 11/^,123,134. 
liked fuch an Anfwer to this of Optatns, who tho' he "*' mc 
was as much concerned for the greatnefs of the Roman £$£ 


Church as any, and no Ids inquifitive into the antient 
ftate of it, yet delivers it as a thing manifeft and cer- 
tain, that Rome had but 28 Titles, and this number 
notcompleated till the fifth Age. But there's no need 
to infift on any thing of this nature, it is not fo material 
how many Churches there was, as when there was fo 
many, and about the time he will have l&lendd to mi- 
ftake, and M. B. to follow him therein 5 he had been 
nibbling at Blondell a little before upon a fmall occafion 
and with as little reafon, as might be fhew'd, if it were 
fit to follow one in his Vagaries. Let us fee whether 
here he doth not follow Palejius in his miftake, who 
will have Optatus to fpeak of the Churches at Rome in 
the time of Diocletian sT^erJecutiot;, tempore perfecntionk 
Diocletiani w. But Optatus {peaks of thofe Churches 
when extant and capable of receiving Congregation^as 
is plain by his words 5 but what Churches were at Rome 
or other places, in the very beginning of that Perfec- 
tion, were all quite demolifhed, and that in one day, 
fayes Theodoret x, or the T^afchal dajes, as fiufebiusy 5 
and there's no probability they could rebuild them 
while the Perfecution lafted, or that fo many could be 
7. c. 49. raifed in lefs than many years after. ^Qcephorus fpeaks 
but of 14 Churches at Conjtantinople in the reign of The* 
odofius junior, nor meet I with any Author that gives 
an account of more, yet this was about an hundred 
years after Byzantium was re-edifyed, and both Con* 
fiantine and the fucceeding Emperours endeavoured to 
make that City as populous as could be,andfurnifhed it 
with Churches anfwerable to the numbers of the Inha- 
bitants. . So that there's no likelihood there could be 
40 Churches in Rome at any time nearer Dioclefians 
than Optatus s. 

But to help this our Author tells us out of Optatus, 


(87 ) 
that there were three Donatifis Bifhops at Rome fiicce£ 
fively before ^Macrobins^ who was Contemporary with 
Optatns, and that the firft of them was Victor GarbienJIs, 
and he will have Opt at us to (peak of the State of Rome 
(the 40 Churches there J not as it was in his own time, 
but in that of this Victor^ when this was, he fayes, is not 
eafietofix. fag. 56. 

Yet this is certain, it cannot be in the time of 'Diode- 
(iaris Terfecntion, for the Schifme of the Donatifis did 
not break out till ZMajorinus was ordained ( who was 
the firft Bifhop of the Faftion made in Africa or elfe- 
where) and this was fometime after the Persecution was 
there ended, as Optatns and Valefins after him, and o- 
thers declare % 5 and (bmetime muft be allowed after zveScbif.Vo- 
this for the Donatiffs fettling in T{ome, and fiich an in- nau c *^ 3 ' 
creafe of them there as to need a Bifhop. TSaronins 
makes this Victor to be Bifhop in Silvejlers time, which 
might be long enough after Dioclejiaris Perfecution, for 
he lived till 335. All which our Author hath to alledge 
for the more early date of Victors Bifhoprick, is that 
there were two or three Donatift BiQio^s between Victor 
and Optatns 5 but this will fcarce ferve bis turn. For 
there were four Biftiops of Rome in the former part of 
that very age wherein we are now concerned, who 
held not the Chair ten years among them, Marcel/us, 
Eufebins, ZMclchi&des and ZMarcns. But we may allow 
the three Donatift Bifhopfat Rome near ten years a piece 
from the time of Optatns, 378 (as both Blondel and 
Valerius agree) and yet Victor Garbienfis may not be Bi- 
fhop till Anno 350 and fo nearer to Optatns his time, 
than Dioclefians. 

2dly, It is no proof of Diocefan Churches that thofc 
who belong to it, do occafionally divide themfelvcs 
into diftindt Meetings, A large Church, and fome- 


times a fmall Congregation may have occafion to divide 
and meet in parcels for their convenience or iecurity. 
Particularly in time of Perfecution, that they may afc 
femble with more fafety, and be the better concealed 
from thofe who would difturb or apprehend them. The 
people that belonged to Cyprian did meet all together 
on feveral occafions, as is apparent in his fifties 5 yet 
when Perfecution was hot, he thought it advifable, 
caute non glomeratim nee per multitudinem ftmul jurtlam^ 

I np. 5. conveniendum /, they durft not in fome parts «* *a *tv*&*. 

m So* l,i.M iKMwtz^ j n t h e beginning of Conjiant tee's Reign nt. 

Damajus, the fuppofed Author of the Popes fiver, 
(ayes, Suariftus Titnlos *Vresbyterk druifit^ divided the 
Titles in Rome to the Tresbyters, and" by Titles fome 
will have us to underftand Pmijh Churches. But it is 
incredible that the Chriftians in Trojans time when 
Euarijlits was Bifhop, could ereft any ftru&ures in form 
of Churches, or had any diftinguilhable from other 
houfo, fo as the Heathen might take notice of them, as 
ufed or defigned for the religious exercifes of Chrifti- 
ans. Who can imagine that when it was death for any 
one to be known to be a Chriftian, they fhovild fre- 
quent any known places for Chriftian Worfhip .<? It is 
far more reafonable which T?laiina (ayes of Califfus's 
time, more than an hundred years after, that then the 
meeting of Clrifli answer e all Jeer et, and rather in Ckappels^ 
and thofe hidden, and for the mo ft part underground 5 than 
in open and public/^ places Cum ea tempejiate ob crebras 
perjecutiones occulta effent omnia^ & facella potius, at que 
eadem abdita & pier umque fitbt err anea 3 quam apertk in lo- 
ck acpublicisfkrent. Dr. St. (ayes, I confefs it Jeems not 
' probable to me that thofe Tituli were Jo foon divided as the 
time tf/Euariftus, who lived in the time 0/Trajan, when 
the Perfecution was hot againji the Chriftians 3 but Damafus 


flews not to believe himfelfa for in the life o/Dionyfius he 
faith. Hie Tresbyteris £ccleftas divifit. His reafon con- 
cludes as much or more againft the Titles under this 
notion afcribed to ^Marcelltts 200 years after ( which 
fome will have to be 2 5, but Onuphrius (hews the) could 
not be more than 1 5 n ) for fmfrctllm was Bithop of n uterpnt.Voc. 
Rome for fix years of the tenth Perfecution begun by EccU f- 
Dioclcfian, which was the longeft and fierceft that ever 
befel the Church } when the Chriftians were fo far 
from erefting any Churches , that alt before erected 
were by fevere Edi&s to be quite demolifhed. But what 
is (aid of Titles divided by Euariftus may be true in 
this fenfe, that fince they could not fafely meet toge- 
ther in the Persecution under Trajan, they difperfed 
themfelves into diftin<3 meetings, and had Presbyters 
affigned to officiate in each of them. And yet the 
Chriftians at T(ome were then no more, nor long after, 
than might all meet together for Worfiiip, and did fo 
when it could be done in fafety. In the time ofXyJlus 
who had the Chair at Rome under Adrian, it is faid 
becanfe of the frequent JJaughters of the Chriftians, there 
were few found who durft profefs the name ofChrijI, prop- 
ter freqitentes cades pauci reperirentur qui r.amen chrifiz 
profiteri audennt 0. And there was an order in that Putin*. 
Church that when the c T$iflwp celebrated, all the Presby- 
ters Jlwuld be prefent. Zepherinus zoluit ^Presbyteros 
emnes adeffe eclebrante £pifcopo,quodet? ^/^Euarifto- placuH, 
this is (aid to be made in the time of Suarijius to whom 
this divifion of Titles is afcribed, and it was in force at? 
hundred yearsafter, being renewed by Zepherinus wha 
was Bifhop till Anno 2 1 & about 3c years before Cornell 
us, who freaks of 46. Presbyters at Rome. Now the 
Lords Supper was frequently adminiftred in thofe times, 
at leaft every Lords-day, and when the Bifhop was pre- 
fent, he himfelfdid celebrate, and if all the Presbyters 

N were: 

were to be prefect when he did celebrate ^ then all the 
People likewife were to be preterit, or elfe they had no 
Publick Worfhip, for they could have none without 
Bifhop or Presbyters. 

3dly 5 A Church is not proved to be Diocefan by the 
numbers o£T > resbyters in it, this I have made evident 
before, and made it good againfl: our \Authors excepti- 

P?^, 5 j2, ons. But he brings a new inftancep, and will have E- 
dejja to have been a Diocefan Church becaufe of the nu- 
merous Clergy, the Clergy , fayes he, of the City of E- 
deffa was above 200 perfons^ not reckoning that of the 
Countrey within his Diocefe, and this was a Diocefan Tii- 
J/jop topurpoje. 

He did well not to reckon that of the Countrey in 
his Diocefe : unlefs he had kown that fomething of the 
Countrey was within his Diocefe. It was not unufual 
for the Bifhops charge to be confined to a Town or City 

qmocenuEp. Rome it felf is an inftance of it ^, Cum omnes £cclefi<e 

ad Dtctnmm. m fl r£ ifJtra C i v itatem conftituufunt. But why it Ihould 
be judged to be a Diocefan Church becaufe 200 fuch 
Perfons belonged to it, feeing the great Church at 
C. P. had above 500 Officers amgned it after ^uftinian 

r N0W/.3. c$. had retrenched the numbers r, and yet was never coun- 
ed a Diocefe, I do not well underftand. But he hath 
fome other reafons for it, and becaufe he thinks > they 
prove the Bifhop o£Ed?Jfa to have been a Diocefan to 
purpofe, let us on the by a little examine them 5 thefe he 
gives in fummarily, This was a Diocefan Ttifljop to pur- 
pofe^ who befides a large Diocefe^ had excommunicating 
Archdeacons^ and a great revenue. 

I find nothing alledged to (hew he had a large Dio- 
cefe or any at all, but this, the City of Battina was in the 
Dioceje ^Edefla, for Ibas is accufed of having endeavour- 
ed tomake one John Bifhop ofit 7 8cc. 


(9i ) 

Battina had a Bifhop of its o Wn, how rfacn can it be 
faid to be in the Dioccfe oCEdcjffa, unlefs Province and 
Diocefe be confounded i SdeJ/a was the ^Metropolis of 
^Mefopotatnia, the Bifhop of it was the third ^Metropo- 
litan in the patriarchate of ytntioch, as they are ordered 
in the antient V^otitia. The Bifhop of r Battina was 
one of the many Suffragans belonging to that Metropo- 
litan. How then comes the Diocefe of£dejffa to be any 
wayes large upon this account f Is the Diocefe of Can- 
terbury one foot the larger, becaufe there is a Bifhop of 
Peterborough in that Province $ Thefe things are not 
eafily apprehended nor can be well digefted. 

2dly, The greatnef of his Tfevenue is no more appa- 
rent, there is nothing to prove it but the riches of that 
Churchy and its great Revenues, and hereof our Author 
gives us no clear account, no value of the V^Qimifmata^ 
nor is there any Evidence in the Council for the Man- 
vors he fpeaks of but only the jelling offome wood in a 
certain place there named.But where there was aDiocefw 
and Archdeacons , decorum required there fhould be 
Mannors and vaft Revenues for the Bifhop. Nor do I 
quarrel with it, only this breaks the fquares a little, and 
difturbs the correspondence between thofe and our 
times '•> that if the Revenues of that Church had a- 
mounted to ten times more, yet the Bifhop would Jcarce 
have been one jot the richer for it. This will not ieern 
ftrange to any, who take notice of the antient Orders, 
concerning the revenues of an Epifcopal Church. The 
Bifhop was to have nothing thereof if he could main- 
tain himfelf otherwife. When he was neceflitous, no- 
thing was allowed him for himfelf but necejfaries, food c Cdn . Anuoch. 
and raiment f He was to pur chafe nothing while he c.25. 
lived, nor to leave any thing got by his Bifhoprick i^^/3m?i 
when he died, to his Relatives or others, but only to e. dt Epifc.Novl 
the Church that maintained him U The Bifhop of '3 , -?- l 3- Cw ft 

N 2 2^4^*^* 

(92 ) 

•Sdeffa, or any other in thefe Circumftanees, muft be a 
poor Drocefan, and one in a good Englifo Rettery or Vi* 
car/dge, is in a fairer way to be rich, than any in the 
antient Bifhopricks, fo ordered. And if Riches or 
Revenues be good Arguments to prove a Dwcefan, one 
of our Vicars may be a better Diocefan than the Bifhop 
of £de[fi. It is true there is fome intimation from T{ome, 
that the Bifliop (hould have the 4th. part of the Churches 
revenues, but there's no appearance of fuch a dijlribu- 
tion, till after the time of the four firft general Coun- 
cils 5 nor in any Countrey but Italy till an hundred 
years after : Nor did it ever obtain ("that I can dilcover 
after fome inquiry) in the Greeks Churches. 

3. The other proof that Ibas was a Diocefan, viz* 
becaufe fo had excommunicating Archdeacons, our Author 
would make good by telling us, that one of his Arch- 
deacons excommunicated Maras. Now this though it 
prove not what it is alledged for, may prove more 
than he likes. An Archdeacon in the antient Church 
(though he be another thing now) was not fo much as 
a Presbyter, he was but in the lower Order of Deacons, 
though chief amongft them, and chofen by them, as 
u Ep. ad Eva- Jerome fignifies u, Diaconi eligunt deje quern indufirium 
gnnm. noverint, & Archidiaconum vocant, the Deacons chufe 

from amongft themfelves one whom they know to be indu- 
firiom, and call kirn Archdeacon. Now if a Deacon 
had the power to excommunicate, there can be no doubt 
but the Presbyters had it,, being of a Superiour Order 
and Power. And excommunication being counted the 
higheft a& of Jurifdi&ion, it cannot be queftioned but 
the other afts thereof belonged to them 5 and fo the 
Presbyters having all the Jurifdiftion of Biflwps ( all the 
power of Government^ what did they want of being 
Bifhops but the honour of prefiding in their Aflemblies? 
j And 

C 93 ) 
And if they were no farther from being Bifhoos, they 
will go near to be as much Diocefan, and fo x\WGentle~ 
man may chufe, whether he will have all of both forts 
to be Diocefans, or none of either. 

4-ly, It is no Argument to prove a Diocefan Church 
to fhew that it confifts of (lich who live at a good di- 
ftance one from another. Dionyfus had a great Con- 
gregation at Cephro, a Village in Lybia, but thofe which 
made up this Church were of another Countrey, coming 
partly from .Alexandria , partly from other parts of 
£&yPU as Eufebitts (hews us, yet none ever efteemed 
that to be a Diocefan Church. In Juflin ^Martyrs time 
thofe that were in the Countrey, and thofe that were in 
the City, when thofe were no more than made one 
Congregation, met together in one place, W^^-w 
7rfae<; x} £yf*s u%vov]ov &$7vcIvtv ow&.JJm 9 the Meeting con- 
lifted of fiich as lived at a good diftance, but none will 
imagine it to be a Diocefan Church, but thofe who will 
have a fingle Congregation to be fuch a Church. All 
the Chriftians in City and Countrcy , fays Dr. Downham % 
if they had been affembkd together •, would have made but a 
fmall Congregation. . vo. w Defence Li. 

Our Authour would prove the largenefs of ^Bafth e -W' 6 ?' 
Diocefs by the diftance between Crfjarea and Safma. *. xpag. 54^,547 
He makes much of it and takes the pains to meaflire the 
diftance between thefe Towns, or rather, as he (ays , to 
mak^fome guefs at it out of an Itenerary and Putinge/sTa* 
bles^ yet tells us the diftance muft be as great at leaft as 
between Hippo and Fujfala, that fo Si. IBaJil's Diocefs 
may be as great at leaft as that of St Auftins. I think 
they will prove much alike , for as I have (hew'd that 
Aujlins Diocefs was not one foot larger for Fuffala^ fo 
it will appear that St. Haft's had not the leaft enlarge- 
ment upon the account ofSafma. That he might not 
be out in his meafures nor have loft all his labour, two 

x thing? 

C 94 J> 

things (hould firft have been cleared, neither of which 
is (or Aiink can be proved 5 ift, That Safima was in 
Bafil's Diocefe, for if it was but only in his Province ^ 
how far fbever it was from C<efarea, his Diocefe can be 
nothing the larger for it, though his Province might. 
To prove it in his Diocefe I find nothing but his own 
aflertion, that Safima isfaid exprefly to he taken out of the 
Diocefe of Bafil 5 "but where is this faid exprefly, or by 
whom, except by himfelf .<? The words in the Margin 
fignify no fuch thing, but only fome attempt to deprive 
a Metropolis of Safima. For a Metropolis may be de- 
prived of a Town which is in any part of the Province, 
when another Metropolitan feizeth on it. And I believe 
our Author is yet more out in taking the (^Metropolis 
Which 9\(azianzen (peaks of to be Cdcfarea, when it ap- 
pears by the Spijile to be rather Tyana. For as the 
whole Epiftle is writ to BafJ, fo thefe words cited, af- 
ter many others by way of fharp expoftulation, are di- 
rected to him as endeavouring to deprive a Metropolis 
of this Town, called ironically ™v**y*$v Xm^v : Now 
Ctffarea was not the Metropolis which Bafil would have 
deprived of Sa(ima he earneftly endeavoured to have 
it annext thereto $ but he would have deprived Tyana 
of it , if Anthimus the Metropolitan there, had not 
made a ftout oppofition. sdly, He (hould have prov- 
ed, that after this part of Cappadocia was divided into 
two Provinces, Safima was in that Province which fell 
to Bafth (hare f for if it was not in his Province how 
could his Diocefe be any larger for it? ) but inftead of 
this our Author offers what may ferve to difprove it, 
telling us that in the antient Greeks t^Qotitia, Safima is 
fet down in the fecond Cappadocia ("which belonged to 
Anthimus as the firft did to Bafil) andfo^ fayes he, it is 
not lively to he very near Caefarea. No indeed, it is 
thereby proved to be fo far from Ctffarea, that it did 



hot enlarge Tiafifs Province, much lets his Diocefe, 
Thus it is alfb placed in the tommm of Leo Sophus un- 
der the Metropolitan of Tyana, not of defarea. It is 
true Bajil laid claim to it, but after fome conteft he 
yeilded', and Anthimus carried it, placing Eulalias there 
as one of his Suffragans, when J^jtzianzen had quitted 

He goes farther on to (hew the largenefs of Diocefes 
in Bafil's Province. 

"It is plain by U^&zianzen that Cappadocia had but 
< c 50 Bifhops, for fo many he fayes Bafil had under him, 
cc and confidering the extent of that Countrey the Dio- 
" cefes muft needs be large. 

He does not fay TSafil had no more under him, nor 
that he was making no more 5 he knew Bafil was con- 
ftituting more Bifhops in that part of Cappadocia which 
was his Province, and V^aztanzen commends him for 
it as an excellent undertaking on feveral accounts/. y oratJeBafr 

" Confidering the extent of that Countrey, the Dio- 
cc cefes muft needs be large, for the Countrey as Strabo 
" computes, is near 400 miles in length,and little lefs in 
" breadth. 

If he means Bafil's own Province, where he told us 
there were 50 Suffragans under him befides Safima, 
&c z : (as I know not what he can mean elfe, ff his z ?ag. $4$. 
Difcourfe be not impertinent and inconfiftent 5 for Ba- 
fil as Metropolitan had no Bifhops under him, but thofe 
in his proper Province ) Strabo is ftrangely mifrepre- 
fented to ferve a turn 3 for it is the whole Countrey which 
paffed under the name of Cappadocia^ that the Geogra- 
pher gives us the dimenfions of in the place cited, and 
tell us it was divided into ten Trefe&ures, Meletena^ 
Cataonia*, Cilica, Tyanitk^ lfautith, &c. whereof Ba- 
Jits Province was but one, viz. that called (Silica, and 
that of Anthimus^ Tyanitis , another, &c Mazaca 



(afterwards called C<cfarea) being Metropolis of Bafih 
and 7^^ ofTyanitk, &c. and after he hath given fome 
account of thefe ten Prefectures, he adds the dimenfi- 
ons of the whole Countrey, in thefe words, the extent 
<?/Cappadocia in breadth from the Euxine to Taurus, is 
l8cc Furlongs^ in length 3000. So that our Author 
will have the extent of TSafU's Province to be no lefs 
than that of the whole Countrey when it is but the tenth 
part thereof And as if this were not enough, he makes 
the breadth of the whole Countrey, to be near twice as 
much as it is in Strabo 3 but he hath fome falvo for this, 
fuch as it is, 

" And little lefs in breadth, as Caufabon reftores the 
"reading of 1800 Furlongs in the 12th. Bco^ by 
" a paflage in the Jecond where the breadth is made 
" 280c. 

It is true Caufabon obferves fome difference in the 
places cited, but he fhews how they may be eafily re- 
conciled, without changing the Text here, . or making 
the Countrey broader than it is here defcribed, viz. 
by taking T^ontus in one place for the Sea, in the other 
For the T\egion fo called, feparated from Cappadocia by 
mountains parallel to Taurus \ and then concludes, Sic 
non erit difcedendum & vulgat* led ion e. So that he hath 
00 relief by Caufabon without curtailing the Paflage. 

" And in this compafs Bilhops may contrive 50 Dio- 
" cefes of very competent extent, and not inferiour to 
" many of ours. 

Let him try how in IBaftl's Province of about 40 
miles in length, he can contrhe room for above $0 
Bifhops, with as large Diocefcs as thofe he pleads for. 
That which is now thought little enough for one Bifhop 
^Baftl conceived too big for Fifty. 


C 97 ) 

What Diocefes Bafd (and others before him) thought 
fufficient for Bifhops both then, and in former times, ap- 
pears by a paffage which our Author next cites, where* 
^Amphilochius Bifhop of Iconium, is dire&ed to conjiitute 
Ttrjfjopr for the 'Province of Iconium, in little Corporati- 
ons and Villages, a Hundreds of inftances might be a Ep. 406. 
brought of Bifhops elfewhere, in Jitch little places and 
Villages, but I will go no further now, than the in- 
ftance himfelf offers us, whereby it is manifeft that a 
UttleCorporation, or a Village might furnifh a Bifhop with 
fuch a Diocefe, as was then thought competent, both 
by TiaJiL, and the Church before kit*. For in fuch lit- 
tle places there was Bifhops before, as TSafU there figni- 
fies, and he gives dire&ion that it (hould be fb ftill. 
Yet he, that would ad vife the reducing of Bilhopsto 
fuch Sees now, would be counted an enemy to Epifco- 
pacy 3 and his advice deftru&ive to Bifhops. So much 
do we now differ, both from the judgment and prac- 
tice of the antient Church, and the moft eminent Bi- 
fhops in it. 

