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Full text of "A holy commonwealth : or, Political aphorisms, opening the true principles of government: for the healing of the mistakes, and resolving the doubts, that most endanger England at this time .."









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o R 

Political Aphorilms, 


The true Principles of Government : 


The Healing of the Miftakes; and Refolving the 

Doubtsy that nioft endanger and trouble 

ENCjLAND atthistime: (if 

yet there may be hope. ) 

And directing the Defircs of fober Chriftians that 
long to fee the Kingdoms of this world, be- 
come die Kingdoms of die Lord,and of his Chrift . 

Written by Richard Baxter at the invitation 
of James Harrington Efquire. 

With a Preface to them that have caufed 
our Eclipfes fince 1646. 

Aod a Sounder Anfwcr to the HealiogQu eftidfl. 
'Andchcjfc/i//*/ Method forreftoringP^r/. 

Lcndcn, Printed for Thomas Vnderlrill and Francis 
Tyton, and are to be fold at the Sign of the An<* 
char and Bible in Panls Churchyard, and ac' 
d\tThrceDxg£ersijiIrlsstftrcet, 1659. -5 

To all thofe in the Army or 

elfwhere, that have caufed 

our many and great E- 

clipfesfince 1646. 


•Eingfummoned by M. x ?*mes 
Harrington Efquire, to give an 
account of my Political Princi- 
ples, I found none at the Pub- 
lication, fo meet to receive ic 
as your felves. Your pra&icea 
allure me, that between Ttur Judgments and 
Confciences, and Mint, there is no little dif- 
ference. And I think it not meet to differ in 
points, which our fouls, and the Churches 
Peace depend On, without giving you the rea- 
fons Qt my Diflent. Some , I underfhnd are 

A 3 much 

The Preface. 

much offended, that I vindicate the honour of 
Providcnce,and the ProteftantReligion,againft 
the accufations of the Papifts, by which they 
have made it odious abroad. But I am ftill of 
die Opinion, that the Honour of God, and the 
oofpel (hould be dearer to us, than the honour 
of thofe that fin againft them : ( and is fo to 
every upright heart s ) and that the truth of E- 
vents may be recorded^ and Hiftory ihould be 
impartial, and Providence on both fides have 
its due. They that have not read fuch Books, 
as [The Scotifh and Englifh Presbytery di [covered 
by a (fret ended) French Divine > The Image of 
both Churches~]md other Revilers and Slander- 
ers of the Church, and that know not the in- 
famy that's caft on our names through moft of 
the Chriftian world, are no fit Cenfurers of my 
words. While my hand may write I will never 
betray the Caufe of Chrift to Papifts or Infidels, 
for fear of the difpleafure of any that are cul- 
pable. And if I have thought that corruption 
tainted any of the Army, they thought fotoo 
that furprized them at Burferd, that profecuted 
Thomffon and his Adherents, that (hot fome to 
death, imprifoned others, cafliiered more ( to 
pafs by the reft.) Repentance doth not jufti- . 
fie fins, but confefs and forfake it : Nor doth 
it hate the Reprover, but rather the Tempter, 
and the Flatterer, and cometh with love and 


The Preface. 

fubmiffion to the light, which the impenitent 
evil doers haxfitfoh .3.10^.1. 

I deiire you to believe, that it is not from 
atime-ferving ipirit, nor want of love to your 
immortal fouls, or of faithfulnefs to my dear- 
eft ancient Friends, nor of deep compaflion on 
the Land of my Nativity, that I meddle not 
here with reproof or Aggravation of your fin. 
But it is, 

1. Becaufe that Do<flrine mult go before 
Application : It's meet that the Light be firft 
fet up, which by its manifefting efficacy may 
bring fincere ingenious minds to felf-reprchen* 
fion, and freely to fay more againft themfelves, 
then before they could endure to hear from 
others. And till this Light have difcovered 
finne, and humbled the foul, 1 find themoft 
Companionate Reproofs do but exafperate, and 
feem reproaches •, and all men are thought to 
hate the perfon that hate the finne : Innoceney 
and Penitence are much more patient,than guilt 
and impenitency are. * 