Hereby alfb it appears that the multiplying of Metropo- 
litans was no fuch occafion of multiplying Bif/iops, but 
that their numbers increajed, when there was not that 
occafion } And this in Cappadocia, which is our Au- 
thors eminent inftance. b For Bifhops were multiplyed b Pa*. 545. 
by ere&ing Epifcopal Sees in Villages, and little places, 
this was done in JJiuria, a Province in Cappadocia, as 
appears by thefe paffages in TSajil, before the conteft 
between him and jfnthimus, upon the conftituting of 
a new Metropolitan : and after that difference was 
Compofed, Tiajil thought it advifeable that it fhould 
be done ftill. And the like may be (aid of Africa, the 
inftance he moft infifts on, and fpends many Pages up- 
on it, pretending the occafion why Bifhops were fo 
numerous there, wa6 the schifat of the Donatifrs, 

O Whereas 


* Whereas ihe rule by which the African Fathers proceed- 
ed in ere&ingBifhopricks in little places, and fo increa- 
fing the number of Bifhops, was as themfelves declare, 
who beft knew it, the increaje of the number of Chritfi- 
:co*cU.c*rtb. ans : c Where thefe were multiplyed, and defired a 
i can. 5. Bilhop, they thought themfelves obliged to let them 
have one 5 not excepting the meannefs or finalnefi of 
the places, where he was to be conftituted. And we 
muft believe fif we have any reverence for thofe Fa- 
thers) that they would have done, what they judged 
themfelves obliged to, though there had been no Do- 
natijls amongft them. And when there can be nofuch 
pretence of occafion from the Donatijis, the praftice 
was continued, as appears by St. Aujiins procuring a 
Bifhop for Fujffala, which he calls a Caflle, upon fbme 
increafeof the Catholicks there, diverfe years after the 
noted conference at Carthage, where the heart of the 
Donatifts was broken 5 Nay, many years after the in- 
vafion of the Vandals, and the death of St. Aufiin they 
proceeded in the (ame methods, or rather exceeded their 
Predeceffors in multiplying Bifhops, by erefting Epif- 
copal (eats in (mailer, and more inconfiderable places, 
A £?. 8$. if Leo hisEpiftlemay be credited, d 

But to return to our jinthor, and the paffage of Ba- 
fil, tnfifted on 5 by which fayes he, ' it appears that 
* c Ifauria was part of Bafil's Province 3 How this appears 
by any thing therein/ I cannot imagine, our Author 
fignifies before that Ifauria was a diftinft Province, 
the Metropolis of it fas he fuppofes) SeleucU, which 
had a metropolitan and fuffragans before, and being 
now deftitute, the Bifhops in the Vicinity were care- 
ful to provide others. Which being fo, that it (hould 
be part of Tiafll's Province feems as incongruous, as if 
it were (aid, that the Province of Torl^, is part of the 
Province of Canterbury : but if this could be digefted, 


that one Province is part of another, yet IJauria would 
rather be part of Amphilochius his province, who (as 
he tells us) was to confliMc a Metropolitan and other 
Bifhops therein, than of Bafl's, who is only represent- 
ed as giving advice about it. Or if giving advice and 
dire&ion, would prove any thing of this nature, the 
7>apijls might think it a good argument, that Africa 
was part of the Roman Province, becaufe Leo Bifhop 
of Rome gives advife, how Biftiops fhould be there con- 
ftituted. e cibid. 

x Next he brings in the chore-pifcopi in order to his de- 
fign, and tells us / they were ' Countrey Biflwps, and f ?ig% ** ' 
c their Church confided of many Congregations , and 
c thofe at a good diftance one from another, and alfo 

* that Come of them had the infpe&ion of a large Ter- 
c ritory, no left it is like than the County of Fuffala. 

But not a word for proof of this, fave Bafih men- 
tioning a Chor-epifcopusT^Tww^^e^/^re/ 5 Where- 
as if he had been the Biftiop of two or three Villages, 
this might be enough to (atisfie the import of that ex- 
preffion. Yet he knows there is fome one Countrey 
Parifh, that hath ten times as many, or more Villages 
in it, but never pretended to be a Diocefin Church, 
and that fuch a pretence would be now counted ridi- 

He adds, that which, if it were true, wouldgo near 
to dethrone thefe Countrey Tiifhops^ (for Tiajil fpeaks 
of them, as having their Thrones in Villages^ and ren- 
der them lefs than antient Presbyters, for all their large 
Territory, and there being Diocejans. 

c But yet thefe were but the Deputies or Surrogates of 
l the City Biftiops in point of jurifdi&ion , for they 

* were to do nothing of moment without their Biftiop. 

O 2 If 

li this be ib, it would be left wonder that the Pope 
will have Bifaops to be but his fubftitutes , and that 
fome Bifhops will have the Paftors of Parochial Chur- 
ches to be but their Vicars or Curates. I hope our Au- 
thor intends better, however it is well that fuch odd 
Hypothcfcs have no better fupport than that which is add- 
ed, for fayes he, they were to do nothing of moment with- 
out their Bifjop 3 this is his argument, and he is not 
alone in urging it. Let us lee whether it will not do 
the Bifhops (for whole advancement it is defigned) as 
much differvice, as it can do the Chorepifcopi , or 
Presbyters 3 diverting them of that which is counted 
more neceflary and advantageous to them, than a large 
Diocefe. The Provincial Bifhops were obliged to do 
nothing, l^Hv vrgtv/lav Zhx H ?* v ^X A *S &*&&*& '&***»**% 
without the Tiijloop of the ^Metropolis, this the fynod at 
4#tioch decrees, according to an antient Canon of the 
g can. 9. can. Fathers, g By this argument we muft conclude, that 
*iLMUv. m ' t ^ ie Bi fa°P s in a Province were but the Deputies and 
can. 13. Surrogates of the Metropolitan. And it may proceed 
proportionably againft the ^Metropolitans with refpeft 
to the y H?*W or primates } and alio to their prejudice 
in reference to the Patriarchs. It will go near to de- 
ftroy thcTSiJIiops likewife, if we follow it downwards. 
In the antient Church the Bifhops were to do nothing of 
moment, without the Presbyters, this the moft judicious 
and Learned ^JJcrters of Epifcopacy acknowledge 5 
h b. snfon, h Nay further, in the beft Ages of the Church, the 
nwnbai] b!' 73?fop s WW *° ** nothing without the people, that is, 
mil, m! without their prefer.ee and confent. This is moft evi- 
*%£? B ' dent in Cyprians tzpijllcs, and is acknowledged by fuch 
i nit defence Trelatifts as are otherwile reserved enough. * Now 
of Dr. st. Pag. by t h 18 A r g Um ent we may conclude that Bifhops were 
but the Deputies or Surrogates of the Presbyters 5 or 
which will be counted mpxp intolerable, that Bifhops 


had their jurifdittion from the people by Deputation 
and Vicarage. It may be this Gentleman will not like 
his argument (b well, when he fees what improvement 
it is capable o£ yet in purfuance of it he adds, c Tiafil 
c is (b refolute upon his prerogative, that he will not en- 
c dure they Ihould ordain, as much as the inferiour 
c Clergy, without his contents and if they do, let 
c them know, ((ayes he) that whofoever is admitted 
c without our content (hall be reputed but a Layman. 

I fuppofe the 'Prerogative for which he will have Ba- 
fil (b refolute , is a Negative in ordinations upon the 
Countrey Bifhops * but this cannot be concluded from 
the words cited. For the Council of 5\jVe gives the 
Metropolitan a power, as to ordinations in the fame 
words, k declaring that if a Bifhop be ordained by the kc«. 6. 
Provincials, yty yww> without the judgment of the Me- 
tropolitan^ the great Council will have him accounted no 
Tiifiop 5 and yet the Metropolitan had no Negative up- 
on the Provincials in Ordinations, for the Game Council 
determines, that in ordinations plurality of Votes Jhall 
prevail, which is utterly inconfiftent with any ones Ne- 
gative vcice. What then is the import of Tiafirs *V<6 
yvetyw} take it in the words of a very Learned and Ju- 
dicious Dr. of this Church, it is indeed there faid, that 
none fiould be wdained %*wyvvy.M without the opinion of 
the ^Metropolitan, but that doth not import a Negative 
voice in him, but that the tranfaUion Jlwuld not pafs in 
his abfence, or without this knowledge, advice and fuffr age, 

&C ' ' . - IBmoTvoftbe 

5. it is no proof of a Diocefan Church, to (hew that ? W S s*?rtm~ 

a Town, befides the Clergy or Officers in it, had fome Ch Pag ' * 14 ' 
Presbyters or Congregations in the Countrey belong- 
ing to it. The inftances which fignifie no more, or 
not fo much, are produced as fufficient arguments to 


C Ic2 ) 

prove there were fuch Churches. As that of Gaim 

Diddenfis T^resbjter, fuppofed (with what ground I 

examine not) to have been a Countrey Presbyter be- 

n vindication* longing to Carthage, and under Cyprian, m And that 

I, 504. f p e ij x f^id to do the Office of a Presbyter, under 

DeciMvs another Presbyter 5 a thing unheard of in 

thofe times, but let us take it as we find it, and upon 

the very (lender reafon alledged againft Goulartius (who 

is of another Judgment) believe, that he was a Prieft 

1 Pag. $06. in fome Village belonging to Caldoniui his Diocefe. n 

;o7# And that order for the Presbyters from their Churches, 

> con. 4. can. io repair to their proper ^Bifiop for Chrijm'm Africa, in 
>$. Spain, p and in France, q To thefe are added, for 

> Toi. 1. cap. f urt h er evidences, the Churches ( (aid without ground 
\Vafcon.Can.^ to be many,) belonging to Hippo Di^ritorum - AHb the 

Church of Thyana , belonging to Alypius Bifhop of 
Tagella, which without reafon, we muft take to be a 
confiderable City, r and the City Milevis becaufe 

Pag- 5*7' Petilian (ayes Tunca belonged to it once, though now 
it had a Bifhop of its own 5 and by our Authors Art 
of computation , Towns , Villages and Cities muft be- 
long to Milevis, upon the (ble account of Tunca, (bme- 

Pag. $28. ** mG appertaining to it, /and thefe with Fuffala, (of 
which before) are the chief inftances to prove that 
Africa had very large Diocefes not inferionr to thofe of 
ours, in extent of Territory, t Befides in the Council 
of Neoaefarea Countrey presbyters are diftinguifhed 
from others 5 u and that of ^intioch provides that 

h an. a' Countrey presbyters fall not give Canonical £ piffles, w 
and allows the Bifhop to order his own Church, and the 

\St* 9 ' ?ag% G° !t} rt re y places depending on it. x And Epiphanius 
fpeaks of a Church belonging to his charge, which 
we muft underftand to be his Diocefe, though in the 

fP*i> s$r paffage cited, it is twice called his province, y in fine, 
Jerome fpeakes of (bme baptized by Presbyters or Dea- 

Pag. 516 

j Can. 1 3 
h C. 


c 103 ; 

cons in Hamlets, Co/Iks, and Tlaces remote from tic 

Thefe and fuch like are ufed as good arguments for 
Diocefan churches, whereas there are diverfe Towns in 
England, which befides the Officers in them, have ma- 
vy Congregations and Presbyters in Villages belonging 
to them, and contained within the Pariih 5 and yet 
our Author and thofe of his perfwafion would think 
Dioccfans quite ruined , if they were reduced , and 
confined to the meafures of thofe Parifh Churches, and 
left no bigger than fome of our Vicarages and Parfona- 
ges, though fuch as Mr. Hooker affirms to be as Urge a* 
fomeantient Bifiop >ricks 5 he might havefaid moji, there 
being not one in many greater or fo large. I yet fee 
no ground in antiquity, nor can expeft to have it 
proved, that the larger fort of ordinary Biihopricks in 
the fourth age, and fometkne after, were of more ex- 
tent than two fuch Vicarages would be, if united. Yet 
a Bifhop of fuch a Djftrift in our times would be 
counted fo far from having a competent Diocefe, that 
he would fcarce efcape from being (corned as an Italian 

But his greateft argument, (in comparifon of which 
his other Allegations, he tells us, are but accidental 
hints, z. ) which he raoft infifts on, and offers many z Pag. 508; 
times over 5 fo that it makes a great part of his diP 
courfe on this fubjeft. a It is drawn from the number * Pa e- *° 8, *° 
ofBifljops in Councils, by which he would evince the $& pig. 55$ 
largenefs of antient Diocefts, when it no way proves u * 62t 
Diocefan Churches of any fize. He proceeds upon this 
fuppofition that there were great numbers of Chrijiians 
in all parts and Cities, bin the firtf age: ^nd that the b Pag. 530. 
Bipjops were fewer in former times than afterwards. The 
former part of his Hypothecs, if he underftands the num- 
bers of Chr'tftians to be any thing comparable to what 


( 104 ) 
they were after Confiantine, when Bifhops were much 
multiplied 5 (as he muft underftand it, if he expedt any 
fervice from it) wants proo£ and he offers none but 
(bme paffages in Tertullian, (trained far beyond what 
i$ agreeable to other aniknt Authors, of which before. 
Let me add that V^Qtzianzen comparing the numbers of 
Chriftiansin former times, withthofe in Julian's Reign, 
(ays, they .were not many in former Perfecutions, ("Chri- 
ftianity had not reached many, 8*" W wjaaw,J no, not 
in that of Dioclefian, 8cc. ( though they were at that 
time, farr more numerous, thm'mTertulliaris age) but 

c ont. 3. t h at Chriftianity was found only in a few 5# MpU c The 
ether part which needs no proo£ fince it is granted, 
(and may be without any advantage to himj he at- 
tempts to prove largely and induftrioufly 5 but by fuch 
a medium as makes that which is granted to be quefti- 
onable, fuch a one which as it is ordered may conclude 
backward, and prove the contrary to what he defigns. 
That this may be manifeft, let it be obferved, that he 
will have us take an account of the number of Bi(hops 
in the Church by their appearing in Councils, more or 
<bwer 5 and accordingly judge in feveral periods, whe- 
ther they were le(s numerous, and confequently their 
Diocefes larger in former times than afterwards. And 
to this purpofe we need view no other inftances than 
himfelf produces. At Lambefe in Africa there were 90 
Bifhops againft Prwatus 5 but not (b many in any 
Council after (though not a few are mentioned in that 

ipig. $09. Countrey.) till the Donatifts grew numerous d. In 
Spain the Council of Eliberk had 19 Biftiops in the be- 
ginning of the 4th. Age, and the firft Council of Toledo 
had no more in the beginning of the age after. But 
the following Synods, at SaragoJJa, Gerunda, Ilerda 9 

*m>M-$&Valentia, Arragon, had not (b manye. In France the 
Council at Valence had 2 1 Bilhops in the fourth Age, 


C'ios ) 

but thofe following them, in that and the after ages 
had ftill fewer, viz. That ofTtyz, Orange, the third 
of Aries, that at Angers, that at h ours, and Vennes and 
another at Aries. For General Councils, the firft at 
&(ice had 318 Bifhops in the beginning of the fourth 
Age, thatat Ephefas above an hundred yearsafter, had 
but two hundred, that at C. 7*. in the latter end of 
the fourth Age had but one hundred and fifty Bi- 

So that if we take account how many Bifhops there 
were of old, as he would have us, by their numbers in 
Councils, there will be more before the middle of the 
third Age, than in the beginning of the fourth 5 more 
in the beginning of the fourth than in fome part of the 
fifth 3 and more in the beginning of the fifth, than in 
fome part of the (ixth $ quite contrary to the Hypothe- 
cs on which he proceeds. Whether by his argument 
he would lead us to think Diocejes did wax and wane 
fo odly,as it makes Bifhops to be more or fewer,I cannot 
tell. However fince he grants that in the fourth and 
fifth Ages Diocefes were very finally and crumbled into t pa?. $$2, 
fmall pieces g, (and fo nothing like oursj .* there's nogw $*<*' 
expe&ation he can find any larger, if any thing near fo 
great, in any former age : unlets they can be larger 
when incomparably fewer Chriftians belonged to thefe 
Bifhops 3 which will be no lefs a paradox than the for- 
mer. For it cannot but be thought ftrange, that the 
Bilhops Diocefe fhould be greater when his flock was 
undeniably far lefs. And they feem not to be Chriftian 
Tliffjopricks, whofe measures muft be taken by num- 
bers of Aires rather than of Souls 3 or by multitudes of 
Heathens rather than Chriftians. 

He denies not, that the generality ofBi]hops,for a long 
while after the Apoftles, had hut one Congregation to Go- ?*£* 7*- 
vfrnk What then $ fays he, If all the Bskmrs in and 

P about 

about a City would hardly make a Congregation, that is td 
be afcribed to the condition ofthofe times. Diocefes with 
him, werelargeft in the firft times 3 but Bifhops being 
ftill multiplyed, they became lefi and lefs, and fo were 
very fmall and crumbled into very little pieces in the 
fourth and fifth Ages. This is the tendency of his dif- 
courfe all along. Thus Diocefes mud be langeft, when 
a Bifhop had but one Congregation $ but in after ages 
when he had more Congregations under his infpe&ion 
Diocefes were very fmall If he will ftand to this, our 
differences may be eafily compromized. Let him and 
thole of his perfwafion, be content with the Diocefes 
in the firft ages, when he counts them largeft ; and we 
(hall never trouble any to reduce them to the meafures 
of the fourth and fifth ages, when in his account they 
were lb lamentably little , and crumbled fo very 

The particulars premifed contain enough to (atisfie 
all, that I have yet feen alledged out of Antiquity for 
Diocefati Churches, fo that no more is needful, yet let 
me add another, which will (hew there is a medium be- 
tween Congregational and Diocefan Churches. So that 
if fbme Churches (hould be (hewed out of the ^Antients 
exceeding the Congregational meafures ("as feme there 
were in the times of the four firft General Councils^) 
yet it cannot thence be immediately inferred that they 
were Diocefan, fince they may prove a third fort of 
Churches, and fuch as will as little pleaie thofe of this 
Gentleman's perfwafion as Congregational. 

6. It's no argument for a Diacejan Church, that there 
*vere feveral fixed Churches, with their proper Presby- 
ters in a City or its Territory } fo long as thefe Chur- 
chcs,how many fbever were governed in common by the 
Bifhop and Presbyters in fuch a Precinft. For though 
few inftances can be given of fuch Churches, in or 


r «oy) 

belonging to a City in the 4th. Age 5 yet wherever 
they were extant in that , or the following Age, in 
things of common concern to thofc Churches, they were 
ordered in common by a Presbytery, that is, the Bi- 
Ihop with the Presbyters of that Precinft. Jerome de- 
clares it de jure, they ought to be governed in common , 
in comrmni debere licclefiam regere. h h in Titus ti 

And Felix 3 Bifbop of 7{ome, ("than whom no Bi- 
fliop was higher, or more abfolute in thofe timesj de- 
clares it de faiio^ when he fpeaks of the Presbyters of 
that Church, as %Mw nsr Ip* ?fo d7n&\tKQv d^far, ruling 
that Church withbim. It is the lame word that the go- 
verning of Churches by other Bifhops, is exprefled by 
$ Ww ?£p &btxfirw 0/ t*s my!; fiZmv tKKto<na.< yMlk^ as Alex- 
ander faith of J^arcifus, o^l\fitiiwvh™w'&^™i t 
i It imports no lefs than pr<ejidere, and is afcribed to * &&• u 6 * cl 
Bifhops and Presbyters, jointly by Tertullian, ^ Cypru kApoi. c. 39: 
an I and Firmilian. m Hence the Presbyters are fire- ]Lib * »• E P* ?• 
quently (aid to be cv*Ae#r«?yo* with the Bifhop, n for n^i^jii/u. 
then the Governing power of Bifhops was but count- 4* *• 8 - E P*- 
ed a tMinijiry, ,Aimp>fa y*? i^rliii ^K^mim^^horiMVy ? han ' m ' 4 2 » 

and the Presbyters fellow ^Minijlers with him, and ojfid&KLib.Q 
joint Administrators in the Government. They are E P- 260. 
ftyled ntAmipttit* p fellow T^aftors, they did not then P^-^M' 
dream that a Bifhop was file Tajior of many Char>- Qm% 7 ' 
ches. They are alio called *^f<£r*/, which is no lefs 
than m&tmii q for the Presbyters had their Thrones with qjgnatradTrai 
the Bilhop. So Nazianzen fpeaks of Bajil when or- « cbrrfofi.Tom^ 
dained Presbyter, as promoted twit &faw ~to the Sacred 7 ' Hom '^' <tt 
Thrones of the Tresbyters. r They are alfo called <w-'r0rat.2o. 
4*rmor ~' **#. f ch „ ]t % ^ 

Hm 1. 
But further evidence is needlefs, though abundance 
may be produced, fince the great Tatwns of Epifco- 

P 2 pacy 

C 108; 

pacy leems not toqueftion it, that the Church was g<r 

vernedin cowmen, and the Bilhop was to do nothing of 

importance without the Presbyters, it is acknowledged 

t Ptrptt Go- by Biftiop Bit/on, t BiQiop Downham, n Bilhop Hall 

vern.up. u. aflerts it, as that which is Vniverjally accorded by all an- 

\ l™"1 8. ' ti^y-i f h at dl things in the anticnt Church were ordered 

w At* F. 47» and tranfa&ed by the general co??jent of ^Presbyters, w 

Mr. Thomdike proves at large, that the Government of 

X Prim. Go- Churches pajfed in common 5 x Primate Z)J/jer more foe* 

yZdua. of cif ! ftl y but ^dually. J Add but Dr. St. who both 
Epifaptcy. aflerts and proves it, z> there was fill one Ecclefiafiical 
z inn. Pag. Senate, which ruled all the feveral Congregations ~of thofi 
354,35 ' Cities in common, of which the feveral Presbyters of the 
Congregations were Members, and in which the BiJIwp 
aUed as the Prefldent of the Senate, fir the better Govern- 
ing the affairs of the Churchy 8cc 

Let me add, when the Churches were (b multiplyed 
in City and Territory, as that it was requifite to divide 
them into Parishes, and conftitute feveral Churches 5 
the Biftiop was riot the proper Ttyler or Pajior of the 
whole Precinft, and the Churches in k r or of any 
Church, bx&one. TheParilhes or Churches were di- 
vided among Presbyters and Bilhop, they had their fe- 
veral diftihft cures and charges 5 the Bilhops peculiar 
charge was the Ecclejia principalis, the chief Parifh or 
Church fo called, or **&wtuA x*9i<ty*. The Presbyters 
performed all Offices in their feveral Cam, and order- 
ed all affairs which did particularly concern the Church- 
es where they were incumbents 5 thofe that were of 
more common concern were ordered by Bilhop and 
Presbyters together, and thus it was in the Bilhops 
Church or Parifti, he performed all Offices, adminiftred 
all Ordinances of Worlhip himfelf, or by Presbyters 
joyned with him, as Affiftants. He was to attend this 
particular cure conftantly, he was not allowed to be ab- 


C 109 ) 

fetit, no, not under pretence of taking care for fomc 
other Church 5 if he had any bufinefs there which par- 
ticularly concerned him, he was to make quick diP 
patch, and not (&*%«* $ ****«'# ***** as Zonaras) 
(lay there with the neglell of his proper flockj> this is all evi- 
dent by a Canon of the Council of Carthage a, Rur- J*Jg**W 
fitm plactiH ut nemini fit faculty reliCta principal* Cathe- 
dra, ad aliquant Hcclefiam in Dioceji conjlitutamfe aon- 
ferre, vel in re propria, dintius qnam opart et conBitutnm, 
cur am vel frequent attonem prapri£ Cathedra negligerc. Of 
this Church or Parifti he was the proper Paftor or Ru- 
ler, called there ^©" fcfcflb and elfewherei «««* ^8^^ bc *»-S*' 
in contradiftin&ion toother parts of the Precinft, called 
here Diocefes } and the people of it are called "**& *<*& 
by the ancient Canoniji c, his proper flocks or people, his czm.mhc. 
own fpecial charge. This was the particular Churcb 
under his perfonal Government, but he was not Ruler 
of the Precinft, or any other Churches in it, five only 
in common, and in conjunttion with the other Pres- 
byters s who jointly took cognizance of what in his 
Church or theirs, was of greater or more general con- 
fequence, and concerned the whole, and gave order in, 
it by common confent* 

And while this was the form of Government, if there 
had been as many Churches there, thus affociated 5 as 
Opt at us in the fourth age (ays there was at T(ome, or 
for more, they could not make a Diocejan Church, un<- 
lefsa Diocejan and a Presbyterian Church be all one. 
For this is plainly a 'Presbyterian Church, the antient 
'Presbyteries differing from the modern but in a matter 
of (mailer moment. In thofe their T'rejident being 
fixed and conftant, in thefe commonly though not al- 
ways circular. The Presbyteries in Scotland compri- 
sed feme twelve, feme twenty, fome more Churches^ 


r no) 

their Moderators were at firft, and for fome years, rfr- 
iam»M$h c ^ ar ^ King James afterwards, Anno 1606 d, would 
have them to be confiant, and fo it was ordered 5 yet 
when they were fixed, no man ever counted the(e 
Presbyteries to be Diocefan Churches. The Church of 
Geneva confifts of twenty four Parifhes, governed in 
common by a Presbytery with a Moderator, who is 
fometimes changed, fbmetimes continued for Life. 
Calvin was Prefdent while he lived, yet that of Geneva 
is not wont to be taken for a Diocefan Church. Nor 
were thofe antient Churches fuch, while they were 
governed, not by one Biftiop, but by a Senate of Pres- 
byters where he prejlded 5 as in the Council of Conftan- 
tinople all things in the Province are (aid, to be governed, 
not by the ^Metropolitan , but by the Provincial Sy- 

ican.i.SocL node. 
5. up. 8. 

Finally, the Presbyters are in the antient Church ac- 
knowledged to have had the power of the k§ys, both as 
to the miniftration of the Word and Sacraments, and 
the exercife of Government andctnfures. This power they 
exercifed either jointly in conjunction with the Biftiop 
and Senate of Presbyters 3 or diftin&ly in the particu- 
lar Churches whereof they had the charge. The for- 
mer power concerning the Word and Sacraments is not 
queftioned-j nor is there any ground to queftion,the lat- 
ter jf fame werenot fwayedmore by the praftice of their 
own times, than the principles and declarations of the 
antients. Chryfojlom afcribes to Presbyters , not only 
tk(k<r<*x/W, the power of order, but <sw<wri*v the power 
fin i rim. of Government f giving this as the reafon why the 
Apoftle gives the fame rules for the ordering both of 
Bithops and Presbyters, there *f but little difference be- 
twixt them, fays he, for they are ordained both to the 


llom, 11. 

C "O 

teaching (<9O*"**0and ruling of the Church Now that «er 
&**> denotes jurifdidtion or prefidentiam cum pote- 
fiate, and is as Hejychiu* renders ir,' *»$yw* is plain in 
Chryfoflome himfelf} he tells us the ApoftleTWhad 
4 i\x^m <B&*****i g which he elfewheje exprefles by g in i cor.Hom. 
tw wx^wr fmumv x»fav»rh: and fpeaking of ^Mofes, he h*a232i. 
(ays, // w«rc wonderful, that he who was to be a Ruler, 25. 
<s&s«,w tdxkw £**%, front d be born atfuch a time i. The- l ^ A ^*^m, 
cphilatt makes the difference as little between Bifhop 
and Presbyters, and afcribes as much power to the 
later, alofoft in the fame words 4 So Theodoret de- k r * « *** 
dares w*#fh jurifdiftion to belong to every Presby- 
ter/, again fi an S/der efpecially^ no kfs than two Witnef-ltoittn-W* 
Jes muji be admitted, becaufe he having ©****/** f qyu M ft 
the Government of the Church , and in the exercife of 
it often grieving Delinquents, they being ill affected to 
him, will be apt to bring falje accufotions. And this .is 
the wW* included in the PresbyteFS Office, **n a«t*t 
fa X$« Ktynry «t* wwW, as V^azianz&n fpeaks and 
much more to that purpofe m. And befides many other ra Orat. u 
paffages of like import, the Title ofGovernours is all 
a long in antient Writers given to Presbyters 5 and 
all the expreffions which fignifie Authority and Go- 
vernment, are afcribed to them. Thereby thoie that 
would curtail their power, and make it no more of old 
than it is now, are not a little encumbred 5 to extricate 
themfelves a diftinftion is devifed of a power internal 
and external, the former they will allow to Presbyters 
in their refpedive Churches, not the later. 

But this is deviled to difentangle themfelves, a'nd 
falve the deviations and irregularities of later times, 
not that there is any ground for it in Antiquity. For 
the higheft a& of that external power of jurififi&ion, j 

is Excommunication 3 and if this was in the Presbyters 
power of old, no other aft of that power will, or can 


Q 112 J 

in reafbn be denied them $ but this the antients afcribe 
n Ad wiiodo- to them , So Jerome, n Jliihi ante Tresbyterum federe 
* m - non licet, iUi ft peccavero licet me tradere fat an £ ad inter- 

ritum carnfc~, ut fpiritus falvus (it. Chryfofiome threat- 
ned fome of his Auditory, while he was a Presbyter, 
to Excommunicate them, **tpfAi**rimfyX9 rSv U$ v 7 £ Tay 
o Rom. 17. h thCb>atv&M?w^ to wave all of like nature infifted on 
Matth ' by others 3 Jufliniun in the 6th. Age fignifies plainly, 

that not only BiJJiops, but 'Presbyters might Excommu- 
nicate Offenders, in his Conjiitutions he forbids Bifhops 
and 'Presbyters to exclude any from Communion, till fitch 
cauje was declared, for which the Canons appointed it to 
be done, **<» '6 roU tii n c ixw $ irfvrfyM&ti dm^d'o^, *po$ifar 
w* n '*}!&< xoivwicu, &c. and will have the fentence of 
Excommunication refcinded, which u>as pajfed by Tiif/jops 
p Novtl. 123. or 'Presbyters without cauje. p In theCWe both Bifhops 
Cr "• and Clergy are forbid to Excommunicate in certain ca- 

fes, and then mentions the cafes for which they tnuft 
not, i a><p*tK" v * drthpadfy* — k*v %Q& m&m ixf«7*0w> a U 

q uk 3 9, Sec. though they had been accuHomed to it. q 

2. Tit. de Epifc: 

Now while Presbyters had this power there could 

be no Diocejan churches, whether they exercifed it in 

common, as was (hewed before, ox particularly in their 

feveral Churches, as will now be made apparent , For 

by virtue of thefe powers the Presbyters were really 

Bifhops, though they had not alwayes the Title, yea, 

they are called Bifhops, as a Learned 'Prelatili obferves, 

by the antienteft Authors, Clemens, Ignatius, TertuUian^ 

r Tbornd. Prim, r and have frequently the Names and Titles which fome 

7^74! Pae ' would appropriate to Bifhops, and which the Fathers 

ufe to exprefs the Office of Bifhops by, ^aw™ T>r<epo- 

iUm.firvht.fitiy ^ntijiites, 7 ) r£(identc3, f&c. And fo there was as 

Fag. 53. niany Bifhops really in every Diocefe, as there were 

particular Churches and Presbyters there $ And well 


( tvi ) 

may they be laid to be really the fame, fince they were 
of the very fame Offu- -, for Bifhops in the antient 
Church, were not afapericnr Order to Presbyters, but 
had only a Precedency in the fame Order. This fomc 
of the moft judicious and learned Defenders of Epifco- 
pacy afl'crt. And thofc who hold that Patriarchs, Me- 
tropolitans and Tliflwps differed not in Order, but in 
degree only, which is the common opinion of Epijcopal 
Dhines, and yet contend that Bilhops and Presbyters 
were of a different order ,will never be able to prove i*. 
The difference they affign between 'Bifiops and £Mc- 
trope lit an s is, that thefe presided in Synods, and had a 
principal interest in Ordinations, and what more did the 
preeminence of antient Bifhops, diftingutfhing them, 
from Presbyters amount to ? It confided in- nothing 
material but their presidency in Presbyteries, and their 
power in Ordinations. This laft is moft infifted on, 
as making the difference wider, between thefe than the 
other. But with little reafon all things considered. 
For thofe to be ordained, were firft to be examined and 
approved by the Presbyters, m ***»* x^™^^ 7 ** *&4 % 
Itfocti&v KhmyJv J)»unA? t ovTw t, the ordaining of one to the t rbtopfoTu* 
Presbytery was to be 4"?« ^ *?/V« <r« **»?« xnv]& u. It commonitor. 
was a crime for which the greateft Bifhop in the World uci$m.con!tt- 
was cenfurable, to preferr any, or make Ordinations t*.tik 8.<r^ 
*£& yveSmy t» KKn$*^ as appears- by what Chryfbfl&me was 
accufed of, though it is like falily w, and this is counted vjpiiotjn ckryf* 
by fome xhzfubftancc of Ordination, wherein the P^^c^ffufrthZ 
byters had no left (hare (to fay no more J than the cap.22fnm&i 
Bifhop. And in impofing hands, which was* the Rite 
ef Ordainingy the Presbyters were to concurr with the 
Bifhop, for which there is better Authority than the 
Canon of an .African Council, for faith a very learned 
Doctor x, to thkpm'pofc, the laying on of the hands of the x Im ' ?• 27 $* 
Tvesbytery y, is no mays impertinently alkdged^ although y x rim. 1. 1 


( Ml } 

mfippfift'St* Ptiul teconburr mthe aftim § becmife if the 

T^resbytcry had nothing to do in the Ordination, to what 
purpofe were their hands laid upon him <? Was it only to be 
Witneffes of the fatt, or to (ignifie their covfent .<? TSoth 
thefe might have been, done without their uje of that Cere- 
mony, which will fear ce be inftanccd in, to be done by any 
but fuch, as had power to conferr what was (ignifyed by 
that Ceremony. And diverfe inftances are brought by 
the fame hand to (hew that Ordinations by Presbyters 
ip*i' 37 h was valid in the antient Church z. 

But if the Presbyters had been quite excluded from 
Ordination, and this power had been intirely referved 
to the Bifhops, yet this would not be fufficient to con- 
ftitute them a fuperiour Order. For the Rite of Or- 
daining was fo farr from being an aft of Government or 
jurifcli&ion, that it did not inferre any fuperiority in the 
Ordainer 5 nothing being more ordinary inthe prac- 
tice of the Antient Church, than for thofe^were of a 
lower Degree and Station, to Ordain their Superi- 

While there was no more diftance betwixt Bifiiop 

and Presbyters but only in Degree, fo that as the Bi- 

(hop was but primm Presbyter, ( as Hilary under the 

d in 1 Tlm.Au- name of ^frnbrofe, and others a \ or Primiceri/ts as Op- 

«r?pT* ' in V * tatm •> defined by a Learned Civilian to be *t*™ * 

b Go'thofrld. in **5i£f) b the fir ft Presbyter, fo the Presbyter was a fe- 

uiu conc i Bifhop & #Myi< S&ok, as ^(azianzen. As the 

r Bifl)op was fumrnu* facer dos, in the ftyle o£Tertu//ian 

and others, that is, cheif Presbyter, fo the Presbyter 

was BiJIwp a degree lower 5 not that he had left pafloral 

power, but becaufe he wanted that degree of dignity or 

preeminence, for which the other was ftyled chief. 

As the T?r<£ter Urbanus was called £Maximtts, yet he 



had no more Power than the other, Trttorum idem erat 
collegium, eadem potejlas c, but only fome more privi- c Bedim lib. 3, 
ledge and dignity, dignitate cceteros anteibat propterea *■ 6t 
maximus dicebatur d, and the *SX av •awwf*©'* at Athens d Fed. in verb. 
was 1? rat or maximus, yet all the reft were pares potejla- ma i ou 
et e 5 TSiJIwpr and Presbyters had idem mimSterium as cibid. 
Jerome, eadem Ordinatio, as Hilary f, they were of the f & 1 Tim. 3. 
fame Order and Office, had the fame power, the power 
of the Keys, all that which the Scripture makes effential 
to a TSifiop. While it was thus, there couldbe no Dio* 
cefin Churches, that is, no Churches confiding of many 
Congregations which had but one Bipop only. 

vf* *&* *fi* *$* . %?* *%* %** 



Late Writer prefumes he has detected 
a notable miftake in the Author, of 
No Evidence for Diocefan Churches (afc 
cribed to one who owns it not) about wv°t, 
which I fuppofe he would have Tranflated 
Ten TJ?oufands definitely j but ahere it is rendred 
indefinitely thoufands, as we are wont to exprefs 
a great many, when the precife number is 
not known. Thofe who underftand the 
Language, and have obferved theft/eofthe 
Word,will be farr from counting this a fault : 
and thole who view the paflage will count it 
intolerable, to render it as that Gentleman 
would have it. That of Atticns Bifliop of C 
(P. may fetisfie any concerning the import and 
ule of the word, who fending mony for the 
releifof the poor at Mice to CaUiopim, he thus 


Writes, '«/u*$w twite ** tw toa.« 7!uvwt*9 A7&; *^? #f &* 

where he tells him that by wW he underftands 
a multitude whole number he did not exactly 
know, thus (i. e. indefinitely ) is the word 
moft frequently ufed by Greek Writers, and 
particularly by Eufebim the Author of the 
paflage cited. So he tells us, Nero killed his 
Mother 7 his (Brothers, his Wife , **! **am* p^fa* 
of her Kindred : And Timotbeus of Ga^a^ , ,he 
lays, indured -w** £**«**. Many more might 
be added, where the word is not rendred by 
the beft Translators (Vdefius particularly) 
ten thoufand ; but ftill indefinitly imwnkrabi- 
ksorinfiniti, orjexcenti, &c Nor have I met 
with one inftance ( though poffibly there 
may be fome) in him where it is ufed to ex- 
prefs ten thoufand precifely. 

Howe\er it had been an unpardonable in* 
jury to Eu/ebius, to have rendred it fo in this 
place 3 as if he would have deluded the World 
with a moft palpable untruth, which both 
he, and all men acquainted with the ftate of 
the Church in thofe times, know to be lb. 
For this make him lay that ten thoufand Bi- 



fliops met in Cancel at Antloch in the third 
Age ; when as he never knew a Synod of 
fix hundred Bifhops in the fourth Age, while 
he lived j though then Bifhops were farr 
more numerous, and had all encouragement 
to meet in greateft numbers. This makes 
him fignifie , that ten thoufand Bifhops af- 
fembled in the skirts of the Eafi part of the 
Empire : When as their was not near fo ma- 
ny (this Gentleman is concerned to maintain 
there was not one thoufand) in the whole Chri- 
ftian World. 

This is more than enough to Chew that 
there is fufficient warrant to Translate w«/, 
Ihoufands more than once ; though that it is 
in that difcourfe (which he ftiles a little Pam- 
phlet) (b tranflated more then once, is ano- 
ther of his miftakes. And a third (all in two 
lines) is that the Author grounds his Argu* 
ment on it. Whereas thofe that view the 
paffage, and the occafion of it, will fee it had 
been more for his advantage to have tranfla* 
ted it ten thoufands. He that can allow him- 
felf to write at this rate, may eafily be volu* 
minous, and look too big to be defpiled, as a 
writer of little Pamphlets. The 


Tioe Letter mentioned pag. 45. being commune 

cated to me by M. B. that part of it *tobich concerns 

Alexandria is here added, that it may appear how 

much it is miftaken, and l>owfarr from ketw an- 


For Alexandria it was the greatefl: City in 
the Empire next to <%ome,uiw $ r iw % p»nW * &•„' 
fays Jofephus de bello Judaic lib. 5 .cult. And Ept- 
phanius gives an account of many Churches in 
it affigned to feveral Presbyters, Yi^. befides 
Ctfarea finished by Athanafius, that of Dionyji* 
us, Theonat, Vterw, Serapion, Terfeas , Vizta, 
Mundidius , Annianus , (Baucal<M y adding $ *M*t. 
Hwes 69. page 728: This notwithftanding 
that the Chriftians at Alexandria which held 
Communion with Jthamtfius, might and did 
meet together in one Church, he himfelf de- 
clares exprefly in his Apology to Conflant'rus, 
page 531. Tom. 1. Edit. Commelin. Anno 1 601 . 
The whole paffage is too large to transcribe or 
tranflate, this is the fence of it. He being ac- 
cufed for affembling the People in the great 
Church before it was dedicated (*fV *wW tikuc*- 
■aw*/] makes 1 this part of his defence. ' The 
'confluence of tie People at thePafchal folem- 



nity was fo great that if they had met in feve- 
ral afTemblies (xp /**!& 6 &ww* j the other 
Churches were (b little and ftrait, that they 
would have been in danger of differing by 
the crowd, nor would the univerfal harmo- 
ny and concurrence of the People have been 
(o vifible and effectual, if they had met in 
parcels. Therefore he appeals to him, whe- 
ther it Wa not better for the whole multi- 
tude to meet in that great Church (being a 
place large enough to receive them altogether 

qvt@- Sc/V»7wr« T6 Jbvtitupu Ji^ac^ rnvmii cv cwm weAdtTp^and 

to have a concurrence of all the people with 

One Voice ( *J t!w avtW v «J wfflem'as pt **£> ?/Ve«% rlvS 

9»vtw\) For if fays he according to our Savi- 
viours promife , where two fhall agree as 
touching any thing,it fhall be done for them 
of my Father, &c. How prevalent will be 
the one voice of fo numerous a People affem- 
bled together and faying Jmen to God? Who 
therefore would not wonder,who would not 
count it a happinefs, to lee fo great a People 
met together in one place ? And how did the 
people rejoice to behold one another,where- 
as formerly they aflembled in feveral places ? 
Hereby it is evident -hat in the middle of 
the fourth Age, ail the Chriftians at Jlexan- 

R dria* 


dria which were wonc at other times to meet 
in ieveral aflemblies, were no more than one 
Church might and did contain, fo as they 
could all join at once in the Worfhip of God 
and concurre in one Amen. 

He tells 'jirn alio that Alexander his Prede- 
ceflTor,(who died An. 325 )did as much as he in 
likecircumftances, Yi^. aflembled the whole 
multitude in one Church before it was dedica- 
ted, fteg. 532. • 

This feems clear enough, but being capa- 
ble of another kind of proof which may be no 
lefs fatisfa&oty, let me add that alfo. This 
City was by Strabo his defcription of it, xa*H&- 
a/fc ^ tfuu, like a Soldiers Coat, whole length 
at either fide was almoft 30 Furlongs, its 
breadth at either end 7 or 8 Furlongs, Geogr. 
lib. \y. /w£. 546. fo the whole compafs will 
be lefs than ten Miles. A third or fourth part 
of this was taken up with publick Buildings, 
Temples, and Royal Palaces, %x H t ^^^^^K 

#a« /xefQ-. ibid, two Miles and half or three and 
a quarter is thus diipoled of. I take this to 
be that Region of the City which Epiphanius 
calls Gt*w*> (where he tells us, was the famous 
Library of Ftolomeus Thiladelphus) and (peaks 



of it in his time as dedicate of Inhabitants, 
¥pjK# 7r/yCV bfzti^r de Wonder. & menfur, n. 9.^.1 66 
A great part of the City was a/ftgned to the 
Tews 7naM&< *$»&&> p*i* A*tjG* txJ £<3r« t«tJ. So Strabo 
indefinitely, as fojpflm quotes him. Antiquit. 
Jud. L 14. c. \ 2. Others tells us more punctu- 
ally, their fhare was two of the five divifions 
(Upers Annals Latin, pag. 859.) Though many 
of them had their habitation in the other di- 
vifions, yet they had two fifth parts entire to 
themielves, and this is (I fiippofe) the ™3-u& 
which Jofephus faith , the SucceiTors of 
Alexander fee apart for them ^MW *f»e«w, hello 
Jud. I. 2. cap. 2 \ . Thus we lee already how 
6 or 7 miles of the 1 o were taken up. The 
greateft part of the Citizens (as at G(pme and 
other- Cities) in the beginning of the 4th. Age 
were Heathens. Other wife Antonius wrong'd 
the City, who, in Atbanafius's time,is brought in 
thus exclaiming by Jerom. Vit. Waul. p. 24 j. 
V& tibi Alexandria qu<e pro Veo portent a yeneraris • 
"Vd tibi civitas mereirix m quam totius orbis ddmoma 
confluxere, &c. a Charge thus formed, fuppoles 
the prevailing party to be guilty. But let us 
fuppofe them equal, and their proportion half 
of the 3 or 4 miles remaining, Let the reft 
be divided amongft the Orthodox, the Arrians, 



the Novations and other Se£ts : And if we be 
juft a large part will fail to the {hare of Here- 
ticks and Sectaries. For hot to mention others, 
the Novatians had feveral Churches and a Bi- 
fhop there, till Cyrils time, Vui. Soerat. Hift. i 
7. c. 7. The Brians were a great part of thole 
who profetled Chriftianity, ™ *** ™ ca<> ^:^ 
(So^pm.Hift.l. i.e. 14.) and if we may judge of 
the followers by their leaders, no lefs than 
half. For whereas there were I 9 Presbyters 
and Deacons in that Church (Tbt I, Hift. I. 4. 
c. 23.) (12 was the number of thei t r Presbyters 
by their Ancient Conftitution, as appears by 
EutycbitiSy and 7 theij Deacons, as at %;«e, and 
elfewhere) 6 Presbyters with Jrius y and j 
Deacons fell off from the Catholicks. So%pm. 
Hift. I. \. c. 14. But let the Arians be much 
fewer, yet will not the proportion of the 
Catholick Bifhops Diocefe in this City, be 
more than that of a fmall Town, one of 8 
or 1 2 Furlongsin compafs. And Co the num- 
bers of the Chriftians upon this account, will 
be no more than might well meet for Wor* 
fliip in one place. 



THB /?^ Epiftle is now written upon the fight 
of Jugulum Caufae : The other with the fa 
Tropofttions was written about a year and 
half ago, upon the fight of Papa ultrajectinus, 
k?c. and the Panenefis contra i£dificatores 
Imperii inlmperio : jfndthe defign of all is, 
to fi?ew how little or nothing at all thefober mode* 
rate Vroteflants , called Epif copal, Presbyterian y 
Independent, and Political or Erajlian are dij agreed 
in all this bufinefs, whiljl I name you near a hun* 
dred Tropofitwns in which they commonly confent : 
Tloat Princes and all Magijlrates may fee y tl^t they 
haye no caufe to be offended at the Chriftian and 
Proteftant Do&rine, or to judge the true Re- 
ligion of any of thefe parties, as fuch, to be 
contrary to their inter eft • when in njery truth they 
are in that all one : (But that *amonz all Setts and 
(parties, there will be ftillfome injudicious , intern* 
per ate and unpeaceahle men • especially thofe whofe 
Interefl: in the world is Great, and cannot be up* 
held, without encroaching on the rights of others : 
j{$ Great Trees mujl have much room, and fuffer 

A z nothing 


nothing to profper under them 9 but Weeds and Bry* 
ars. And it is to tell politicians^ that the tritef&a* 
floral Tower ( being a Tower to labour and fuf-. 
fer in patient felf-denyal for the Church of 
Qhnjl and the Jouls of men ) is paft all doubt of 
Chrifli anointment : jini to dimimjh that-Tower, 
ts but todiminijh our obligation to labour and[\i(- 
fer, and to gratife our floth and flejhly intereft. 
(But to duninifl? that Secular Church*power which 
Clergie men claim as of ViYme tfijght, is but for 
Princes to be Princes ^whether the Clergie mil or no. 
Jnd as to the Learned Author, Dr. Lud.Moli- 
nxus, my meaning is tofecond him in awakening 
Magijlrates to reaffume their proper pouter , and to 
leave it tnnoQergie mens hands y of what party 
foever : (But as to his reflections on the Trotejlants 
0ifcipline y lovingly to chide him for making the 
difference feem wider than it is y and to %E(J)N* 
CILE the four (parties, while I diftinBly open the 
common DoSlrine of them all, excepting the rigid 
Opinions of fome inter effed or intemperate indu 

/• — s 



My Learned, Sincere and Worthy Friend, 

HEN I had haftily fet down my judge- 
ment of the Caufe which I found- 
handled in your Papa Vltrajcttimis and 
other Writings which you fent me, I 
caft by that Script ( which I intended- 
at the writing of it, for your view ) 
that I might fttrely keep it from the 
notice of others, in this Age wherein 
the prevalency oi InurC}\ r F aUtirnJ affion and In]udiikufiefs y 
doth make it fo great a difficulty, to fay any thing for the 
cure of any mens errors^ytirmitics or impieties^whlch fhallnot 
be charged with the fame crime (or greaterjwhich it would 
cure, and be taken for a difturber of the Church and Peace, 
which it would fave or heal. But now feeing that you renew 
your endeavours in the fame Caufe, and rinding your Jugu-* 
lum Caufe dircdbd to fo many hands, by feventy particu- 
lar Epiftles, and that you have honoured me with a place 
among thofe great and worthy perfons, I take my felf ob- 
liged to render you fome account of my judgement of 
your Writings, and efpecially of the whole Caufe, by brinp.-r 
ing into the open light, thofe hundred Proportions which 
I had purpofed to conceal ; And withal to tell you, 

i. That f though you have much overvalued me in your 
recitation of their report, who would have joyned me with 
fo Great, fo Wife and Good a man as A Bimop Vfnr, and 
that in fo great a work •, and experience may tell you, that 
other men have other thoughts of me, as one unmeet to 
preach the Gofpel ia-the Land of my Nativity, much more 

A 3 vmmeet 


Unmeet to be a decider of the Churches Controverfies ) 
yet you have truly described my judgement of your felf 
and your undertaking. I confefs I hope not that ever you 
fhould make the Roman Usurpation, more palpable, than the 
ta'thood of their Dj&rine of Tranfubftantiation i where 
they maintain ( not only the Corporal Preface, which is 
nor it that I now mean, but ) that Bread is net Bread, and 
V/ine is mt Wine, when all men fee, tafte,fmcll and feel 
them : And if the Princes, -Doctors, and great men of the 
world, can thus obftinately deny ( or take on them to 
deny ) the judgement which is made of feniible objects, by 
all mens fenfes, you may gather what fruit you may ex- 
pect of your labours, or of any Caufe how plain foever, 
where prejudice and feeming imereji are againit you ? Can 
all the Writings or Reafonings in the world, bring any 
thing to a more clear and fun decifion, than that of all the 
fenfes of all men in the world, about the proper objects 
of fenfe? If flejh fo far conquer fkjh it felf and the intereti 
of fenfuality can caufe fuch men, and iuch multitudes to 
renounce the apprehenfion of all their fenfes, what have 
we to do more for the cure of mankind? 