2. becaufe I find that felf-conviftion work- 
eth in you, and hath brought you already to 
more confeffions than Volumes of Arguments 
from me, were ever like to have procured. 
And when Nature hopefully begins a Cure, it 
muft not be difturbed by violent Medicines. 
You have already difcerned and confeffed, 

A i\ that 

The Preface. 

that you contribntedby your wanderings into un- 
righteous paths* to our difcompofed State ! and 
that zfrecial pre fence of God was with that Par- 
liament, which you then pulPd down, or for- 
ced out. The Officers of the Army m Scot- 
land confefs ( as the Publick Intelligencer tells 
us. May 16 J That [dlmoft all the Afjertors 
of a glorious Caufe had manifeflly declined it, 
by a dtfeBion of many years :"] Adding, [ We 
cannot but acknowledg to our exceeding great 
forrow and (hame, that our (elves, though rve 
hope mofr of us through weaknejs and frailty, 
not out of defign, hnve very much contributed 
to thoje provocations, which have caufed God 
to depart from our ifrael: and we could hear- 
tily wifh, that even among thofe that help to 
make up your own number, there had not been 
An helping hand to this (ad and deplorable 
work And therefore they befeech God [ To 
heal the back [tidings of his people, and not to 
charge unto their account in this his day of their 
deliverance > their mif carriages while they were 
wandering in dark and flipper y places, af- 
ter the imaginations of their own heart s*~\ Pe- 
nitent Confeffions will be fome reparation of 
your honour. This much from another, in 
any of thofe many years, that you lived in the 
finne, would by fome have been called a fecond 
Qangrena, and a Scandalum wagnatum i It is 


The Preface. 

but lately that it was proclaimed Treafon, to 
fay, that [ This Parliament is in being ] A 
man might have been hang'd then, for faying 
that which is now publickly Declared. And if 
you be indeed fincerely penitent, we are not 
only in Hope, but paft all doubt,that God who 
hath fhewed you the finne of forcing out the 
laft hundred and twenty Members, will fliew 
you alib^the finne of the Imprifoning and Se- 
cluding above an hundred and fourty at once, 
long before. Some of them I am acquainted 
with, and have reafon to judg them to be men 
fo eminently wife and holy, as to be unlikely to 
be the betrayers of the Commonwealth. The 
keeping out alfo thefe men fince \ the calling of 
the nominal Little Parliament, the Fabrication 
of an Inftrumcnt of Laws without a Parlia- 
ment, and many other a&ions of thefe times:, 
we doubt not but you Will ere long repent of: 
Finding you in fo fair a beginning, I (hall not 
difturb or exafperate you now, by the aggrava- 
ting, or fo much as defcribing of your finnes, 
or giving them the Names which the Laws of 
God and man do give them. Only may I be 
bold to intreat you, impartially and often to 
read over Rcm.i$. i Pct.z. 13, 14,15, 16,17. 
Numb.i6. 2 Pet.2. Luke 12.13,14. 2dmh. 
i7-M> 2 5 >*7- 2 Tim.s. and beg'of God to 
help you to underftand them \ and. fall not 


"the Preface. 

6ut with God and his holy Word. 

And give me leave to lay one Argument be- 
fore you, which may fave you from all tempta- 
tions tolmpenitency, if from the ( real or fup- 
pofed ) faults of Governours, or their differ- 
ence of Judgment from you, you fhould ever be 
tempted to juftifie your fin. 

To refift or depofe the Befi Govern ours in all 
the world that have the Supremacy is forbid- 
den to Subje&s on pain of damnation. But the 
Beft Governours in all the world that have the 
Supremacy, have been refitted or depofed in 
England: I mean, i. Them that you called 
the Corrupt Majority > or an hundred tourty and 
three imprifoned and f ecluded Members of the 
long Parliament, who as the Majority had,you 
know what Power : and the remaining Mem- # 
bers, that now fit again (fo many of them as 
are living.) 2. The Powers that were laft laid ' 
by. I fhould with great re joycing give a thou - 
fand thanks to that man, that will acquaint me 
of one Nation upon all the Earth, that hath 
Better Governours in Sovereign Power ( as to 
Wifdome and Holinefs conjunct) than thofe 
that hwivebeen refilled or depofed in England. 
Now if it were never fo clearly proved, that 
Subjeds may refift and depofe bad Sovereigns 
( of which you have my judgement afterward at 
large 3 yet the Best muft be obeyed and exce- 