You have made it plain enough, that it is really a part 
of the Secular Government of Kings and States, which is 
now commonly called Ecclefiaftical among the Papifts, and 
as fuch is challenged and ufurped by the Pope, and that 
' Princes that fubject their Kingdoms to his Ufurpation, do 
take in a joint Ruler with them, and divide their King- 
doms or Tower between themfelves and him. But fo they 
have done> and fo they will do y till the Time of the Chur- 
ches fuller Reformation, and of the Coalition of the Chri- 
ftian world is come* 

I'know you may think that as Interefl blindeth them, fo 
this great detection of the Invafion of their Intercfi is the 
way to bring them to the truth. For who will have a 
Co-partner with him in his Kingdom, that may choofe > 
Who had not rather Rule alone, than divide his Kingdom 
with the Pope? Undoubtedly they give away more of 
their own Intereft hereby, than you have opened ? When 
they deliver part of their power to one, who by an ap- 


proved General Council of their own, which is the Religion 

of their Party, Later. fub Innoc.3. 

Can. 2..$. may depofe Temporal Read the Declaration againft the 

Lords, ( though no Proteftants ,? ath * #&»!* b > * * f <* *• 
'« ^ , v V .,. Popes diPofiiwKirg«,^M5, 17,27 4? • 

.thtmfelves ) that will *i* exter- R / ad H J tm * s Fr ? nce .Gal. cap. 7. and 

wii/jfe t/M/e ffcil afe//y Tranfub- his fcw*« ftta , pg. 87, s>7> ? 8 - 

\tantiation out of thdr Domini- Read uithrUgton and B*v/# againft 

Mf, and. may abfilve their fub- *Jg** G .'W" S . *?V - /? f? 
t *x r 1 • hj r j An <* BtlLirvnn aeainft Barclay C $>. 

jecls from their fidelity, and may yi dm Sm ,^ lm admf. [ctl. A^llcli 6. 
ght their Countryes unto others, cap. 4/fca. 14. & ca\6. feci. 22. 14. 
When their molt Learned, Re- A\er.t*j, Mor. far. uL 8 c i$.Dom. 
nowned , applauded Doctors Banm U Viom.n q.iz. art. 2. A*- 
teach, that the Pope rnay ex- ft»R; L%?(%*&fC& 
communicate Kings, and that an p p e may depofe all Kings when there 
excommunicated King is no is reafonable caufe for it. ] See the 
King, and he that killeth him, Jefuhs Morals, and Myftery or Jcfuitifin, 
killeth not a King. When the **?<N*W 
Roman Council under Greg*y* de- 

creeth, that the Pope may depofe Emperours : And the fame 
Greg. j. It. 4. Ep. 7. confpireth in the like Doctrine. The 
Oration of Card. Ptron is well known : If fo great a 
Kingdom as France, that glorieth of its Church-liberties, 
can bear fo much, what will not thofe bear, that are 
lefs able to deliver themfelves ? The words of this Great 
and pretendedly Moderate Cardinal in a Moderate King- 
dom, in a publkk Writing againft a Proteftant Learned 
King ( King Jamts ) pg. 453* ( as cited by A. Bimop Vfhtt 
of Babylon, pag* 163. is fit to be written on the Doors of 
all Princes,and of the Pope himfelf,in Capital Letters *, viz* 
f By this Article ( that Kings may not be depofed by the 
Pope ) We ate cafi headlong into a maniftft Htrtfie, as bind- 
ing us to confefs i that for many Ages paft the Catholic]^ 
Church hath been banifhtiontoftht rcbole world : For if the 
Champions of the "DoUrine contrary to this Article do hold an 
impious and deteftable opinion contrary to Gods Word, then ^ 
doubtlefs the Tope forfo many hundred years expired, hath not ^ 
bttn tht Head of the Churchy but a HERETICK and the 
What would you have more to fatisfie Kings, than their 



own profeflion that, Either the Tope may depofe Kings, or 
elfe he is not the Head of the Church , but an Hereticl^ and 
Anticbrift, and hath been To for many hundred years. Can 
youlhew their Intereft plainlier than all this > 

And left any fay, that this is but the Dodtrine of the 
Jefuits, remember that Perron was another kind of man, 
and the famous Per verter of King Henry the fourth. And 
I will cite here the words of one more of a multitude, 
even one that wrote fo long ago, as to be numbred with 
the Fathers in Bibliotb. Patr.%o. \.p.^\^. and & Roman 
• Cardinal Bertrard Card. & Epif. Eduenf. de Orig. & ufit 
Jurifd. §h. 4.. [ Rcfpondeo & dico . quod Potcjtas Spiritual'^ 
debet dominari omni human* Creatura per rationes Hofti- 

enfis— Item quia Jcfus Cbrijius filius Dei dum fuit in 

hoc mundo, &etiam ab.dterno natural'n dominus fuit, & de 
jure naturali in Imperatores & quofcunque alios depofttionvs 
fententlts ferre potuijfet, & damnation**, & quafcunque ali- 
as : Vtpote in per fonts quas creaverat, & donis naturalibus & 
gratuito donaverat, & etiam confervabat. Et tadem ratione 
63* etiam ejus Vicarius potejh Nam non videtur difcretus "Domi- 
<T nus fuijfe f ut cum reverentia ejus loquar ) nifi unicum pofi 
t3* fe tulem Vicarium reliquiffet , qui h£c omnia p Jfet. Fuit 
autem. ifte Vicarius ejm Petw apitd Mattheum : Et idem di- 
cendum eft de fuccefforibws Petri, cum eadem abfurditas fe- 
querctur, ft pofi mortem Petri humanam natur am afe creaiam 
fine regimine unius perfon£ reliquiffet. "] 

I will . EngliQi it lett the unlearned believe not what 
Fathers, what a Bibliotb. Patmm, what Cardinals, and what 
Dodrrines the Roman Clergy obtrude upon the Chriftian 

£ I anfoer and fay, that tbefpiritual Power ought to have 
domination over every humane creature, by Hoftienfis reafons 

Alfo becaufejefm Chrift the Son of God while he was 

in this world, and alfo from Eternity, was the Natural, Lord : 
and by Natural Right, could pafs the fentence of Depofition 
and of Damnation, and any other, upon Emperours and upon 
any others > as being perfons that he had created and endowed 
with Natural Gifts, and freely, and alfo preferved ; And by 
the fame reafon bis Vicar can do it : For the Lord feemeth 



not to have been difcrcet ( that I may fpeal^ with reverence 
to him ) unlefs he bad left behind him one fitch Vicar, who 
could do all thcfe things* And in Matthew thU bit Vicar 
was Peter : And the fame mull be faid of the fucccffors of 
Peter, feeing the fame abfurdity would follow , if after the 
death of 'Peter he had left humane nature created by bimfelf 
without the Regiment of neper fon. ] 

Do you think this is not plain dealing enough, if men 
are willing to underhand ? 

I know that there were Emperours and Princes that 
ftrugled hard, before they futfered themfelves to be thus 
fubjeded i And thcfe Emperours had Lawyers, Statefmen 
and Divines that took their parts i as all the Treatifes in 
Goldaftus his three Volumes de 

Monarch, and his In$. Confiit. Sex Bel/arm. dcPontif.Ro. li. 5. c. 1. && 
ihew. But ftill thole that fded & 7 .&8. he faith, ft is the cemmon 
with the Pope fpake contrary, as judgement of all Catholick Divines , 
the .argumentations of thofe that the Pope r^ejlntudu huh at 
t> 1 l r j i_ a u i_ lufc i>idmtlly a cert an Pomr, .rid that 

Books behdes the Authors whom th , hkhcfi ]r f rtmpmU . which c.e. he 

they . oppofe, do (hew. And, f a i t h, y ju(l fwh ovtr Pructs, as the foul 

alas, Occham, and Marfilw Pa- hath over the. body 5 or festive appetite: 

tavinus, and Widdrington and ^d that thus he may change l^mrdoms, aU 

t, , 11 1* r- take them from one, aid gwe to another, as 

Barclay came all too late. For t} f cbkf spiritual Prince, if it be but ne- 

all that Secular Power which was ceffary to the fafcty of fouls. Yea, he faith, 

cloaked with the name of£c- that it is w lawful for Chriftians to to- 

clefiafiical and Spiritual, was be- *»f < « *<fi$ f ; U:r f[ d n K *\ . * he 

r'J r j aa 1 r TTj „l endeavour to draw his Subjicts to his He- 

fore fo deeply rooted in the y ^ e or kM f. But to judge whether * 

Papacy, that they durft plead for j^hg do thaw to Htrefie not, bdoweth 

no more, than that Princes are 10 tb? Pope, tonbovthc care of Religion is 

nctfubied to the Pope in Tern- commit- td } nerfore it Mjtetb to the 

1 r» ^ 1 Potto iud*c a KW too: depo edifice. 

porals : But as you truly note, ; * v * f 

abundance of Temporals , and 

of the Magiftrares proper work about things Eccleflaftical, 
was (till vailed under the name of Spiritual : And at lair, 
even the 'Temporal Power again claimed more fubtilly, and 
indirectly, as in ordine ad fliritualia. 

But you'l fay, that All men are naturally fo regardful of 
their ownlnterefl, and ejpecially Princes, that it is notpojfble t 
they jhould be fo fervile, tame and felf-abaftng, as to give 

B away 

4>v.ty /o great a part of their Kingdoms to a Forreigner, yea, 
to one that claimetb a% ( by bimfelf or by his moft famous 
Writers ) and by hti Councils claimetb a power to depofe 
them '•> They that with their orvn Nobles and other Sub'yetls, 
are fo jealous of their Prerogatives, would never fo far depofe 
thcmfelvcs, if they did but hpow what they do : And there- 
fore when Popijh Princes underjland the matter, they willfiakc 
off the yoke, and reajfume their right* 

Anfw. It's true, that Proteftant Princes and States have 
done fo \ And the true meaning of our Oixh of Suprema- 
cy is the fame with your main defign : And though fome 
have (tumbled at thofe words, that the King is Supream 
Governour in all Caufes Ecclefiafiical, the meaning is only 
( as hath been oft publickly declared ) that he a the Su- 
pream Civil or Coa&ive Governour by the Sword, in all Caufes 
Ecclefiaftical, fo far as they fall under that Coa&ive or Co- 
ercive Government. And hereby the King doth but reafc 
fume the Royal Power over the Clergy and .the affairs of 
Religion, which the Pope had ufurped under the. name 
of EcclejiafiicaL For its well known- what was called EccU • 
fiajiical Power in England in the times of Popexy:fo that this 
much of the Vail is removed long ago among all Proteftants. 
And if you perufe but Bifhop BUfons excellent Tract of 
Chriflian Subjeclion, and Bifhop Andrews his tortura Torti 
( to pals by all others ) you will fee that this Cafe is bet* 
ter opened, than I for my part am able to open it. And 
it is feldom heard of ( for all the induftry and (ubtilty of 
Home ) that any Prince or State doth Voluntarily turn Pa- 
pift, that is once delivered from the Yoke, and that ever 
again parteth with his power when he hath recovered k. 

But yet that even this Argument from Notorious Interefi, 
doth not recover the Liberty of Countreys fubject to the 
Pope, you will the lefs wonder, if you confider thefe 
three things. 

i. That the Papal Intereft hath got fuch rooting in their 
Subjects minds, that it is not in their power to reafTume 
their right. TheClergy are fo numerous, fubtile, ubiqui- 
tary and potent, and the people fo commonly deceived, 
and fo tenacious oi ancient Cufioms , that to make this 



Change, might caft all into a flame : And they think it bet- 
ter to lofe part, than all. And no doubt but the examples 
of Henry the third, and Henry the fourth of France, make 
fome think, that if they difpleafe the Pope and his Confe- 
derates, they have not fufficitnt fecurity for their lives. 

2. And Princes ftand ufually on fuch terms of danger or 
jealoufie from one another, that they are fain to keep fuch 
a Peace at home, left they expofe themfelves to a greater 
mifchief from abroad. And they are broken by the Papal 
fubtilty,efpecially in Germany and Italy 'into fuch Fra&ions, 
and petty Principalities, that few of them are ftrong enough 
to defend themfelves againit the Confederates of the Pope 
( when potent Emperours heretofore could not do it. J And 
many of them, efpecially the.Houfe of Auftria, do take 
this Copartnerfhip of the Pope, to be a great part of their 
ftrength : And as anciently many Emperours were forced 
to choofe their Gtfars and Copartners, when the defence 
of the Empire was too hard for themfelves alone \ fo di- 
vers Princes are glad to make ufe of the Papal intereft and 
power for their own fecurity \ though upon terms that 
elfc would never be fubmitted to. 

And in fome Countreysthe Rebellious difpofit ion of the 
Subje&s driveth them to accept of this dear remedy \ and 
they choofe rather to ftrengthen themfelves by a Copart- 
ner, than to ftoop to the wills of their infer iours. 

For here you muft take notice, that the pretence of a Jus 
divinum and of Spirituality^ and the Intercji of Chrtft, and 
of the fafety of their fouls, doth make this kind of fervi- 
tude much lefs difhonourable, than it is to be overtopt by a 
neighbour Prince, or to be curbed by their fubjedls. For 
what dishonour is it for a man to be fubjedt. to his Maker 
and Redeemer? Nay, what greater honour can there be? 
And the Koman Clergy have ufed themfelves to Canonize 
thofe Princes that have been molt zealous for their Gran- 
dure, and to raife the fame and praifes of fuch, as have 
raifed that which they call the Church, that the very am- 
bition of the Clergies Praifes, doth do much to tempt 
fome to a tame acceptance of a Copartner, who pretendeth 
to be the Vicar of Chrift : When this fervitude goeth for 

B 2 fan&ity 

lanctity, ana carnetn not witn it ine reproacn or other 
forts of fervitude. 

3. And it greatly furthereth their fuccefs, that the Popes 
Agents are commonly bred up in Learning, and fo are 
m2de able to over-wit the Laity => And that it is their great 
ddign, to gratihe the Lulls of Princes, by indulging their 
voluptuous fenfual lives, that fo they may fpend their dayes 
in fuch things, as will never advance their underftandings 
to an ability to difcern the cheats of their Copartners : 
And they detdtably cherim the Ignorance of the Common 
Laity, that they may be the titter to be led and mattered by 
them i even as men keep women from Learning and great 
attainments, left they (hould be the more uncapable of fub- 
je&ion. And thus as Satan leadeth men to Hell, fo the 
Papal Uiurper bringeth the Laity into their power, by their 
own confent^ by fuch pleafmg baits, as make their fervitude 
eafie to them* And it is not your telling them of their 
intercft , that will prevail againlt all thefe temptations. 
They that will lofe Heaven, and their falvation by fuch 
cheats, may lofe half of their earthly Dominions by them, 
as long as the other half fufrlceth to fatisrie their concu- 
pifcence, and to maintain their honour and plealure in the 

The Roman Ufurpation confifteth of two parts. i.The 
Ufurpation of fuch a Pajloral Power as they have no right 
to. 2. The Ufurpation of a great part of the Magiftrates 
power, fometime dintily, and fometimes indirectly in or- 
dine ad fpiritualia '•> and conftantly by the cheat of the 
falfe name of Church pawer, put upon the Magiftrates part 
of Church Government, as if it were the Clergies part. 

I. The Ufurpation of a Paftoral power which belongefrh 
not to them, is the chief part of their Iniquity. And it 
conlifteth in thefe, among other particulars. 

1. In the impious, and arrogant claim of anUniverfal 
PaftorfiSip over all the world. The Roman Prelate muft be 
the Teacher of all the world, the High Prieft of all the 
world, and the Spiritual Ruler of all the world * which be- 
caufe he cannot do by himfelf, he muft do by others, as far 
as Ipe can to uphold his ufurpation. He muft be the Law- 

giver and the Judge of all the world, even at the Anti- 
podes, and where he hath no acquaintance nor accefs. 

2. By this he undertaketh to be a Bifhop in other mens 
Dioccfles, and to rule in all matters, where he hath no 
more power, than any Pallor hath in another Paftoral 

3. And by this he undertaketh to be the Spiritual Father 
and Governour of all the Kings and Rulers of the Chriflian 
world, and fo to have the power of excommunicating 
them when hethinketh there iscaufe, and to brand them 
as uncapable of Chriftian communion with their own Sub- 
jects j or with any other Chriftians. 

4. By this he ulurpeth authority of impofing what Pa- 
ftors he pleafe ( even fuch as will carry on hisintereft ) up- 
on all the Churches in the world,and depriving both Princes 
and people of their juft liberty of choice. 

5. By this alfo he ufurpeth the power of depofing what 
Bifliops or Paftors he pleafe, and depriving the people of 
their necelTary helps, and faithfulleft Teachers. Yea, of 
putting whole Nations under Interdicts of ferving and ho- 
nouring God in Church-ailcmblies •, commanding all Pa- 
ftors tofnut up the Church doors, and forbidding them to 
perfom their office, and to preach Chrifts Gofpel, or admi- 
nifter his holy Sacraments. 

6. By this he fendeth forth his Miffionaries, and fetteth 
up Societies of Jefuits and Fryers to do his work, and com- 
mandeth all Princes and people to receive and counte- 
nance them. 

7. By this, he layeth claim to a right of maintenance for 
Himfelf and his Miilionaries in all parts of the world, in the 
nameof Chriit, who hath faid, that the labourer is worthy 
of his hire. 

8. By this he granteth Difpenfations, Pardons, Indul- 
gences, commanded! praying to Saints and Angels , and 
praying for the Dead, as being in Purgatory, and by this 
he fetteth up his whok new frame of felf-devi fed Worlhip 
and Religion. Now I call not all this an Ufurpauon of 
Magiftracy, fo far as he ufeth no Corporal force > and 
threatneth no penalty but encommumcation and damna- 

B 3 lion*- 


tion. For every true Paftor with his own flock hath the 
Power of Guiding them by delivering Chrilts Dodtrine and 
Precepts , and commanding obedience as ' his Servant or 
EmbifTadour in his Name, and of denouncing his judge- 
ments, and of judging obligingly who are fit to be taken 
into the Church by Baptifm, and who to be caft out as 
Impenitent by excommunication in his own particular 
Charge or Society. And if the Pope ufurp a power of 
doing all thisand more, as an Univerfal Pallor only, this 
is an Utilisation of a Church Fower^ and not of a Magijiracy. 
And indeed if you will acquit him from the guilt of the 
Myfrerie of Iniquity any further than he invadeth Magi- 
ftracy it felf, you will do him a great deal ot wrong: For 
he is the Vicarius Chrifti, and the Vice-Chrijl more notably 
by his Spiritual Vfurpation of a power proper to Chrifi 
bimftlfi or at lead of a power that Chriit never gave 

II. His fetting up a KI N GD O M, and invading the 
MAGISTRACY is done I. Dire&ly, II. Indire&ly 
and Confequentially. 

1. Dire&ly* i. By holding a Secular Jurifdi&ion, as the 
King of Rome, where he exercifeth the Supream Civil 'Pow- 
er, acknowledging no Superiour Civil Governouri either 
as to the Legislation or Execution, in all the parts of his 
cwn Dominions. 

2. By his laying claim to many Kingdoms as his own 
( among which England is one , as pretended to be deli- 
vered to him by King John ) and fuppoling that the Kings 
do hold them as under him, and by his Grant. 

3. By laying claim to the Temporal or Corporal Go- 
vernment of all the world ( fay fome } or of all the Chri- 
ftian world ( fay others ) : Of which you may-fee-a multi- 
tude of Volumes written in the defence of his pretenti- 
ons: In particular all thofe aforefaid were of this fubject, 
Which all Goldajiuf his Collected Treatifes, for the Right of 
Princes do confute. I gave you Cardinal Bertrands words 

And though fome of their Clergy who live under Prin- 
ces that axe not willing to refign their Crowns, dodifclaim 


f II) 

*hc Popes dirett Title to the Univerfal Civil Soveraignty, yet 
he himfelf difclaimeth it not, nor condemneth the Books as 
fuch, that have been written to defend it. 

In the Jefuits Morals the laft Chapter hath this Title 
£ 'that the Jefuits teach, that the Church cannot command 
jpiritual and internal aelkns > Ibat its Lapps and guidance 
are humane -> and that it is itfelfonly a Political Body~\ Where 
the J anfeniji chargeth them with destroying the Church from 
its foundation, and making it altogether external, humane 
and Politick ■> and that which needeth only Politick Ver- 
tues for its Government, and the excrcife of its principal 
offices, and that they make its Laws but humane and po- 
litick, which oblige only to things external : and charge 
eth them as Cyprian did the Novatians, §>uod Ecclefiam 
hnmanam factum ] So that if heaccufe them juftly , here 
is no room for any fubterfuge : It is not the Spiritual and 
Temporal power that he makes them claim, but the Tem- 
poral or External only : But what / doth the J anfeniji him- 
felf therefore difclaim all Temporal Power in the Churchy 
or is he juft to Kings ? Judge but by pag. 3S8. where he 
boafteth of Laymans Confelfion of the Truth, that [ Ecc/e- 
fiaftic\ power is injiituted immediately from God, and the Ci- 
vil power comes immediately from men :■ And that Civil 
power regards properly and diredly wealth and peace temporal 
only : ~] And he adds [_ For the Civil power regards the out- 
ward order and Civil tranquility almes and prefcribes none 
hut outward and humane means to attaift this end, ] Which 
is all falfe, and moft injurious to Kings h whom this mode* 
rate J 'anfeniji would hereby fet as far below every Prie^ 
in real dignity and amiabknefs to the Subjeds as a Humane 
Creature is below a Divine, and the intereft of ^the body 
is below that of the foul. Whereas indeed God is the im- 
mediate Original of Civil and Church power , though irr 
both the Perfons are defigned by the means of men* And 
both have God himfelf for their ultimate end, and the 
Common Good of the Society for their Common End 3 
which ever confifteth moft in fpiritual felicity, referring 
to Eternal. Though the Magiftrates weapon be the Sword* 
and thePaftoisonly*heWord,by which all this is brought 
*opa&« ladeeA^ 

Indeed it is not poffible that the Papacy in its prefent 
State can be detended by any man how moderate foever, 
without Injury to Princes and States, whofe Power the Pope 
hath fo notoriously invaded and ufurped : For how can 
they defend him, that ufurpeth the. Power of Kings, or 
ufurpeth a falfe Power over Kings, and not be injurious to 
them that the Ufurper injureth ? 

But it is motf wonderful to me, that when W. Barclay de- 
fendeth the right of Monarchs in fuch a Kingdom as 
France that hath power and will to hold fait its own, he 
fliould complain as if he undertook a Caufe which mod 
were again ft him in, and in which he expected to be won- 
dered at for his Angularity. 

4. By their Inquifition, and by their Decreeing Corpo- 
ral Penalties in their Councils, and Decreeing the depofition 
of Princes, and the giving away their Dominions toothers, 
as in the two fore-cited Councils , Roman* fob. Greg. 7. & 
Later an. fab Innvc.3. In a word, by all that they do in their 
Ufurped Legiflation, Judgement and Execution, by the 
Sword, or a forcing Power as in themfelves. 

II. But the more fuccefsful Ufurpation of the Power and 
Rights of Princes is IndireUly, and as Bellarmin defendeth it, 
in or dine ad Jpiritualia v. By ufing their Ecclefiaftical Ufurp- 
ed power upon mens Consciences, in fuch a way as (hall 
overtop the Magiitrates power of the Sword : when they 
decree that all are Hereticks that believe their fenfes, and 
deny Tranfubftantiation, and that all fuch Hereticks mail 
be banilhed or burnt > the Clergy is not to do this them- 
felves, but to deliver them over to the Secular Power: 
The Pope and Clergy do but charge it on their Confciences 
in the name of Chrift. And if Princes obey them not, or 
Temporal Lords will not burn or banifh all fuch Hereticfy 
for believing fenfe, the Pope is not to touch their bodies, 
fyut to excommunicate them. And if they will not yet obey 
the Pope, when they are excommunicate, the Pope , Good 
man, will not draw a Sword againft them, but only ufe 
the Spiritual Sword, by giving their Dominions to others , 
which is but byword of mouth y he doth but declare fuch 
a Temporal Lord to be difpoffeft of his Title, and require 


another to take his Lands, and let his great Divines pub- 
lifh that an Excommunicate King is no King, and that to 
kill him, is not to kill a King : And if Princes will defend 
themfelves by Arms, the Pope will not fend his Clergy in 
Arms againft them, but only by the Spiritual Sword, or 
Word, command other Princes, States and people to arm 
themfelves againft their Emperours, Kings and Governours, 
and to defend thofe to whom he hath given their Domi- 
nions. How oftthefe Games have been ferioufly acted, 
the German Hiftories lamentably tell us : and Guicciardines 
Italian, and the Englijb, French and others are not wholly 

So if the Clergy be exempt from paying Taxes, from 
Secular Judgements, if their Lands and Eftates be not un- 
der the Power of Kings, if they fet up Courts of Judica- 
ture with Offices like a Civil Court, if they aiTume to 
themfelves the fole judgement of Hereticks, and Schifma- 
ticks, and Apoftates, and alfo of Teftaments of the dead, 
and of Caufes of Adultery and Fornication, of lawful or 
unlawful degrees of Marriage, and of Divorce, if the Pope 
lay Taxes on the Ciergy that are Subje&s in all Princes 
Dominions, if he difpofe of Buildings, Tythes, Glebes, 
Monaftcries, Lands, Almshoufes,Colledges, and abundance 
fuch like h all this is not by the Sword, but by perfwading 
Kings and States that they are bound in Confcience to 
promote all this, and obey the Pope as their Ghoftly Fa- 
ther herein: And that if they be ftricken with the Thunder- 
bolt of Excommunication, they are in a ftate of damnation, 
and if they fo dye,are undone tor ever : And by perfwading 
other Princes and people, that the Arms taken up againft 
fuch Princes at the Popes Command ( according to the fore- 
faid Councils ) are meritorious, and (hall procure their 

And if Princes and people will believe all this, and 
will be deceived, and will voluntarily fubjedt themfelvej, 
to fuch an Ufurper, who can help it ? Though it excufc 
not the Pope, yet they have little reafon to complain, that 
they lofe that power which they voluntarily give away, 
and that the Pope (hall exercife that power which they 

C give 

give him. And fo much to your Caufe againft the Pa- 

II. But in your Epiftle to Mr. Jreshjn and feveral others, 
vou lay much of the like charge upon the Ret or me d 
Churches, and you take our great Reforming Divines* to 
have kept up the Myiterie ot Iniquity in their Difcipline. 
Concerning which give me leave to deal freely with you,- 
and to tell you, that I am perfwaded that your meaning is 
iincere and good, and that it is an usurpation or devifed 
imitation of Secular Government by the Clergy which- you 
condemn-, and that too great a part of the Proteftant Clergy 
have given you forne occaiion tor thefe complaints; But 
that really you deal not accurately in the Controveriie, and 
Jccuratenejs is the thing you want. You do not here cx- 
aclly defcribe the true difference between the feveral powers 
where you/iciw.to defcribe them \ you leave out -much that 
mould be faid. It is a more diftinct way of handling this 
point, that muft decide the Controveriie. To which end 
I have laid you down an hundred Proportions, on occaiion 
of your former Writings fent me. 

And as you fay in Epijh ad P. Rujfelium, p. 248. that in 
this you would believe one Phyficion, one Cexe, Goddard, 
Lower , Ridglcy, &c. ( Though! have rcafon to think that 
the firft and laft of thefe. are more of my mind about 
Church. Government than of yours ) before a thoufand 
Aupi\\ines y Hieroms, Gregories, yea, JmeJJf, Vavenant, 
Vlhcrf^VaVces; fo my opinion is, that ufually all men are 
wifefi in their own Profeffion. And though I am natural- 
ly (omewhat unapt to take more than needs I mult up- 
on tr nil from any ( fince I have had great experience of 
humane ignorance. and vanity) yet I had rather take a 
Phyficions judgement in Phyiick, and a Lawyers in points 
of Law, and a Souldiers in Military matters, and a Divines 
in Theology , than any ot their judgements about the 
matters ot an aliene Protellion, Not but that now and 
then a man may arile, that (hall know more on the. by, 
than others that make it the ftudy of their lives : But that 
is not ufual. And that one man would- have been yet 
wijh'y in thofc things if he had befn of that Prcfefiion. 


'For furely ceteris paribus, he that beftoweth twenty years, 
or thirty, or forty, or threefcorc in the Study ot Divinity 
alone, with its fubfervicnt helps, is liker to underftand it, 
than he that allowcth it, but now and then a fpare hour, 
in the midft of other diverting Studies. For my part, if 
J follow not one thing only when I am upon it, but di- 
vide my thoughts among things heterogencal, I cannot 
pierce deep into any great difficulties, nor make any thing 
of diftradted Studies j neque quicquam rede fit, quod fit 
prtoccupato animo. God doth not ufe to give wifdom now 
by the way of Miracles \ but they that fetk^ molt, are likeft 
to find. And therefore pardon me for telling you, that 
though I am deftrvedly a great honourer of the Phylicions 
you name, yet I fet more by the Judgement of one VJher, 
one Vavenant, one Jewell, one Dalldw, one Blondel, one Ca- 
mero, one Le Blan^ one Petrus Molinaut in matters of The- 
ology, than of abundance of Lawyers and Phyficions. And 
of one Lawyer and Phyticion in matters of their Profeili- 
on, than of many Divines. Being (till of Pembles mind, 
that one clear eye can fee further than a Council of pur- 
blind ones. 

And as to the matter of Partiality of which you fufpecf. 
Divines, it is not without caufe as to all that party who 
feek for Richer, Eafe and Hmours, or Domination and Pre- 
ferments and Prebemrnency in the world : But fuch as that 
St. Martin whom you mention out of Severn* , who fo ve- 
hemently oppofed the Itbacian 

Violence,* and Maximur his uiiiig J/*? •* m^^lm yoh twte e*H 
the Sword againft the Pnfcilianijh his ^^ / had mn a m p m SainL ' 
are as impartial as you. Cer- 
tainly if Chriftianity be what we all profefs to take it for, 
it will make that man befi who is moil a Chriftian : And he 
that is befi will be moft impartially and felt-denyingly 
faithful to Ghrilt, and will prefer Chrifts honour incompa- 
rably before his own. And he is like to be moft a Chri- 
stian, who doth fincerely give up himfelf to the clofeit 
ftudy of it all his dayes. Deny this, and your fufpieions 
will fall upon Chriftianity itfelf. 
Cut- yet I will allow you to be moderately fufpicious 

C 2 where 1 

where you lee tnat mere is any great bait of carnal interejt 
to tempt men : A Fopedome, a Cardinaljhip, ( I muft name 
no more) may make the Roman Heathen fay, I will turn 
Chriltian, if you will make me Bifhop of Rome y &c. But 
will you fufpecl: that a good man, yea, and all fuch good 
men, (hould be Partial where they put themfelves on the 
greateft felf-denyal ? Where they have no profit, no pre- 
ferment, no man-pleaiing, no worldly honour to invite 
them ? Yea, where it is like to diminifh their gain, to hin- 
der them from preferment, to make them hated by moi\ 
on whom their difcipline is exercifed ? If a few out of a 
pang of Fa£f ious or Phanatick zeal, may caft themfelves on 
fuch a felf-denying life, it is not like that this will be the 
ordinary Cafe, of Learned, fober, godly men. If it be, with 
whom (hall the ignorant truft the conduct of their fouls, 
that will not make merchandize of them ? Would yon be 
partial and falfe to the Tiuth ofChrift your felfi if you 
were the Paitor of a Church } Is the Office fo malignant 
to infed all that undertake it } If it be, how can our 
Religion be good ? If not, why (hould you think that 
others will not be as juft and impartial as you would be ? 
Do you conlider what excellent perfons in all refpe&s for 
Wifdom, and Piety, and Integrity, were Melancbthon, Bk~ 
choltzer, Sohnius, Kimedontius, Olevian, Vrftnus, Zanchius> 
Partus^ and thofe Englifh men you named , and many 
hundreds more -, who more unlikely through Ignorance or 
partiality to betray the truth ? 

But they fay, that Intereft will not lye. Do you not 
know that an able Preacher, may better by many degrees 
eonfult his own Eafe, his Profit, and his worldly honours 
by Preaching only , than by this troublefome ungrateful 
work of Difcipline ? I am confident that you and I do 
take one another for true plain dealing honeft men, and 
therefore can believe each other. And if you will believe 
me, I did, in my Paftoral Charge ( in thofe times when I 
was thought tolerable in the Sacred Office ) for about ten 
yeais ( of the twenty that I had leave to preachy) exercife 
fome Difcipline upon fbme particular offendors, according 
to the common judgement of Proceftant Divines j And it 



was fomuch to my labour, to my expcnce of time, to the 
grievous difpleafure of thofcthat fell under it, and requi- 
red fo much felf-denyal, that when I confulted with flcfh 
and blood , if I might but have fbrborn it, and only 
preached, and given the Sacraments to all that came, f 
fhould have thought my ftlf fo greatly disburdened, as 
would have made my life to be fenfually pleafant : fo that, 
though I had not any maintenance of my own, I think I 
could gladly have given up all that I received for my Mi- 
ni ftry, and made what other (hift I could for food and ray- 
ment, fo I might but have been freed from the trouble of 
this particular Difcipline : I fpeak only what it was to flefh 
and blood, and not what it was to faith, which faith 
God cannot be ferved too dearly. Till Ifpcak this to 
one that hath tryed the thing I talk of, I (hall take it for 
granted, that my words are not half underilood. 

If you fay, Why then did you not forbear a work fo 
ungrateful > I now only anfwer, Why doth not the Judge 
and Sheriff forbear hanging Murderers and Thieves : The 
reft of my Anfwer you (hall have anon. 

Though my following Proportions feem full enough in 
opening the difference between the two Powers ^ yet 1 will 
here alio briefly tell you, i. Somewhat of the nature of 
Church Tower : 2. Somewhat of the certain Truth that Jefus 
Chrift did inftitute it : 3. Somewhat of the Neceflity of 
it fub rat tone mcdii ad finem, 

1. For the rirft, take thefe few things together, and you 
may clearly fee what power we claim. 

i.OurOffke for the Original of it, is as immediately 
from Chrift as that of Magiftrates , and is not made by 
Kings or any Monarchs. Therefore we hold it as imme- 
diately from Chrift. 

2. lor the Matter of it, it is only to expound and ap- 
ply the Word of God, both commonly in Sermons, and 
particularly to each mans feveral Cafe, as Phyficions look 
to the Cure of individuals : And alfo to exercife the Keys 
of the Church or Kingdom of Chrift i that is, 1.T0 be 
the ordinary Judges who is to be taken in by Baptifm j 
2. And alfo who is to bepublickly admoaiifhed as fcanda- 

C 3 lous, 

^ 10 ) 

lous, in our particular Charge: 3. And alfo who is to be 
abfolved aspr.itent: 4. And who is to be declared un- 
meet for Church- communion, as obftinately impenitent, 
and to be forbidden Communion with the Church, and the 
Church with him , and confequently denyed the privi- 
ledges of the Church, and figns of Communion in the 
Lords Supper, which it bclongeth to the Pallor to deliver 
only to the capable, and by the peoples Familiarity and 
brotherly Society, which tViey are obliged to deny them. 
And this Sentence of the Pallor, if it fhould proceed on 
lniikke, doth not make the mans Cafe the worfe before 
1 God \ but yet ( till the Church have (ought its due reme- 
dy againil miilaking Pallors ) it remaineth fo far valid, as 
that none againit it may obtrude himfclf on the Commu- 
nion of that Church. For, I pray you telf me, if flato, 
or Zeno miitake in their judgement of a Difciple whom 
they refufe, or any Free Schoolmalter in judging of the in- 
capacity of a Scholar, (hall others fo misjudged intrude in- 
to their Schools , and make themftlves their Scholars 
againli their wills ? Or ihall he whom by mif-information 
you refufe or rejedfc from your family or fervice, become 
your hou(hold fervant indefpight of you? 

3. And. as to the Inllruments and manner of exercHing 
our OrBce, we . profeiTedly difclaim all pretentions to any 
power of the Sword, or of corporal penalty, that is co- 
a&ive or coercive. You contefs this once your felf. We 
claim no power but by the Word^ either generally preach- 
ed, or particularly applyed to the cafe of thole that are of 
our charge. No other power of "Excommunication do we 
claim : If men will defpite our Minifterial inftrudtions, 
reproofs and cenfures, we: have done with them. Shall 
they force themfelves into our familiarity or communion 
in fpightof us ? Your Epift* 54. ad Mettagerium openeth 
the matter fo fairly, that we little differ from it. If you 
Gy that Presbyterians and Epifcopal fet up Courts, Judica- 
tories, with Officers like Civil Courts: I anfwer, 1. The 
more pomp and likenefs to the Magiftrates coercive way, 
the worfe I like it* 2. But how (hall men be heard, if they 
be not cited ? How ihall fuch things be Juftly and Regu- 

( 19) 
Jarlv tran faded, if there benota known Twt and Pkke, 
and if Accusers and Witncflls be 'not fummoned ? Are not 
fuch regular proceedings necelTary even in Cafes of meer 
arbitration ? If this be all, here is no more Sword, no more 
force, than in a Pulpit. And how doth Excommunica- 
tion ( that is, declaring an Impenitent pcrfon unfit for 
Church Communion by Chrilts Laws, and binding him 
over to the great day ) I fay how doth this touch mens 
bodies or ejTates, or work any otherwife than a Pulpir- 
Sermon on the confeiencious Volunteers ? 3. And if horn- 
ing, or Writs dc TLxciwimitnizjio Capiendo, or imprifonmenr, 
or burning men as HLreticks follow this, all this is the Ma- 
gistrates own doing > If it be wtl, praile him for it. If it 
be ill, blame him tor it. If Rulers will make fuch Liw>, 
and if they mil fo far be Executioners of the Oergies De- 
crees, who can hinder them? If it be againlt their right* it 
is their own act, who-gtve.(b much of their right away. ' If 
you fay, that Clergy m:n are too blame that urge them to 
it ■-> you (lull not calily think worfe of their Co doing, thaa 
I do: It is greatly againlt our wills that the Sword lo 
clofely folio wet h Excommunication. I think it is the ef- 
fect of Carnal Clergy mens bale conceit of their own- Sa- 
cred Ofiice, as if it were a Leaden unpowerful S.vord 
which Chriit hath put into their hands, and Excommuni- 
cation were invalid, when the Sword forceth not the impe- 
nitent to dilfcmble Repentance and Submillion. When 
great worldly baits have enticed worldly, men -into the. 
Sacred Office, as to a worldly preferment and Trade, they 
will judge accordingly and manage it like themfelves 
(which is and hath been the Churches Pell) We would 
beg on our knees of Kings and MagiltraKs, if it would 
prevail, to leave Church Cenfures to our Lords intended* 
uiej and valeant quantum valcrc pffunth arid to keep* fcheir 
Sword out of Chureh-mens hands, and to puniih men in 
their own Courts for every crime that defcrveth it * but 
not qitatemts excommunicate, or meerly becauie the Clergy 
hath judged them unmeet for Church Communion. He 
that taketh Excommunication alone for no puniflament, 
is not fit to be in the Communion of the Church, and 



therefore mould not be driven for fear of a Prifon to that 
which he hath no right to. So that you muft not charge 
the ads of Princes, nor of ambitious Cardinals, &c. neither 
en Cil: ?>?, Ff£j, or any fuch as them. 

And as to Lay-Elders, ox Lay Chancellors, I am no more 
for them than you arc, that is, as the Magiftrates Officers, 
or as the Churches Sub-Officers circa ftcra & non infacrU ; 
But fure thofe of them who are introduced on a mijhahgn 
conceit of Divine rights and do no more than the Pallors do, 
are no llfurpers of Coercive power. 

You fee by the late Ads of King and Parliament in 
Scotland, that all External Church power is declared to be in 
the King : And what would you have more? No doubt 
the meaning is not, All power about external things : For 
the Sacraments of Baptifm and the Lords Supper, and the 
perfons baptized, &c. are external objeds : Nor can it be 
all power that is exercifed by the external parts of the 
body. For the Tongue of the Preacher, and the Hand of 
the Baptizer, as well as the Ear of the Hearer is an external 
part. But in thefe two fenfes it is true, and commonly con- 
fented to, by all that I remember of my acquaintance that 
are Chriftians. u That all the power of the 'Sm rd, or of 
forcing by Mulds or bodily punifhments, as diiVind from 
the power of the Word, that worketh diredly upon the 
foul alone ( by the fenles ) is in the King, and not in any 
of the Clergy, though it be about the matters of Religion. 
2. And that all power in Church matters and Religion, Ex- 
trinfecal to the Fjfioral Office as inftituted by Chriit, is of 
right the Kings, and his inferiour Magiftrates. And what 
would yoti or any man have more ? 

4. And as to the exercife of our Office, we all confefs 
( except the Papifts ) that we are refponfible to the King 
and Magiftrates, for our faults, yea, for our injurious mal- 
adminiftration. And that though the King be not the 
Chief Paftor, nor hath the power of the Keys which Chriit 
gave to his Minifters, yet he is the Ruler of all Churches 
and Paftors by the Sword, as well as of all Phyficions. And 
is not all this enough to fatisfie you, that we claim no part 
of the Magiftrates Office t 



As you fay, our power is but Ferfaaftve. U is buf, By 
the Word\.\\ is but on the Confcicnce i It is under theMa- 
gillrates coercive Government : And foit is like a PhynVi- 
ons or a Tutors in a Colledgc. But that I pray you leave 
net out i. That it is not under.fhe Magiliratcs, as to the 
derivation of the office or pjwer, that is, It is no office which 
the Magifirate made or may unmade : 2. That it is as imme- 
diately of Divine Inuitution as the Magiftrates. And there- 
tore in your iimilitude you mull fuppofe your rnyilcion 
and Tutor to have a Commiffion from God. 3. That 
God hath dtferihed our office, and limited the Magijlrates 
office, fo that he hath no power frpm God to hinder the Mi- 
nijxry. 4. But if he doit injurioufly we mult not retift, 
but patiently iurTer for obeying God. So much of the na- 
ture of the office. 

II. Now that it is certain that God hath committed to 
Pallors, fuch a Government of his Church by the Word, as 
t<5 ftated commiifioned Officers, becaufe I have pall by the 
proofs in my following Proportions, I will addibme here. 
Supposing what Dr. Hammond hath faid of the Power of 
the Keyes, and that no man with common (enfe can take 
the Power of the Keyes, for any thing lefs than a power 
of Church Government, or Authoritative Guidance, and fo 
a Power of receiving in and putting out as there is caufe -, 
It is plain in that Chrifl firft reciteth his own Commiffion 
and Power, Mattb. 28. itt, 19, 20. and thence dateth the 
Commiffion of his Apoftles, as it was to endure to the end 
of the age or world. 

Seei/j22.22. ScRcr. 3.7. & 1. 18. compared with 
Mattb*i6.i$. Sc John 20* 23. The word Fresbyter and 
Biffiop can lignifie no leis : as A3s 4. 8, &c. compared 
with Ails 14. 23.^ 15. 2,4, 6, 22> 23. &i6.$. 6^20. 
17, 28. TttM 1. 5. James 5. 14. 1 Pet. 5. i.Rcv. 4.4,6^. 

And nothing lefs can be meant by 1 Tim. 5. 17. The El- 
dcrs that Rule well arc worthy of double honour, &c» Heb.13. 
17.24. Obey tbcm that Jiaye the Rule over you, for they 
watch, &c. 1 ThelT. 5. 12, 13. Know tbcm that labour among 
you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonijh you, 1 Tim. 
5. 1,4, 5. If a mandefire the office of a Bijb p, he dcfiretb 

D a z" ' * 


J izorkj— ^Onc that Ridetb recti bis ownhoufe, hav- 
ing hvs children in fubjefiion* —For if a man know not 

how to rule his own houfe, bow Jh all he takg care of the Church 
of God* So 7*7. i. 7, &c. 1 Per. 5. 1, 2 : 3, 4. Many other 
1 pais by. 

And tor the adt of excommumcstion^ or excluding un- 
meet perfons from ChrljHan Church CnnmmnM, it would 
be tedious* to (land to vindicate all thofe plain Texts from 
any mens exceptions, 1 Cor. ^.pertotum* Ttitws 3.10. 2 John 
10, 11. 2 7heff, 3. 6, 14. Rev. 2. 14, 15, 20. 

But while 1 am writing this, I remember that I have long 
ago written a fmall Book called Vnivcrfal Concord, in which 
I have defcribed all the Pajtoral Office and IVorhj, If you can v 
prove it lefs than I have there named in any one point, 
you will fo far eafe us, and take nothing from us at all 
that gratirieth our flefh : If you can deny none of that, we 
are agreed. And in the Preface to the fame Book I hav$ 
given you twelve Reafons of the great ufe of Church Dis- 
cipline i which (hall fave me the labour of the third point 
which I intended next to fpeak to •■> fave only that I will 
briefly ask you, 

III. Would you have any difference made between the 
Chriftian Church and the Pagan and Infidel world > If not 

If you would, it muft be fuch a difference as Chrift 

hath appointed us to make ? And doth our Baptifmal Cove- 
nant contain no promife and profeffion of godlinefs and 
obedience, as well as of Belief > and fo of Repentance and 
a better life ? 

2. Who would you have to be Judge in this matter ? 
Shall every one be Judge himfelf > Then all Pagans, Murde- 
rers, Blafphemers may come in and turn Religion and the 
Church into a fcorn. If any muft judge, you would not 
fare fet the Magiflrates or people fuch a task ( on pain of 
damnation ) to leave their Calling, to try and judge of the 
qualifications of expectants or Church-members. 

3. Whom do you think Cbrifi committed this bufmefs to ? 
Who were the Judges of the Capacity of perfons to be bap- 
tized, or the defert of perfons to be rejected > Viotrophes 
could not have rejected Chriftians injurioufly 3 if he had 


not then had fome Governing power. 

4. Hath not all Chrifts Church exercifed- Puch .a Difci- 
pline as I have defcribed fince the ApoiUes days till now ? 
(faving the corruption of it by ill additions, or carnal 
negledhj And hath all this Church been from the begin- 
ning under a falfe Government in the main ? Or is not Re - 
formation a righter way than extirpating 01 'D/fcipliue as 
well as ofVofirine andlforfhip / 

5- Is it not the rvicl^dncfs of Chrijti.ms that is the chief 
hardening of 7Wrly and other Infidels againit Chriltianity > 
And would they not encreafe this pollution that would have 
the mo/1 vicious to be equally received with the belt t 

6. Is not Faith for H*linefs> and did not Chriit come to 
purine a peculiar people, and reftore us to the Image of 
God } And if for want of Difcipline Saints and Swine be 
equally Church-members, and partakers of holy things, is 
that agreeable to this deGgn of our Redeemer ? 

7. If Oeconomical Government and School Government 
and Colledge Government be no wrong to Kings, neither is 
the Church Government which Chriit hath inftituted. 

I do not fay all this to intimate that you fay the contrary. 
But becauie your Charge on Luther^ Calvin and other Pro- 
tectants fheweth that you do fure miitake them : And to 
tell you that I joyn with you in difowning the KING- 
DOM and Magiftracy of the Mock-Church of Rome; and 
of all that will imitate them $ But that I take the Enmity 
to and grojfe neghtt. of true Cburch-Uifcipline, to be one of 
Satans principal fer vices that is done him upon earth, 
a^ainft true Godlineis. 

D 2 Th 

•f s 


The Churches and the Magiftrates 
Power ftated in matters of Religion • In 
an hundred Propofitions , which al- 
moft all fober Proteftant Teach- 
ers are agreed in. 

A Reconciliation of the fober EpifcopaL, 
Presbyterians, Independents and Eraftians. 

To my vtry Learned^ fin cere and worthy Friend Lu- 
dovicus Molinx'us Dr. of Phyftck^ ( The Author of 
many Treatifes on this fubje3 t ) 

Dear Sir, 

PON the perufal of your Writings which 

you fent me, the love of the Church , and of 
'truth and Feace and you, doth command 
me to tell you as followeth j 

I. That I make no queftion, but that 
the Pride of the Clergy ( with their Co- 
vetoufnels ) hath for above twelve hundred years been 
a greater plague to the Churches throughout the Chriitian 
woild, than all the cruelties of the Laity : And that the 
fenflefs forgetting the matter and manner of Chrifts decifion 
of his Apoltlcs Controvettie, Which of them Jhould be the 
greateft, hath divided the Eaft and Weft, and corrupted and 
kept down Religion \ whileft that the lives of the Prelates 
bave perfwaded the obfemrs, thai they Hill took it for a 



more important Qjeftion, Winch of thcrrrfhould be the great - 
eft ? than, Whether they or their people jhould be faved* And 
it hath ever been a matter or eaiie remarquc, that there 
have been feldom any dangerous Schifms on one fide, or 
any cruel F executions on the other iide, which the Clergy 
have not been the principal caufes or : And that the Laity 
would be more quiet, if the Clergy did not delude them, 
orexafperate them j And that even the more mrftaken and 
violent fort of Magiftmtes, would have fome ■ moderation 
in their Perfections, it the Clergy did not make them be 
* licve, that a burning killing Zeal is the mark of a good 
Chriftian,and is the fame that in Tit. 7.. 14.1s called a zeal of 
good worlds; and that to deftroy the bodies of men truly fear- 
ing God, is the way to (ave their own fouls, or their Do- 
minions at leafrs when indeed, the zeal orChriits com- 
manding, is a zealous Love to one another, and a zealous 
doing good to others, and the VtriHjh zeal t as St. James 
diitinguifheth it, James 2. 15, 16, 17. ) is an envious, ha- 
ting, hurting zeal. 

2. That in all this the Laity are not innocent, but mult 
thank themfelves fer the evil that befalleth them 5 and 
that on two notable accounts : 1. Becaufe they have ordi- 
narily the choofwg of the dignified and beneficed Churchmen, 
and they have but fuch as they choofe themfelves : They 
think it is their mfdvm as well as piety ) to make the Ho- 
nour and Profit fo great, as (hall be a very Jhong bait to 
Pride and Covet oujhefs : And when they have fo done, the 
Froudeji and moll Covetous will certainly be the Setters •> 
and that with as much cratt and diligence, as an ambitious 
mind can ufe their parts to : And he that feel^eth ( by him- 
ftlf and friends ) islikeftto rind : And the mere humble 
and heavenly any one is, and confequently moft honeft, and 
tit to be aPaftor of the Church, the further he will be from 
the Seekers way ! So that except it be where the world hath 
Rulers fo wife and ltrangcly pious, as to (Irk out the wor- 
thy who feek not for themfelves, its eaiie to prognofticate 
what kind ofPaitorsthe Church will have : And verily 
they that choofe them, are the unfitted to complain of 
them. Whereas if the Churches maintenance were fuch, 

D 3 as 

as might but prevent the difcouragements of fuch as feek the 
Minil'try for the workj fake and for the love of fouls, that fo 
Students might not make it a Trade for wealth, but a 
fclf denying dedication of themfelves to God, the Churches 
would be accordingly provided \ And they that intend the 
faming of 'fid s, would be the Candidates, ( by their own 
and their Parents dedication J as now they that intend a 
c lrade to live and ferve the ftcjh by ( in an honourable way ) 
are too great a part of them. Or men might be further re- 
warded ex poji facto for their Merits, without being tempt- 
ed to Ihidy pr'mcipaHy for that reward. And if we will 
needs have carnal men, let us not wonder if they live car- 
nally. And it the carnal mind be enmity to God, and neither 
is nor can be fubjeel to his Law, Rom. 8- 6, 7. we may ea- 
sily prognofticaK how Cbrijls enemies will do his wot\ y 
and guide his Church, and whether their wills and rvayes 
will be fuch as the confcionable can conform to. 

3. And the Laity are unexcufable, becaufe it is they (\n 
all thofe Countreys where Popery and Church -tyranny pre- 
vailed ) who put their Sword into the Clergies hands, and 
give away their own authority, and fet up men to vie 
with them, and to overrop them: of which more anon. 

3. I grant you alfo, that in all fuch Countreys as afore- 
faid ( where Popery and Church-tyranny prevaileth J the 
name of Ecclcfajlical Courts and Vifcipline, is applyed to 
that mungrel power, which is neither Fifth nor Flefh;, and 
that the true Spiritual Power fet up by Chrift, is corrupted 
and turned into a fecular thing, or by cenfuijon, a third 
fort arifen out of both. And that Popim Princes are woful- 
ly abufed by this deceit: while that the reverence of the 
name of the Church and Church-Government, doth perfwade 
them to ruine the Church indeed , and to fet up their 
Subjeds to be the Governours of themfelves, and to give 
away their own power to their fervants, and then to ftoop 
to the power which they have given. 

4. And I grant you, that all this mifchief would much 
be cured, it Magiitrates would keep the Sword to them- 
felves, and ufe it only according to the judgement of their 
proper Courts i and would leave the Power of the Church 



Keycs to the Paftors, & vakant quantum vslere puffunt > 
and let it be thought penalty enough tor an excommuni- 
cate perfon qua talis to be excommunicate : And not to 
take him to be a penitent, or worthy of the Communion 
of the Church, that had rather be there than in a Gaol. 
There be wi(er wayes of bringing men to Repentance and 
to the Communion of the Church, than by faying [Choofc 
this or the Goal : You are worthy to be in the Church, if 
you had but rather be in it than in a Prifon. ] Chrift laid, 
[ Forfar a% or ye cannot be my Vifciples 5 1 And fome fay, 
j_ Be Chrifts Difciples, or forlake all : The Church will re- 
ceive you, if you will but accept her communion rather 
than imprifonment or beggary. ] A kind Church indeed / 
ot which more anon. 

5. But notwithstanding all thefe conceilions, I muft fur- 
ther tell you, that it is the Paftors of the Churches that 
mult keep up the intereft of Chriftianity in the world , and 
that as the bad ones are the greateft plagues, fo the good 
ones arc the greateft bleflings of the earth i even the fair 
and lights of the world : And none but the enemies of 
Chrift are their enemies, ( as fuch. ) And as the Miniftry 
hath grown better or worfe, fo hath Chriftianity either 
rifen or fallen, in all times and places of the Church on 
earth. ( Of which fee Two Sheets which I have written 
for the Miniftery, againft the Seeders and Malignants long 

6. And though the Carnal Clergy afore defcribed, de- 
ferve all the inve&ives in your Books, and their Ufurpati- 
ons, and turning Church Difcipline into a fecular thing, do 
call aloud for a juft detection and rebuke 5 and it would 
be the happinefs of the world, if the eyes of all Chriftian 
Princes and Rulers, were opened in this point *, yet I muft 
tell you, that I believe moft fober, pious Proteftant Divines 
are really agreed in the main things that you defire and 
intend ;> And that both you and fome of your adverfaries 
both do amifs, to make the difference feem wider than in- 
deed it is : And that making Verbal differences feem real, 
and fmall ones feem great, is an ill employment v when a 
fewdrtinftionsmi clearer explications, would make both 


ficUs fee, that they arc almoji of one mind. 

Therefore all that I fhall do in this buiinefs is, to lay 
down my own judgement, and I think the judgement ot 
all the p'ous and (objr part, of the Epifcopjl, Presbyterian, 
Independents and EraUans ( or Politicians ) in certain briet 
Proportions , which (hall carry their own evidence pait 
all contradiction ot Learned and Coniiderate Chriftians. 

Frop. i, T^He work of the Gofpel-Miniftry is not a 
X work of rnecr Charity and Liberty, but an Of- 
fice-wcrkj. Authority, Keafon and Love, are its principles, 
Matih. 28. 19, 2C, Titus 1. 5. Ads 14. 23. 

2. This Office is injlituted by Chriji himfclf, and by the 
Holy Ghoft, Ibid. Ads 20. 28, &c. 

3 It was instituted fot great and nccejfary ends, that the 
Mini 111 y might be Chrifis Agents, Mcjfengers, Stewards, &c. 
for the furthering the arfairs of his Spiritual Kingdom, and 
mens falvation in the world, 1 Cor. 4. 1, 2. 1 Jim. 3. 1, 2, 
3, &c. Ads 20. 28. 1 Tbejf. 5. 12, 13. Heb. 13. 17. 

4. It was fir ft put into the hands of Apojiles chofen by 
Chrift himfclf j who were to be the Gatherers, Ediiiers and 
Guides of his Church, and to be its foundation built on 
Chrift, and the tranfmitters of the Gofpel, and a ftated 
Miniftry to the following Ages. 

5. Though the extraordinary part of their work ceaftd 
with them, the ordinary part continueth after them, with 
a Miniftry which is to continue to the end of the world 
Eph. 4. ii\&c. 

6. This Office was in time before a Chriftian Magi{irate, 
and mull be the fame where there is any fuch, and where 
there is none, Matth. 28. 20. Eph. 4. 12, 14, 16, &c. 

7. It conlifteth in an Authority conjunct with an Obliga- 
tion to do their proper work. 

8. ThisMinifterial Office is fubordinate to Chrift in the 
three parts of his Office, Prophetical, Prieftly, Kingly f as 
they arc commonly diftinguifhed ) or, in 'teaching, Wor- 
(bipping God, and Governing his flocks, John 20. 21. Matth. 
28 1.9,2c. 1 G/r.4.1,2. 1 Tiw. 3. 2,3,6a:. & 5.17. Ads d.4. 

? . n 


p. It is cflential to the Office to have all thefe in Divine 
Authority, but not in Excrcife, nor in the Civil Liberty of 
exercifing them (^whichmay be hindered) Ails 5. i8,&:c. 

10. The Office is to be judged of by Gods InjUtution y 
and not by the Ordaincrs wills intention, or contrary cxpref- 
fions i if the effencc of the Office be delivered in general 

11. Chrift made thefe Officers the Key-bearers of his 
Churches, that is, the Rulers or Guides, who have authority 
under him over Church communion, to judge what mem- 
bers (hall be taken in, and who (haH be put out, Mat.16.1p, 
Heb. 13. 17, 24. 1 iheff. 5. 12, 13. 

12. The tirlt and great ad of this Key-bearing power 
( never denyed them from Chrifts time to this dayj is the 
power of Baptizing and of judging who (hall be admitted by 
Baptifm into the Church or number of vifible Chriftians, 
Mat. 28. ip,20. Adtsi. + i. & 8. 12, 13,38. 

13. This power is not arbitrary but Mitrijterial, regulated 
by Chrilis univerfal Laws > which defcribeth every mans 
Title to admittance •, which is [_ his own ( or Parents if an 
Infants ) understanding, voluntary, ferious Profejjion of Con- 

fent to the Baptifmal Covenant. ] A3s 2. 38. & 8. 12. & 10. 
47, 48. Mar. \6. 16. Matth. 28. 20. 

14. If oneMinifter refufe fuch Confenters, others mull 
admit him : And if many (hould agree utterly to tyrannize, 
both Magistrates by juft Laws may corredt them, and the 
people defert them, for better Guides: 1 Kings 2-2-7. 
2 John 10, 11. Mat. 7. 1 5. & 16. 6. 

1 5. The Churches Communion and Sacraments are not to 
be common to' all the world. Other wife the Church were no 
Church, as confuting of Heathens,Inridels andall,that would 
come even purpofely to pollute and fcorn the holy Myite- 
ries, 1 Cor. 10. \6. 2 Cor. 6. 14. AUs 2.^], Sec. 

16. It is necelTary therefore that fome men be the Judges 
who are fit, and who (hall be admitted. EHe there can be 
no difference. Of this fee my Treatife oi Confirmation. 

17. Everyman is not to be the fole publick Judge for 
himjclf: For then there would be Hill no difference, nor 
the Myfteries kept from common fcorns, 

E ig.The 


18. The Magiftrate is not made the firfl and proper 
Judge: For then he muft make a Calling of it, and attend 
upon this very thing, to try the baptized and the admitted j 
which is no (mall work. For he that judgeth, muft rirft 
try the Cafe, and that with the diligence which the weight 
of it requireth, Acfs 8. 3J : 

ip. The People axe not to be the ordinary Judges: for 
elfe they muft all leave their Callings to attend baptizings, 
and fuch works as thefe i, and muft do that which moft of 
them are unfit to do : And Chrift hath put all out of 
doubt, by putting the Keys into the Paftois hands, and 
commanding their ftudy and attending to this work, and 
calling them the Rulers, Guides, Paftors,Fathers, Stewards, 
Overfeers, &c. and commanding the people to obey them 
with fubmiffion j and telling ( not the people or Magi- 
ftrates ) but thePaftors of the great and dreadful account 
that they muft give, Heb. 13. 17. Mattb. 24. 45, 4^, 47. 
1 Cor. 4. 1, 2. 2 Tim* 4. 1, 2. & 1 7*m. 4. 15, 16. 

20. He that will lay this work upon people or Magi- 
ftrates, is their cruel enemy •, and brings on them a moft 
heavy burden, and confequently makes it their duty to 
prepare and ftudy for it, and to avoid all otber buftnefs that 
hindereth it j and would lay them under the terrors of a 
moft tremendous reckoning unto God. 

21. Seeing it is a truft that muft be committed to fome or 
§tber, common reafon tells us, that it is better in their 
hands that Chrift hath put it in by Office, and who fpend 
their lives in preparation for it, than in theirs that neither 
have the preparations nor the Office, 1 Con $.16. & 2 Cor. 
5.19,20. 1 Cor. 4. 1,2. 

22. It is the great end ofChrifts coming into the world 
to deftroy the works of the Devil, and to purifre to himfelf 
a peculiar people zealous of good works, and to fave his 
people from their fins, and to vindicate the Holinefs of God : 
And the world is fo apt to judge of Chrifts dodhine by his 
followers, that the Holinefs and Concord ofChriftians is 
one ofChrifts great appointed means, for his own and his 
Fathers glory in the world : That as Gods greatnefs (hineth 
forth in the frame of nature, fo might his Holinefs in the 

Cburch : 

Church: And the Enemies of Holhufs are condemned by 
their Creeds when they profefs to believe the Holy Catbo- 
lic\Church^ and the Communion 0} Saint r. And Rome it fv.lt 
doth own the name and pretence ot Holintfs. 

23. Travellers well know, that the great hinderanee of 
the Converfion of Infidels and Heathens, Turks, Perlians, 
Indians, Tartarians, &c. is the wicked lives of the profef- 
fed ChriiVians that are next them ■■> when they fee that 
Chriltiansare more falfe, and cruel, and drunken, and beaft- 
ly, and divided, &^c. than themfelves. 

24. Thofe therefore that would have the Church lye 
common ( without Chriits Difcipline J) to all the moJt 
prophane and wicked that will come in, and have commu- 
nion with it, are indeed Antichrifiian, even open enemies 
to the Church, to holinefs, and to the faving of the Infidel 
and Heathen world , 1 Cor. 5. d, 11, 12, 13. 1 Pet. 2. 9. 
Tit. 2. 14. 

25. The Devil hath fought in all Ages as fubtilly and di- 
ligently againlt the holy Difcipline of Chrift, as againft the 
Christian Dodhine. 

26. True Difcipline doth fo wonderfully difpleafe the 
guilty, and lofe mens love, and efpecially the Richer fort, 
and all mens carnal intereft and nature inclineth them fo 
much to man-pleaiing and flattery , that Minifters have 
abundance more need to be driven to the exercife of Difci- 
pline, than rejhaincd from k -■> except it be the corrupt 
and carnal Difcipline which the Pqpifh and tyrannizing 
Clergy do exercife, where the Magiltrate himfelf upholdeth 
them in Grandure, and lendeth them his Sword. Let Difci- 
pline be but fuch as Chrift appointed, and (land of it felt, 
and then it is but few that will have any more caufe, to be 
retrained from it, than from too much preaching : Though 
(till I yield, that there muft be limits for the wilful and 
the indifcreet, 1 Cor. 5. 3 John 9. 

27. The true Difcipline of Cliriit hath been acknowledged 
to be his Ordinance , in all the Churches almolt in the 
world, fince the Apoltles dayestill now i fave that fas you 
open it ) fince Conjhntines time it hath been much cor- 
rupted by the mixture of the fecular torce, and the Em- 

E 2 perours 

pcrours lending his Church-power to the Bimops and Cottn- 

28. Government hath two parts : Antecedent to mens 
falls-, which is Legiflation ^ and Confcquent, which is Judge- 
ment and Execution. Chrifi is the only Lawgiver of Vni- 
vcrfal Laws to the univerfal Church \ and the Author of his 
own Do&rine, and the fubltantials of his Worfhip : But 
yet there are many undetermined circumftances , which 
may and muft be antecedently determined, fome by each 
Tajior'-i fome by a confent of Paftors, and fome by Magi- 
ftrates ( if they plcafe ). I will name you twenty lately 
named elfewhere •, 1. What day ( befides the Lords day ) 
and what hour, the Church (hall meet. 2. How long the 
Prayers, Reading and Sermons fhall be. 3. When and how 
often publick Fafts and Thanksgivings be. 4. What place 
the Church (hall meet in. 5. Of the Form, Ornaments, 
Seats, &c. of the Temples. 6. The place and form of the 
Pulpit. 7. The fuh)eU of the prefent Sermon , and the 
Chapter to be read. 8. The Method of the Sermon, 
c?. The Words of Sermons and Prayers. ic. Of ufmg or 
not ufmg Bookj and Sermon Notes for memory. 1 1. What 
Iranflation of Scripture to ufe. 12. And what Verfion and 
Meeter of the Pfalms. 13. And what tune to ilng in. 
14. What form ofCatccbifm to ufe. 1 5. Of decent Habits, 
cfpecially in publick Worfhip. 16. By what fro} ejjing fign' 
to teftirie our confent to the Churches Conftflion of faith: 
Whether by fpeaijng, or lifting up the hand, oxfianding up. 

17. Of decent Geftures in* the ads of publick Worfoip. 

18. Of Font, Table, Cups, Cloathes , and other Utenfils. 

19. Making new Officers for thefe actions circa facta , as 
Door-keepers, Clarks, Churchwardens, &c. 20. Judging 
wteany private man (hall fpea]^ in the Church, and whin 
he (hall be filent> and fuch other Orders neceflary to peace 
and Edification, 1 Cor. 14. 28, 29. 33. 26,40. 

29. Moji of thefe (hould be left to every Paftors judge- 
ment ■-> fome may be determined "by the Magiftrate i but yet 
fome are fitted for the Concordant determination of Con- 
fociated Churches, in a Synod, or by confent. But none of 
them by any neighbour Paftor ( that like the Pope) ufurp- 


tth authority over other Churches. Nor (hould anyftand- 
ing Laws at all, be made oHuch things where there is ni 
needs efpecially where the cafe is mutable, and it belongcth 
to the Pallors function to determine it, as occafion faveth. 
2 r iim* 2. 15. Mat. 24. 45. 

30. Whether the fe Antecedent Veterminatims of Concor- 
dant Taftors in a Synod, (hall be called Lars, or Canons, or 
Decrees, is but lis de nomine : And alio whether this power 
be called Legiflitive, or JurifditlieH. And who will trou- 
ble the Church unneceffarily about words and names ? But 
yet I think they may be belt called Canons or Agreements ; 
And I wifh that high Titles be laid aiide, left it encourage 
the ufurping Spirit, that afpireth after too high things. 

31. Grotiut de Imperii Jummamm pjtcfiatum circa fa era 
hath faid Co much and Co well of all this Controverfie, that 
it is a fhame to us all that we need any more, and a (name 
to me to trouble the world after him,with Writings on that 
fubjeel, fo far Jefs ufefuU and to anyone, to cloud that 
which he hath clearly and judicioufly Itated s were it not 
that renewed occafions require it. 

32. Paftors have not only the charge of right ordering 
the Ajfemblies, but alfo of helping and overfeeing all the 
individuals of their charge •, And to help them in the perfi- 
nal application of the Scriptures to themfelves, and to re- 
folve their particular Doubts and Cafes of Confcience i and 
to reprove, ad monith and comfort the individuals as there 
is need. As a Phyficion is not only to read a Phyfick Le- 
cture to his Hofpital, but to Govern each Patient in order 
to his Cure. 

33. Ordination is & rei & ordintf gratia an zde of Of- 
fice, by which the Minifterial Office and Power is Minifte- 
rially delivered by way of Inveftiture and Solemnization, as 
a houfe is delivered by a Key, and a parcel of Land by a 
Turf and Twig, by the hand of a Servant appointed there- 
unto. Or as our Church ftate is delivered to us by Bap- 
tifm by the like inveftiture. Though yet it is Gid diretHy y 
who giveth the Power, and that fecondarily by his fervant 
thus inveftctb us in it \ though not without the previous Call 
which is neceffary thereunto. . 

E 3 34. Ordi- 

. C3+) 

3^. Ordination is not an idle Ceremony which the Or- 
dainer mull perform upon the judgement of ethers (Prince 
or people ) without his own cognizance of the perfon, or 
againft his Conicience : But be that muft ordain, muft firjl 
judge the perfon fit to be ordained \ and thefetore muft al- 
io try his 'fitnefs, i Tim* 5. 22. 

35. So much of the Antecedent power of the Mini- 
ftry ; in which it is to be noted, that Ordination and Bap- 
tifm are efficient ails, like Generation in nature, under God 
the firjl efficient, as ex §juo omnia, and as they are ordinvs 
gratia, are the beginning of Government alfo. And Go- 
vernment is an Ordering adr, as under God the fu p ream Go- 
zernour, in per §htem omnia* And Sacramental entertain- 
ment with Chriits body and blood in Church Communion, 
is A elm Amoris, a final adr, of friendfhip, under God as 
the final Caufe, adgjhem omnia. 

35» The fubfequent part of the Paftoral Government, is 
by uting the members of the Church in the exercife of the 
Palioral Office, according to their feveral deferts; which 
is by a General, and particular application of the Word of 
God to their Confcicnces, and guiding them in circum- 
ibnecs, and judging of adfions and perfons according to 
that Word, in order to the good of fouls, and the prefer- 
vation of the Church and truth, Ads 20. 28. Heb* 13. 17. 

37. When the whole Church falleth into notorious tin, the 
Paiiors muft reprove them, and call them to repentance : 
And if they apoftatize forfake them , as ceafing to be a 

38. When a fmglc member falleth into notorious fcand al \ 
the Paftor muft admonifh him, and call him to repentance : 
and if he remain impenitent and obftinate after due admo- 
nition, and publick exhortation and patience, he muft [ as 
Chriits Steward of his W T ord and Family, pronounce him 
a perfon unht for Church communion , and require or 
command him in the name of Chrift to forbear it, and the 
Church to forbear his communion, declaring him alfo un- 
pardoned by Chrift till he repent, and binding him over 
to his judgement. J So that Excommunication is a Sen- 
tence of the perfen as uncapable of Church communion 



according to Chrifts Laws, and a fore-judging him as. un- 
pardoned and condemnable by Chrifts judgement, unkfs he 
repent, and a command to the tinner to torbear the com- 
munion and priviledgesof the Church, and to the Church 
to avoid him, i Cor. 5. Titus 3. 10, &c 

39. If the tinner repent, the Paftor is Chrifts Officer, in 
his name to pronounce him pardoned, if his repentance be 
fincere ; and the Guide of the Church to require them to re- 
ceive him again into their communion, 2 Cor* 2.7,10, 1 r. 
Gal. 6 1, 2, 3. 

40. Becaufe Magiftrates and people f as aforefaid ) can- 
„ not attend fo great a work as this, without the neglect of 

their particular Callings, and are not to be (uppofed fo fit 
as the Pallor, and becaufe God hath made it the work of 
his Office, the people are to reft in his judgement about 
the titnefs and Title of thofe that have the publick Church 
communion with them, ( though they are the Judges and 
Choofers of their Domeftick and private familiars : ) And 
they muft not feparate from them that a*e thus- regularly 

41. Yet when the Paftors by mai-adminiftration, give 
them juft caufe, the flock may feek their due remedy : of 
which more anon. 

42. This power is ejfentially in the Minijicr'ul Office ; and 
therefore is in every jingle Paftor, and not only in fome 
few, or in the abler fort, or only in a Synod, Mat. id. ip. 

43. When a Church hath but one Pafior he muft exercife 
it alone ( with due coniideration and advice. ) But when 
a Church hath many Paftors, they muft exercife it ( and all 
Church guidance ) in a way of Concord, and avoid all dif- 
fentions among, themfelvts, Ephef 4. 3, 4, 5. 1 Cer. 1. 10. ■ 
John 17.21,22. 

44. Therefore in fuch a cafe a particular Paftor may be 
obliged oft to fufpend fome fuch a6ts, becaufe the Major 
Vote of his. Syn-Presbyters are againit it ; Not that they 
are his Gbovernours for the Majority of Vote , but becaufe 
the Laws of Concord require the Minor part to fubmit to 
the Major. 

45. The fame is the reafon why in Elections, Confents 


and other a<£b belonging to the flock, the Major Vote 
lhould carry it in things lawful i not becaufe the people 
have any true Church Government \ but becaufe they are ob- 
liged to Vnity and Concur d\ And in that cafe, the Law of 
Nature calleth the Minor part to fubmit to the Major, left 
there never (hould be any Concord had. 

46. And the fame is the reafon why in Synods and Coun- 
cils, the Major Vote of the Bilhops mult prevail, in lawful 
things not forbidden of God. 

47. If any Pallor in the world pragmatically thruft him- 
felt into another mans charge, and pretend himfelf to be 
the Ruler of his neighbour Churches and Pallors, and at- 
tempt to cxercile authority over them, he is to be flight- 
ed as an Ufurper, and a dilturber of the order and peace of 
the Churches of Chrift, 3 John p, ic. 

48. Yet every Paltor is an Officer and Miniller of Chrift 
( as to the unconverted world to call them, fo ) to the uni- 
verfal Church to exercile his Office in it where ever he 
hath an 'orderly call] And if he teach, or adminiiter Sacra- 
ments or Uifiipline^ upon fuch a particular call, in a neigh- 
bour Church pro tempore, he doth it as an Officer of Chrift 
( and their Pafior pro tempore ) and not as a Lay-man : As a 
licenfed Phylicion medicateth another Phylicion, or ano- 
thers'Hofpital, when called to it, not only as -a neighbour 
that is unlieenfed, but as a licenfed Phylicion. So Timothy^ 
Ap'h, Silis, and others did. 

45?. Therefore neighbour Pallors muft have fo much care 
of other Churches as toadmonifhthem againft the infection 
of any Hereiie or Scandal, which they fee them in apparent 
danger of -, whether by heretical wicked Pallors, or others. 

50 All neighbour Churches Capable of correfpondence, 
are bound to hold a fpecial concord among themfelves^ for 
the advantage of the Gofpel by their Unity, orforthecon- 
veriion of the Infidel world, and for the prefervation of the 
feveral Churches from danger , by Hkrcfie or difcord, 
Jills 15. John 17. 21, 22. Eph. 4. 3,<5. 

5 :. He that is excommunicated jultly in one Church (hould 
not be received by the reft till he repent : Therefore the 
neighbour Clinches may do well , to acquaint eaCh other 


whom they have excommunicated, when there is caufe. 

52. This correfpondence is to be kept by Meffengers, Let- 
ters^ or Synods. 

53. Whether fuch Synods be jiated, or occafional, and 
whether the Piefident fhall be £1 ill the fame or changed, 
with fuch other circumftances, are things not determined 
in Scripture , but left to the determination of humane 
prudence, as the cafe fliall require, for the end intended, 

54. Though the Major part in thefe Synods, be not the 
proper Governours of the Minor, yet the Paftors there af- 
fernbled are (till the Gove moms of the flockj, and they arc 
alfo bound to Concord in things lawful among themfelves. 
Therefore their Decrees about fuch things, are Obligatory 
to the People rationc authoritat'u, and they are obligatory to 
one another ( I mean the Paft/rs) ratione concordi* : And 
this is the true ftateof the binding power of Synods. 

55. Though the ufual phrafe of [ binding the Cop fi- 
eme ~] be unapt, ( Confcience being an ad of fcience ; and 
it is not to tyiow that by the obligation now in queftion we 
are bound to primarily ) yet as to the fenfe intended, it is 
certain, that the Commands of Parents, Magiftrates and 
Paftors, in their proper places, do all truly bind the /<?«/, 
or will, or man, or as they fay, the Confcience => But it is 
only by a fecondary obligation, from a derived power \ as 
God bindeth it by a primary obligation by the primitive 
power* He that hath no power of obliging, hath no power 
of Governing. And he that obligeth not the foul and 
will, obligeth not the man at all, by any Moral obligation ; 
The body alone or immediately is bound by Cords and 
Chains, but not by Commands and Laws : He that may 
not bind the foul by a Command, hath no commanding 
authority, Col. 3. 20, 22. Epb. 6. 1. fit. 3. 1. H«b* 13 
17, 24. & 11. 8. 

56. Therefore the diftin&ion of Internal and External 
Government, and of the forum interim & exterius, need- 
eth better explication, than is ufed by moft , or elfe it will 
be worfe than ufelefs. The true difference of the Govern- 
ment Civil and Ecclefiaftical is to be fetcht , ab objetto, & 
fine proximo & modi regendi. But as it meaneth that which 

F is 

(>* ) 
is Inttinfecal or Extrinfecal to the Paftoral Office, it is of 
great ufe. And as it differenceth Government by the 
Sword, from that which worketh only on the mind. 

^-7. The Came God who inftituted the Office of the Ma- 
aiiVrate, did alio immediately inliitute the Office of the Mi- 
niltry : And therefore as to the Foundation they are co- 
ordinate ', and neither of them derived from the pofTeflbrs 
of the other. 

58 As to the Work and End, the Magiftratcs work and 
the Minifters have each a preheminency in their own 

5$>. Magiftrates, Mfnifters and Parents may all command 
the tame thing, and all their Commands be obligatory •, 
As to learn aCatechifme, to obferve the Lords Day,e^c. 

6c It is not lawful for Pallors to Excommunicate cither 
Kings^ or their chief Magijlr ate s , or their orrn P irents 
( uwlefs perhaps in ibme rare cafe ) by any publick for- 
mal or dilhonouring Excommunication. Becaufe the great 
Command in Nature [ Honour thy Father and Mother \ Ho- 
nour the King "] lyeth lower than the pofitive Command of 
Excommunication *, and is antecedent to it : And as affir- 
matives bifid notfemper&adfempcr, fo alfo they give place 
to Natural Larrs^ and not Naturals ( ordinarily) to them. 
And thcKulers Honour is of more publick ufe and neceifity, 
than excommunication in that particular acl is. But an 
Vfurping Tyrant, who may be depofed, and difhonowed^ may 
be excommunicated. 

61. Much lels may a (trange Pallor, to whom the Magi- 
strate never committed the care of his foul , prefume to 
excommunicate him who is none of his charge : And 
therefore the Pope and his Prelates excommunicating 
Kings and Rulers, feemeth to me, to be nothing but a pro- 
claiming open Holtility againlt them. 

62* Paftors have no Power over any but Cwfcntcrs : 
Nor can they ufe the Sword, or have any Coaclive power at 
all '■> that is, any power to touch a i.rans body or eft ate : but 
only to work upon his Confcience 4 , and Ins Church- reputa- 
tion. The torcing power bdongeth only to Parents, and 



Magiflrates, and not to Miniliers as fuch at all, Lukj 22- 
25, 26, 27. 1 Tefn 5. 1, 2, 3, 4. 2 Dr. 10.4. 

63. The timilitude of a Fhyficions purrer^ (if you will but 
fuppofe him to have a Hofpital of Volunteers, and his oftSce 
to be of Divine inftitution ) \ or of a Philofophers or Tu- 
tors ( on the like fit ff option ) over adult Dilciples, may 
much* explicate the Church power. No wile Phyliciori 
will take any into his Hofpital and Cure, upon unfotede- 
hruclive terms, which the Patient or Magiftrate (hall im- 
pofe j but will fay, [ It is my fun&ion to Rule you, as to 
Medicine for your Cure ', Take what I give you, and life 
your (elf upon it as I adviie you, or elfe take your couiie j 
•you are no Patient for me j nor (lull be in my Holpital : 
I will not (irrkG you, nor fine and imprifon you i bur [ 
will be none of your Pbyficion, ( or faith the Tutor, I will 
be none of your Teacher J nor (hall you be any part of 
my Hufpital, ( School ) or charge. ] Only (till remember 
here the Divine inliitution of the Minijiry and D if if line, 
and the regulation of it by Gods Laws, that it be not ar- 
bitrarily uled. 

64. The undoing of the Church of Chriit ( in thofe 
Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny prevail ) hath 
long been by the Magi urates annexing their executions to 
the fentence of the Church fas it is called ) and becoming 
the meer Executioners of the judgement of , other men. 
No Magiftrate fhould be debafed, 10 as to be made the 
Churches Executioner. If the Magiftrate will punifti a 
man, it mud not be meerly quatenus excommunicate ', that 
is, as puniflied already \ but for the fault for which he 
was excommunicate. And if fo, then he muft try and 
judge him for that fault at his own barr, and not punilh 
him unheard , becaufe the Church hath fentenced him : 
And if Rulers would more leave the Church to the exer- 
cife of its proper power , and let excommunication do 
what it can of it felf, ( unlefs the nature of the crime re- 
quire a diltintft Secular judgement and punifhment J it 
would do much to heal all the diviiions and perturbati- 
ons in the Chriftian world. For which courfe I have 
thefe Rjrafons following to urge. 

F2 Kit 


i. It is a great contempt and reproach to Chrifts infti- 
tution of discipline, to tell the world, that it is a power- 
lets uncffcdhial thing of it felt, unlefs the Secular Sword 
do enforce it. Such Paftors vilitie their own power alfo, 
which is (o ufelefs. 

2. It is a corrupting of Chrifls difcipline, and deflroying 
the ufe of it : For it cannot be known now , what the 
Keycs do of thcmfelves , when the Sword goeth with 
them : No man knoweth when Repentance profcfTed is 
credibly real and moved by divine Motives ■•, and when it 
is diflanbled for avoiding of the Secular punimment. 

5. It muit leave the Paftors confeience unfatisried in his 
adminiftrations ■■, and bind him to abufe Chrift '■> when he 
mu(t fay to men, £lf you had but rather fay that you re- 
pent, than lye in a Gaol, I abfolve you, and give you the 
Sacraments, and pronounce you pardoned by Chrift. 1 Who 
can ad m miller on thefe terms ? 

4. It is a dangerous deluding of the Tinners foul, that 
fecmeth intimated by this way. 

5. It is a wilful corrupting and confounding of the Church ', 
when men (hall be forced to be its members, though they be 
Infidels, Heathens, or rnoft impious, if they had but ra~ 
ther fay they are Chriftians than lye in Gaol. And by 
this means it is, that no man can know, who are really 
of the Church of Rome, or of any tyrannical Church, but 
only who had rather fay they are of the Church, than be 
undone: which any Inridel and Atheift will foon do. There- 
tore let not Rome boaft of the number of her members 
which are unknown. 

6. It is a changing of Chrifls terms of Covenant, Chrifli- 
amty, Communion and Ahfolution : when Chrift faith, [ He 
that from his heart believeth and rcpenteth, and forfaktth 
the flefh and the world for me, Jhall he my Difciple and he 
pardoned \ and he that credibly profeffeth thus much , Jhall 
be taksn into the Church ( which are truly Chrifts terms ) 
now cometh the Church-tyrant and faith f He that will 
fiy, that he believeth and repenteth rather than he wiUforfafo 
the flcjh and the world, and mil choofe the Church before a 
Gaul , Jhall be pardoned , and have communion with the 



Churchy or at lead have the feals of pardon to delude 

7. By this means the Church is moftly conftkuted, in 
fuch Countreys, of the groffeft wicked hypocrites : And it 
is made a (corn to Infidels and Heathens, and their con- 
verfion hindered thereby, when they fee that Chriitians are 
worfe than they. 

8. And by this means thefe hypocrites mine the Church 
it felf C as an enemies Souldiers in an Army ) : And no- 
minal Chriftians and Paftors, that are heartily enemies to 
Chrii'lt, do him more wrong, and caufe more divillons and 
mines in the Church, than they could have done, if they 
had ftaid without. 

p. It deftroyeth moft of the hopes of the fuccefs of 
thofe Paftorfy as to the converting and faving of rnjfifns 
fouls: Becaufe when the Magistrate is made but their ex- 
ecutioner , the people take all their furferings as from 
them : And they will bear that from a Magiftrate, which 
they will not bear from a MimjUr, whofe Office is to Rule 
them by Keafon and by Love : And fo fuch Paftors are ufu- 
ally feared and bated by the people, whereby they are 
diiabled to do them that faying goad , which can be 
done on none againft his will, 1 Cor. 8. 13. & p, 22. 
1 Tim* 4. 16* 

10. And hereby a Church-tyranny is fet and kept up in 
the world, by which perfections and divisions have been 
maintained for many hundred years \ and the Minilters of 
Ch rift have been forbidden to preach his Gofpel , to the 
unfpeakable injury of fouls \ and the lives of many hun- 
dred thoulands, have been a Sacrifice, to the Pride, and 
Avarice, and Cruelty of the Clergy \ to the great diihonour 
of the Chriftian Name. 

n. And hereby Princes have had a power fet over 
them, to the diminution of their proper power, and part of 
their dominion fubjugated to others, under the falfename 
of EcclefiajHcal Authority ■> yea, and their own (landing 
made troublefome and unfafe, and multitudes dethroned* 
and Wars railed againft them by the Clergies pretended 
power, or inftigationj of which all the Wars between the 

F 3 German 

ucrman t.iiipt,iuui& anu iiil it apdiiuc* die iuii pruor, record- 
ed in all the Hiflories collected by Frcberus^Ruberus^nd Pi- 
ftoriuj? in Sabbtliicm^ Nauckrus^ and multitudes of other 
Hiltorians j and our Englijh Hiitories, by Ingnlpbw, Mat- 
tbcjv farti^ Hoveden, &<£ And the Italian by Gxicciardine 
and many others : Nay, what Countrey is there, where 
the Papal and Tyrannical Clergy have not overtopt or trou- 
bled the State. 

12. And when all this is done, they would deceive 
the Princes themfelves into a Conjbtt^ and fo into the guilt 
of their own disturbance, and their peoples mifery : And 
cift all the odium upon them, and (ay, we do but deliver 
you into the hands of the Secular Power, it is they that 
do the execution on you : when yet a General Council 
( the Rule of their Religion ) Later, fob Innoc. 3. Can. 2,3.. 
depoleth fuch Temporal Lords that will not do foch exe- 

65. He that defiretb the Communion of the Church, 
doth take it for a grievous punilhmerit to be cait out of it. 
And he that doth not deftre it, is unfit for ir. Therefore 
he that cannot feel the penalty of an Excommunication 
alone ( but only of a Muldt or Prifon ) may be rit enough 
for further punimment, but is unfit for the Communion 
of the Church. 

66. Yet is the Magiftrate the Prote&or of the Church, 
a Keeper of her Peace and Priviledges and of both Ta- 
bles ••> and muft ufe his power to promote Religion. 

6y. To which end he may prudently by moderate means 
conltrain fome that negledr their own folvation to hear 
Gods Word, and confer with fuch as can initrud them, 
and ufe thofe means, which God hath made univerfally ne- 
ceifary, to bring the ignorant to knowledge > and may re- 
drain them from adtual open fin, and from fcorn and 
oppofition of the means that mould convert them, and 
from hindering. others from the means of falvation, and 
from open feducing them from God, or Chriftianity, or 
from a godly, righteous, or fober life : In all this, mode- 
rate penalties may be uied i and men may be thus far con- 
tained, and retrained : But not conftraioed to profefs that 


which they do not believe, nor to take the priviledgcs 
which God forbiddeth them to take. So that there are 
fitter means left, tor the Magistrate to help the Church 

68. The Ring and Magiftrates have ear am ani<narum y 
though not in the fame fenie as the pjftors have: They 
have the charge of Government, not only in order to the 
corporal cafe, and peace and profperity of their fubjedb, 
bur alfo in order to mens holy, (ober and righteous living, 
and to the (aving of mens fouls. And their Caling muit 
be fanclified, by doing all in it to thizic high and holy ends, 
'Rev. II. 15. Rom. 13. 3, 4, 5". I fa. 49. 2y,&c. 

dp. They are Gods (ubordinate Officers, and have their 
power from him, and therefore tor him, who is the begin- 
ning and the end of all, Rom. 13. 2, 4, 5, 6. 

jc. Becaufe their power is from him and for him, they 
have none againlt him. 

71. Yet have they a power which rve mull fubmit to as 
frsm God, even when it is uftd by accident againft him, in 
fome points of his will and intereft \ fobe it that we obey 
it not in doing any fin our felves. 

72. They that make Kings and Magiftrates to have no 
charge of Religion/ but only as the Clergies judgement leads 
them, ) but only to prefcrve mens bodily power \ and fay 
that the Church hath the care of mens fouls and Religion^ 
and the King only of the Bo4y and our outward wealthy do 
debafe the Magistrate as far below the Minifier, as the 
body is below the foul * and teach the people to cfteeco, 
love and honour the Minilter as much above the Magi- 
ftrate, as the JW/ and Heaven are better than the ftejh and 
earth: And they make the difference To great, as that the 
holier any of the people are, the more they muft prefer their 
Minitler before their King: which is a Popith and moil 
unfufferable debating of the higheil Officers of God. 

73. The fame points of Religion, the fame tin and du- 
ties come under the judgement of the Magistrate and the 
Paftors •, though to feveral ends. The Magistrate is, the 
judge of Herelie, and the Payors are the Judges ofHcre- 
lie : TheMagiftrate is the Judge of Murder, Adultery and 


Theft, and fo is the Paftor : That is, the Magiftrate is 
Judge-, rvbo is to be corporally punifhed for Here fie and Mur- 
der, and Adultery, &c. And the Paftors are Judges, who ]a 
to be excommunicated as Impenitent in fucb guilt, i Cor. 5. 

74. Yet there are fome faults, and Tome forts of inquifi- 
tion into faults, which the Magiftrates may prudently re-, 
itrain the Paftors from medling with, for the fafety of the 
publick peace : efpecially when they would indirectly 
make themfelves Judges of mens Titles and Eftates -, or 
in controverted cafes, where the Magiftrate muft rirft de- 
cide, and the Paftors only follow, if the Paftors will be the 
rirft deciders, and prevent the Magiftrate and aflume his 
work, or otherwife wrong the publick peace, or private 
right, they are to be rcftrained. 

75. The Magiftrate hath all the Coadtive Government, 
over Minifters as well as over any others of his Subjects : 
And to exempt the Clergy from his fubjedion without his 
confent, as traiterous. ( And if he will confent y he may 
thank hi mfelf. ) 

j6. Magiftrates may ( by moderate penalties ) drive 
on negligent Paftors to their duty, and reftrain them from 
mifchieving the Church, and punifh them for notorious 
pernicious mal-adminiftration ; As Solomon depofed Abi~ 
ather, &c. 

77. But they muft not on this pretence invade any part 
of the Paftors Office', as to ordain, degrade, baptize, ex- 
communicate ecclefiaftically, nor impoie on the Paftors any 
of the circumftantials, which it is their own Office to de- 
termine of. 

78. Paftors muft obey the Magiftrates in all Lawful 
things, which belong to his Office to command. 

7p. Many things are ilnfully commanded ( becaufe with- 
out neceffity or cauie, or becaufe to ill ends, or with ill cir- 
cumftances in the Commander ) which yet it is the Sub- 
jects duty to obey in : Becaufe one Law may be for a Ru- 
ler, and another tor a Subject, and their duties various. 

80. Where it is not lawful to obey, it is yet unlawful 
for fubje&s to reiift the higher powers, as being the 



authoriied Officers of God, for our good, Rom. 13. i t 

81. Though ufually it is very unfit that Paftors be alfo 
Magiftrates (bothbecaufe of fomediflbnancy in their ne- 
ceflTary deportment and work, and bccaufe one of the Of- 
fices alone is enough for any man faithfully to perform } 
Yet if the King make Magiftrates of Pallors, at Magiftrates 
their coadtivc power muft be obeyed. 

82. Magiftrates may make Laws for the-Church incir- 
cumftancials circa facta, which belong to their proper de- 
termination: And alfo to enforce obedience to the Com- 
mands of God, as far as prudence (hall juftly direct them : 
of this fee Grotim de Imf. fitm. pot. 

83. Magiftrates may call Synods and Councils : And the 
Paftors may alio voluntarily afTemble, for mutual advice, ei- 
ther in cafes of great neceffity for the fafety of the Cburcb^x 
in leffer cafes, when the Mzgi&titeforbiddetb it not. 

84. In a time when Blafphemy, or Hereile, or Sedition 
prcvaileth, the Magiftrate may name certain Blafphemies t 
Herefies,#T. which he may forbid his Subjects to preach up. 

85. And he may reftrain all utterly unable perfons, or he* 
retical falfe Teachers,or any that notorioufly do more harm 
than good, from the liberty of preaching in his Dominions* 
till they are proved fitter i that is, from abufing the Go- 
fpel and mens fouls. 

86. But if on this pretence he mould forbid Chrifts faith- 
ful able Minifters, to preach the Chriftian faith, and call 
men to repentance, and fave mens fouls, ( when there are 
not enow more, efpecially to do that work, as proportioned 
to the number and neceflity of fouls ) it would be a ira fo 
heinous againft Chrift, and againft: the fouls of men, as I 
think it not meet now to aggravate or exprefs, 1 tbefz. 

87. If faithful Minifters break good Laws, theymuft be 
puniihed as other Subjects, in Purfe, or Body, or Name, fo 
as may leaft hinder them in the work of Chrift. 

88. They that Clence faithful able Paftors, for fuch faults 
as may be otherwife punithed, do grievouily punilh the 
fault lift pofle ( even in their fouls > for the fault of ano- 

G ther. 

ther. As if a man that hath a family of an hundred per- 
fons, were forbidden to give them bread to fave their lives, 
becaufe he was drunk, or fwore an Oith, which might be 
punifhed on himfelf alone. 

8?. The Magillrate may excommunicate in hit rvay,is well 
35 the P ijlorj do in theirs* That is, the Magiitrate may as 
a- penalty for a crime, lay Subjects under a note of infamy, 
and Outlaw them, and command all men to avoid famili- 
arity with them *, ( And this as bad Snbjccls^ whether they 
be Church-members or not. ) And he may as a Keeper of 
the Churches Priviledges and Peace ( till forfeited; reitraiu 
all excommunicate perfons from forcing themfelves into the 
Communion of the Church which did excommunicate them, 
• po. So contentious are Pallors oft times, and fo' necefTary 
is the Magi itr at es Office to the publick peace, that every 
Ghurck (hould be under the eye of fome Juftices of the 
Peace, or Cenfors appointed by force to lilence intruding 
Bawlers and Railers, and to reftrain Minifters from making 
it their publick work, unpeaceably to traduce and revile 
their Brethren, and represent diflenters as odious to the 
flock. And if fuch Magi (hates had kept the Churches 
Order and Peace according to their Office^ it had prevented 
abundance of the Papal Usurpations, which were the fruit 
of Magiftrates negle&s. 

pi. Lay Chancellors excreting the Spiritual Power of she 
Keyes ( though they (hould pro forma uie the (tale of an 
Ordinaries pronunciation ) is fuch a fort of Church Govern- 
ment, as I will never fwear that in my place and Calling 
I will not at any time endeavour to alter by lawful means, 

p2. The Parents are put in the fourth Commandment, 
tather than the Magiitrate or Paftor, becaufe their authority 
is the moft plenary Image of the Divine Authority in 
thefe refpe&s. i . Their Authority is not by Contract, but 
by Nature. 2. It is the primary radical power. 3. It is 
ifcoft univerfally necefTary to mankind. 4. And it reprt- 
fenteth Gods Government. 1 . In that it is founded in Genera- 
iion> as Gods in Creation. 2 . Becaufe thence aiifeth 1 . The 
fullejl Image of his Dominion, in the Parents fitVejl Propriay 
m his Child. 2. Of his fapientfol Rule, in the Parents (5o- 


vernmem ( as in pretence ) 3. Of his Love which Parents 
are allowed to exceed all other Rulers in : Therefore God 
calls himfelf Our Father. 

93' J^What if the Magiftrate, Minilter, and Parents 
have oppoiite Commands > Which of them is to be obeyed ? 
c. g. The Magiftrate bids you meet in one place for publick 
Worfhip ^ the Bifhop in another,and the Parent in a third } 
The Magiftrate bids you Learn one Catechifm and no 
others the Bifhop another, and not that> and the Parents 
a third. The Magiftrate bids you (land, the Paftor bids 
you kneel, the Parents bid you fit. The Magiftrate bids 
you pray by one form, the Bifhop by another, and the Pa- 
rents by a third or none. The Magiftrate commandeth 
one tranflation of the Scripture, and the Bifhop another. 
The Bimop commandeth you to ufe a Ceremony, or to 
keep a holy day, and your Parents forbid it you > In fuch 
calcs which muft you conform to and obey ? Anfo* When 
I am defired, and promifed by thofe concerned in it, that it 
will be well taken, I will anfwer fuch kind of queftions as 
thefe. But till then I will hold my tongue, that I may 
hold my peace. 

P4. No contrary commands of Church-men ( as they arc 
called ) - y nor any of our own Vows or Covenants, can excufe 
us from obedience to the Higher Powers, in lawful things, 
which God hath authorized them to command '•> that is, 
which are belonging to their place of Government to regu- 
late. Though if the queftion be but, e. g. What Medi- 
cine and Dofe (hall be given to a Patient, or by what Me- 
dium a Philofopher (hall demonftrate *, or what Subjed: and 
what Method and Words a Paftor {hall ufe for the prefent 
edification of his flock ? or how a Surgeon (hall open a 
Vein, or a Pilot guide his Ship, &c. the Artift may be obey- 
ed before an Emperour, ( by him that careth for his life,or 
his underftanding \ But yet as all thefe are under the Go- 
vernment of the King, fo he may give them general Laws 9 
efpecially to reftrain them from notorious hurtfulnefs. 

Sir, If all thefe Propofitions be enow for the Concord of fi- 
ber Chrijiians in thefe matters, I hope neither you, njr I, nor 
any lover of the Church and Peace, fljall need to ufe much 

G 2 Jbarpnefi 

maxima munch mala. 

K 4° ) 

Jbarpneft again ft the Opinion of fitch diffenters. But if they be 

not, I irtorv not when tve Jhall have concird. And yet that you 

may fee that I am not over follicitous of my Peace, I mil 

makf up the number with thefe lefs pleafing Propofitions. 

P5- B.caule Corruptio optimi\ eft peflima, Magiftrates and 
Miniftcrs are of all men ( ufually ) either the greateft Blef- 
fings or the greateft Burdens of mankind on earth. Saith 
Campanella, ( Metaph. ) 

^FitentU j ^Tyrannis > 

*S Sapient U ^Corruptio^li^ Hxrefis >maxima i 

C Amjrif S • Hypocrifu.J fe 

( though indeed he might as well have named more. ) As 
Tyranny is in the greateft part of the whole world, (which 
is Heathen, Infidel and Popifh ) the principal Fin, which 
hindereth the Golpel and Kingdom ^oj Chrift, forbiddeth 
the preaching of the Word of life for mens falvation ( And 
therefore a fin which no Chriftian Magiftrate or Preacher, 
fhould think of, but with great abhorrence, and none by 
any palliation (hould befriend it ) > Co Prudent and Good 
Princes are under God the Pillars of the worfd '•> For they 
are the Chief Officers of God, to (hew forth his Power \ Wifi 
dom and Goodnefs^ Truth and Holinefs, Juftice and Mercy, in 
their Government j And by their Laws to promote the 
obedience of bit Law* And to encourage the Preachers 
and Pra&icers of Godlinefs, Sobriety and Righteoufnefs > 
And to defend them againft the Malignity of thofe that 
would filence, opprefs and perfecute them on earth i And 
by their examples and punifhments, to bring all ungodlinefi, 
intemperance and injuftice unto fhame. None therefore that 
poiTefs fo great a mercy, (hould undervalue it , or be un- 

96. Wife Rulers will watch the Plots of fuch enemies, as 
would ufe them as the Devil would have ufed Chrift , who 
carried him to the Pinnacle of the Temple, in hope to have 
feen his fall the greater : who would have them with He- 
rod arrogate the praife of God unto themfelves, or with 
Pharaoh or Nebuchadnezzar to difdain to be under the So- 
vereignty of their Maker ? and afcribe to them the Divine 

Prerogatives *, 

Prerogatives i And would make it fecm their honour to 
have Po&er to dothegreateft mifchief, that the pretence 
and claim may make them odious,and fo may debilitate and 
undermine them. That like a draught or cold water to 
one in a Pleurifie/they may kill them by pleaiing them. 

27. It is an unchrift ian carnal craft for the Proteftant 
Clergy of feveral Opinions, to lay falfe charges on one 
another, as being enemies to the Civil Government, when 
realiy their ftrrnciples therein are all the fame •, Or to make 
the differences of Stalefmen and Lawyers, to betaken for 
differences in Religion : purpofely to make one another 
( and their Religion ) odious, and to ftrengthen them- 
selves by the errors and paffions of Princes j till at laft they 
have tempted the world to think as bad of all and of Reli- 
gion it felf, as they have faid of one another, and by un- 
dermining others fall themfelves. 

98. But yet that Patty who really make a Religion of 
the Dodrine of Rebellion, are tobedifowned by all that 
will be true to God and to his Omcers:In my Sermon to the 
Parliament the day before they Voted the Reftoration of 
the King, I fai3 fomewhat of the difference of the Proteftant 
and Popifh Religion, in this point. And a Papift Gentleman 
rirft wrote an InvecTive againft me, as if I had given no 
proof of what I faid > And feveral perfons of unknown 
names wrote Letters to me to urge and challenge me to 
prove it : Blindly or wilfully overlooking the undeniable 
proof which I had there laid down, from one of their Ge- 
neral Councils, viz* 

*the Decrees of approved General Councils are the Papifts 
Religion t 'the Decrees of approved General Councils are for 
the Popes depofing 'temporal Lords, if they exterminate not 
fuch as deny Tranfitbftantiation, and giving their Dominions to 
others : Ergo, the Popijh Religion U for the Popes depofing 
'temporal Lords in that cafe y and giving their Dominions' to 

The Major is not queftioned. The Minor, (befides the 
ConciU Rom.fub Greg. 7. which determineth that the Pope 
may depofc Emperours ) I there proved from the exprefs 
words of Condi* Later an* fub Innoc. jt C*».J. which ut- 


tereth it at large. And if any Protcftant do fwith Dr. Tai- 
lor, Dr. Gunwng, 2nd Dr. Vierfin) doubt of the authority of 
thofe Canons, thats nothing to the Papilte who jultirie it as 
an approved Council,and vindicate it, as you may find with 
copioufncfs and conrider.ce, in the printed Anfwcr to the hit 
named Dodlors. " What impudency then is it in thefe men 
to challenge me to prove, and yet overlook my proof? 

9£. CHRISTIANITY according to the Scripture and 
primitive Simplicity, in Votlrine, Worfhip, Government and 
life, doth conliitute a CHRISTIAN, and aChriftian 
Church, The making of humane additions and mutable ad- 
juntls to Teem things nccejfary , doth conftitute a SECT. 
( And alas how (mall a part of the Chriftian world, is not 
entangled in fome fuch Sett. ) To be united to all ChrifU- 
ans, in the bond of Cbrijiianity, is to be a Catholic^'- To 
trouble the Churches peace by driving to fet up one Sett 
ox Faftion, and fupprefsthe reft, is to be a Schifmatic]^ and 

So then if fome will by a fuperftitious unfcriptural rigour 
of Difcipline, make every Pallors power arbitrary ( or the 
peoples, which is worfe ) in judging of mens inward holi- 
nefs, and will lay by the Scripture Title, which is ( a fiber 
Trofieffion-ofi the Baptifimal Covenant ) and think by this Ihidt- 
nefs to advance the honour of their party, as to purity , 
They will but endlefly run into divilions : And by fetting 
themfelves at a greater diftance, from common Chriltians, 
than God alloweth them, provoke him to caft on them 
fome greater fhame. 

And if any others will make their unneceffary firms of Sy- 
nods, and other adjuntls, to feem (0 neceifaxy, as to enter 
mto Leagues and Covenants to make them the terms of 
the Churches ,Unity,God will not own fuch terms nor ways j 
nor will they be durable,while the ground is mutable. 

And if in the Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny 
prevail, any other more lofty fj&ion, (hall perfwade the. peo- 
ple that there muft be no King any longer than their domi- 
nation is upheld ^ and (hall feek to twill the corruptions, 
grandure or mutable adjuncts of their fiunUion, by Oaths, in- 
to the very Conjiitution of the State * Like the Trent Oath, 



(wearing the Subjects to obey the Church, yea, putting the 
Church before the State, and fwearing them, not at any time 
(though commanded by the King J to endeavour any altera- 
tion in that Church- Government s no nor to confent to any\ 
that Co the lubjects may be as fill bound to them, as they 
are by the Oath of fidelity to their Kings \ It is time infuch 
a cafe to pray £ God five the King ~J and to write oil our 
cloors [ Lord have mercy en ui. 1 And a true fubjedi in fuch 
cafes, when it comes to/wearing, muft learn Seneca's LeiTon, 
£ No man more efteemeth venue, than he that for the love of it 
can let go the reputation of it j ] And muft be content to be 
called Difloyal, difobedient,faUious, that he may not befo } nor 
betray hit Soul, hti Prince, arid hvs pofterity. 

ioc. But to put my felf out of the reach of any rational 
fufpicion, befides what is faid,I profefs, that lafcrihe all that 
Power to Kings, which is given them by any 'text of Scripture, 
or acknowledged by any Council General or Provincial, or by 
any publicl^authentickjConfeflion of any Chrijlian Church, ei- 
ther Protcjiant, Greeks or Popifh, that ever I yet f aw. And if 
this be not enough as to matter of Religion, ( leaving the 
Cafes of Law to Lawyers ) I can give you no more. 

Obje<Sh Ecclef. 1. 18. In much wifdom is much grief, and 
he that increafeth knowledge, increafeth forrow. 7. 16. Be not 
righteous over much i neither makf thy felf over wife : why 
fhouldji thou defiroy thy felf ? p. 2. As vs the good,fo is the 
finner :,hs tl;at fweareth,as he that fear eth an Oath. Ifa.5p.i 5. 
Truth faileth \ and he that departeth from evil, mafyth himfelf 
a prey* 1 Kings 22. 13. Let thy word, I pray thee, be likg the 
word of one of them, and jpeaj^ good. ■ — — 

Anfw. V. 14. As the Lord liveth, what the Lord faith un- 
to me, that I willfpeak^ Luke 12.4. I fay to you my friends. 
Be not afraid of them that kjti the body, and after that have 
no more that they can do. But, &c. 1 TheiL2. 15, 16. they 
pleafe not God, and are contrary to ailment forbidding us to 
fyeakjo the Gentiles, that they might be faved, to fill up their 
fins alwayei •> for the wrath tf come upon them to the uttermofi. 


I 5 2 J 

A&s 20# 24. But none ofthefe things move me y neither count 
I my life dear unto my felf fo that I might finijh my courfe 
with joy , and the Minijlry which I have received^ 6cc. 1 Cor. 
4. 17, 18. For cur light afflidion which U but for a moment, 
worksth for m a far more exceeding eternal weight of glory : 
While we look^ not at the things which arefeeujbut at the things 
which are notfeen : For the things which are feen art temfe- 
tal > hut the things which arc mtfeen y are eternal. 

Sept* 21. 1669* 

Addition : 


Addition : Of the Power of Kings and Bi- 
(hops out of Bifhop Bilfon and Andrews. 

LEft you (hould wrong the fober Epiicopal Divines, fo as 
to think that they claim as jure Vivino, and as Paitoral, 
any Coercive forcing power, but only an authoritative per- 
lwading power, and that of the Keyes of the Church, I will 
tranferibe fome of the words of that Learned, Judicious 
Bifhop Bilfon in his 7r<*#. of Cbriftian Subjeftion > By which 
you will fee, that all forcing power claimed by them , is 
only Magiftratical, as they are the Kings Officers, and not 
from Chrift. 

Note alfo that constantly he diftinguifheth the Magistrates 
power from the Paftors, by the [ Sword ] as the inftru- 
ment of execution, which even about Ecclefiaftical mat- 
ters is proper to the Magiftrate ; As the power of the Word 
and Sacraments, or Keyes of the Church, is the Paftors : And 
thefe are the (horteft,plaineft, and leaft ambiguous terms ; 
and more clear than [_ Internal, Ecclefiaftical and Civil ] 
which have all much obfeurity and ambiguity. 

Pag. 238. Prince s only be Governour s in things andCaufes 
Ecclefiaftical, that if, with the Sword Bijhops be no Go- 
vernour s in thofi things with the Sword. "] Pag. 240. Wecon- 
fcjl Princes to be Supream Governours, Supream bear- 
ers of the Sword We give Princes no power to devife or 

invent new Religions^ to alter or change Sacraments, to decide 
or debate doubts of faith, to dijlurb or infringe the Canons of 
the Church* 

But of thefe two laft I muft tell you, what we Puritans 
( as they call us ) hold 1. That the King may and muft 
decide doubts of faith , in order to execution by the 
Sword ( as, who (hall be banifhed or imprifoned as a 
Teacher of Herefie) 2. And that Canons circa facra not take- 
ing the Paftors proper work out of his hand may be made 
by the Magiftrate even if he pleafe without the Prelates ; 

H And 


And if Piftors make Canons, they are but in order to their 
proper way of execution. 

Pag. 2 52. A/vl if Princes Jball not bear the Sword, .in things 

andCaufts Ecdhjiajiical, yen hnuft tell us who ft? all— Strict 

by Gads Law the Prieji may not meddle with the Sward, the con- 
fcquent is inevitable, that Frinces alone are Gods Minijicrs, 
bearing the Sword, to reward and revenge good and evil in all 
things and caufes, be they Temporal^ Spiritual or Ecclcfujii- 
cal : unlefs yon tbinl^tbat dij orders and abufes Ecclefiafti- 

cal fhould be freely permitted' Page 2 56. Ibis then vs 

the Supream power of Princes, which we teach lhat 

they be Gcds Miniftcrs in their own Dominions, bearing the 
Sword, freely to permit and publicity defend that which God 
eommanJetb- • • So may they with juft force remove whatfo- 
ever is 'erroneous , vicious y and fuperjiitious within their 
Lands, and with external loffes and corporal pains reprcft the 
broachers and abetters of Herefes and all impieties-* 
from which fubjedion to Princes, no man within their Realms^ 
. Monk^, Priefi, Preacher or Prelate U exempted : And without 
. their Realms no mortal man bath any- power from Cbrijl ju- 
dicially .to depofe them '■> much lefs to invade them in open 
field, leaji of all to warrant their Subjecls to rebell againfi them* 
Ibefe be the things which we contend for > and not whether 
Princes be Cbrijis Mafiers^ or the functions to preach, bap- 
tize, impofe bands, and forgive fins, muji be derived from 
the Princes power and Laws \ or the ApojUes might enter to 
convert Countreys, %vttbout Caefars delegations > Ihefebejejls 
andjhifts of yours* 

Page 261. 7i Bijhops fpeakjng the Word of God, Princes m 
well as others muji yield obedience : But if Bijhops pafs their 
Commiffion, and fpeak^ befides the Word of God, what they 
lift, both Prince andpeople may defpife them* 

Page 258. BuWord is Irutlr: and therefore your Bi- 
fhops cannot be Judges ef the Word ofCbrift, but they mnft 
be Judges of Cbrijl bimf elf that fpeakftb by his Word, which 

is no fmall prefumption* My Sheep hear my voice— ~ 

*lhey be no Judges of his voice. 

Page 2 5^. V y oH ta ks judging for difccrning,> the 

People niHjt be difcermrs and Judges of that which is taught— 


Page 271. Ph. If General Councils might err, the Church 
might err*- — — Th* As though none were of or in the 
Church, but only Bijhops ! Or all the Bijhops of Chriftendome 
without exception, were everprefent at any Council t Or the 
greater part of thofe that are preftnt might not ftrike the 

flroke without the reft—* 

Seepag. 350, 351,352. Etfeq. that only Magiftratet 
may touch body or goods* 

Page ^58. ihe Watchmen and Shepheards that ferve Chrifi 
in hU Church, have their kjnd of Regiments diftincl from the 
temporal Power and State : But that Regiment of theirs v* by 
Cou>fel and perfwafton , not by terror or Compulsion h and 
reacheth neither to the goods, nor to the bodies of any men—* 
Page 366. As for your Epifcopal Tower over Princes, if that 
be it you feei^ for, and not to takg their Kingdoms from them, 
I told you, If they breal^ the Law of God, you may reprove 
them : If they hear you not , you may leave them in their 
fins, and [hut Heaven again}} them* If they fall to open He- 
re fie or wilful impiety, you may refufe to communicate with 
them in prayers and other divine duties \ yea, you muft ra- 
ther yield your lives with fubmijjion into their hands , than 
deliver them the Word and Sacraments , otherwife than God 
bath appointed. 1 

' ( Say you fo *, I promife you Sir, if Kings muft be dealt 
fo ftri&ly with, though it coft you your lives, I will be a 
Non-conformift a little longer, though it coft me my live- 
lihood, rather than give Baptifm, the Lords Supper, Ab- 
solution., and the juftifying alTertions at Burials, as com- 
monly as I muft do, if I conform. ) 

P. 525. Tajhrs have their kjnd of CorreUion even over 
Princes : but fuch as by Gods Law, may ft and with the Pa- 
ftors Vocation '•> and tend to the Princes falvation : and that ex- 
ceeded not the Word and Sacraments : Other CorreUion over 
any private man Paftors have nones much leftover Princes*--* 
Princes may force their Subjetts by the Temporal S word.— ~ 
Bijhops may not force their flacky with any corporal or external 

violence* Pag. yiG.Chryfoftom faith For of all men Chri- 

ftian ( Bijhops). may leajt corrcft the faults of men by force : 

Judges that are without the Church may compell—Buf 

H 2 here. 

he re ( iti the Church ) we may not offer any violence, but 
only perfivadc. We have not fo great authority given us by 
the Laws as to reprefs offenders : And if it were lawful for 
us fo to do, we have no ufe of any fucb violent power* for 
that Chri'l crowneth them which abfiain from fin, not of a 

forced, but of a willing mind Hilary teacheth the fame 

Leflbir, If this violence were ufed for the true faith, the do- 
Urine ofBiJhops would be againftit. God needeth no forced 
fervice : He required no contained confefton : I cannot receive 
any man but him that k willing <^J I cannot give ear, but 
to him that intreateth. I cannot fign, (that is, baptize 

any but him that (gladly) profeffetb. So Ori^en 

For all the crimes which God would have revenged, he would 
have them nvenged not by the Bijhops and Rulers of the 

Church, but by the Judges of the world Bijhops by venue 

§f their Callings cannot command ethers, or authorize violence 
or arms.— 

Pag. 541 , Parliaments have beenkspt by- the King and his 
Barons, the Clergy wholly excluded > and yd their ARs and 
Statutes good. And when the Bijhops were prefent, their 
Voices from the Conquefito tbtf day, were never Negative. By 
Gods Law you have nothing to do with ntakjng Laws for 
Kingdoms and Commonwealths : Tou may teach, ymmay not 
command. Perfwafion is your part : Compulfion is the 

Page 245. Far better St. Ambrofe faith \_lftheEmperour 
as\ for tribute, we deny it not : 'the Lands of the Church 
fay "tribute 1 If he affell the Lands themfelves, he bath power 
to takg them : no man among us is any let to him. the alms 
ef the people is enough for the poor. Let them never procure 
us envy for our Lands : let them takf them if they pleafe : I 
do not give them to the Emperonr % but I do not deny them* 
So far Bilfon. 

All this we allow : And if all this be the concurrent 
judgement of all forts of fober Proteftants , called Epis- 
copal or Presbyterians, what rcafon hath any Eraftian upon 
the account of the Magiftrates intereftto quarrel with them. 
If any praUife not according to thefe principles, let them 
hear of it# 



Indeed in point of convenience we greatly differ from 
feme men: That is, i. Whether it be convenient for the 
King to make Church-men Magiftrate j, or not? 2. And 
whether it be convenient immediately to back their Ex- 
communications, with the Sword i And for the Migiftratc 
to be the Clergies Executioner, or to imprifon men eo no- 
mine^ becaufe excommunicate and not repenting. 3. And 
whether it be convenient to make the fame Court called 
Ecclefiaftical, fo mixt of Faftoral and Secular Power united, 
in one Chancellor f who is no Pallor, but a Lay man ) or 
in a Bi(hop, as that in and by it, the Magiftrates, and the 
Spiritual Government fhall be either confounded , or Co 
twilled as tobeundifcernable, or become one tertiunu 

But for this, as we love not to be too forward in teach- 
ing Magiftrates what is convenient, ( though many of the 
ancient Fathers have done it plainly , and fpoken againft 
the Magistracy of Priefts v and Cyril of Alexandria is brand- 
ed by Socrates and others with fome infamy , as the rirft 
Bilhop thatufed Coercive power J •, fo you have more caufe 
to fay what you have to fay in this, to the Magiftrate him- 
felf y than to the Bifhofs or Presbyteries : For if the MagN 
firate tvill needs make Priefts his Officers , and put his 
Sword intofuch hands, as have enough to do in their 
proper work , Or if he will puni(h men with the S-vord^ 
becaufe they are punifhed already by excommunication, 
or becaufe they repent not, left excommunication alone 
(hould prove unerlecftuaU quarrel not for his a&ions with 
other men : It is his own doing » and it is himfelf that 
you blame, when you blame thefe things : Say not that 
Prelates or Presbyteries takg the Magiftrates power from 
bim h but fay the truth, that the Magiftrate giveth it them,, 
and mil have it fo to be.. (Though Iexcufe none that 
urge him to it, or voluntarily alTume his Power. ) 

Bifhop Andrews alfo faith -Tortur torti p- 383. [ Cohi* 
beat Regem Viaconus, ft cum indignm fit, idq\ palam con* 
ftet> accedat tamen ad Sacramentum : Cobibeat & medizus, 
fi ad noxium quid vei infalubre manum admoveat : Cohl- 
beat & Equifax ft inter equitandum adigat Equum per te- 
cum prtrnptum, vel faUbrofm, cut fubfit fericulum. Eti- 
11 H 3 * amrc 

( 5* ) 
amnt medics? Etiamxe Equifoni fuo fubjectus Kex ? Sed 
de Majori poteftate loquitur : fed ea ad rem noxiam procul 
arcendam : qua in re CbaritaW fempcr Poteftas eft maxima. 

Here you fee what Church Government is in Bilhop 
Andrews fenfe, and how far the Biftiops hold the King him- 
fetf to be retainable even by a Deacon i And yet but 
( I think ) according to your own fenfe, I pray you judge 
then whether the. Bimops and you differ as far as you ima- 
gine ^ and whether the Courts and Church power which 
offendeth you, be not fet up by Kings themfelves, who 
make the Bilhops their Officers therein. To which add 
what Bilfon proveth that Patriarchs, Metropolitans and 
Archbiihops Dignities are the gift of Princes, and not the 
inftitution of Chrift, and then you will fee more, that it is 
the Princes own doing. 

I add to the like purpofe more out of Bilfon pag. 313. 
£ We grant, th:y muft rather huzard their lives, than baptize 
Princes which believe not, or diftribute the Lords myfteries to 
them that repent not, but give wilful and open fignifcatim 
of iniquity, &c. ] This is Church Government, which none 
can contradict. 

This is it that Chryfoflom fo often profeffeth alfo* as that 
he would rather let his own blood be (bed, than give the 
blood of Chrift to the unworthy. 

And Bcda Hijt. Ecclefl. 2. cap. 5. telkth us, that Melt* 
ins Bilhop of London ( with Jujlus ) was banimed by 
the heirs of King Sabareth, becaufe he would not give them 
the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, which they would 
needs have before they were baptized. 

( And by the way, if Bimops fay that Kings muft be ufed 
thus, the Non-conformifts are not fuch intolerable Schif- 
maticks, as fome now reprefent them , for defiring, that 
every Presbyter may not be compelled againft his Con- 
fcience to give the Sacrament to the bafeft of the people 
that are ignorant what Chrift or Chriftianity is, and to 
them that are not willing to receive it, but are forced to 
take it againft their wills for fear of a Prifon j nor to bap- 
tize the Children of fuch Parents as know not what bap- 
tifm is, or as are profefled Infidels, having not fo much 


) (59) 

as ChrifUan Adopters* but only Ceremonious perfons called 
God-fathers and God-mothers. ) 

Tapirius Msjfonus in vita Leonti j. reciteth his words of 
thcMigiltrates banifhing the Man tehees, and addeth [E* 
hac ret gejle narratione perfpioHum ell Komams Epifeopos 
rclegsre tunc nsn potuiffe, nee in exilium reos tmttere, nil ho~ 
die factum J fed eos tantum cenfnra cocrcere, & poena ecclefi- 
ajiica mulftarc* 

I add no more, fuppoimg t/-a lalmoft all fober Epifco- 
pal, Presbyterians, Independer and Eraftians are agreed 
in all the ririt ninety four Proportions, ( if not all ) that 
are here aiTerted', and thai all thofe may fuffice to fignine 
their Concord, and promote their Reconciliation , if Inte- 
reli ( miftaken ) and PalTion ( mif-guided ) did not much 
more than difference of judgement in thefe matters , to 
caufe their alienation. 

And as I have written this to vindicate both the Power 
of Kings, and the Office of Paftors from any mens unju/t 
fufpicions or accufations, who look only on one fide •-> and 
to (hew that thefe Offices are no more contrary than He ud 
and Heart, than Light and Heat : fo I do require the Rea- 
der to put no fenfe upon any thing here written, which is 
injurious to the Government of Magiftrates or Paftors, or 
contrary to the Laws : For all fuch fenfes I do hereby de-