The Preface. 

pted for Violation, or elfe none at all muft be 
obeyed and excepted : ( which is an opinion in- 
confident with humane Societies, as well as 
with Chriftianity.) If a Heathen perfecuting 
Nero muft be obeyed, not only for wrath, but 
for Confcience fake, and that as a Minitter ( or 
Officer) of God, then certainly the Beft on 
Earth muft be obeyed,what ever faults you can 
charge upon them. If any underftand not the 
truth of the Minor, let them firft confider the 
men refifted, their parts, and principles, and 
pra&ices, and then confider their Laws and 
pubHck endeavours to attain the principal ends 
of Government, and then enquire into the ftatc 
oi the beft govern'd Nations in the world, and 
tell me whether England under their Govern- 
ment, were not like to have been more happy, 
than any one of all the Nations. If this con- 
vince not, ( and dark eyes perceive not an E- 
clipfe ) ftay till the effects of the late Eclipfe do 
prove it in another manner. 

Objecfl. But the beft Governours may deflroy 
the Commonwealth by a particular Act y and there- 
in may be refitted. 

Anfrv. They cannot be called the Beft Go- 
vernors that would deftroy the Common- 
wealth. Would they have made it mord un- 
happy than the Romane Empire under Nero ? 
Or than the beft Nation known this day on 


ibe Preface. 

Earth < Every probable or poffible danger,. or 
every certain hurt orlofs, is not the deftrufti- 
on of the Commonwealth. Nor are all things 
deftru&ive to the Commonwealth that are , 
judged fo by diffenting Snbjc&s. Either the 
Treachery and Deftru&ion was controvertible 
or Notorious and paft Controverfie. If con- 
trovertible, the Truftees of the Nation, and 
not a party of Subjects are the Judges. If No- 
torious, why is it not decerned by all others, 
or by the mod < Not only I, but twenty for 
one ( as I have reafon to believe ) throughout 
the Nation, of men truly fearing God, ate of 
another mind. : Subje&s are not allowed to re- 
fift, whenever they are confident that Rulers 
would deft roy the Commonwealth i much lefs 
when they would but crofs thefti in their opini- 
ons, or hurt them in their -perfonal Jnterefts 5 
And leaft of ail may they dfcpofe their Rulers. 

O England I Haft thou forgot the Marian 
dayes ! Haft thou no companionate thoughts 
t)t the Nations of the Earth i Among w T hom 
the Power of Godlinefsis fo rare < Shall the 
belt of Governours, the greateft of Mercies, 
ieem intolieiable < Oh how happy would the 
beft'of the Nations under Heaven be, if they 
had the Rulers that our Ingratitude hath caft off? 
\Ecrhearing therefore iuch Reproofs as 1 ima- 
gine you cannot bear, will you bear with me, 


The Preface. 

while I prefume to tvtfhiov thefe/nv things >fot 
the prevention of much worie to us and you: 
i • I wifh you may be tender of your Brethei ens 
Confidences, and while Oaths or Engagements 
are doubtful to them in thefe unfit tied time^that 
they may not become fnares, either to our Ma- 
giftrates, Minifters or People : Let not men 
toohaftily be forced to engage to a Power that 
about a Moneth ago- it would have been judg- 
ed Treafon to acknowledg ! Ungodly men of 
feared Confciences, will engage to any thing 
for their worldly ends ! If you would not take 
in thofe into your truft, and (hut out them that 
fear an Oath, or the violating of a Pfomife, 
then be not too forward with iuch Impositions. 
You know what Changes of the Government 
we have lately feen, iince things were taken in- 
to your hanas : iuJi as I never read of before. 
Our old Conftitution was King, Lords and 
Commons^vhich we were fworn,and fworn,and 
fvvorn again to be faithfull to D and to defend:The 
King withdrawiflg 5 the Lords and Commons ru- 
led alone,though they attempted not the change 
of the Species of Gcvernment.Next this we had 
the Minor part of the Houfe of Commons in the 
exercife of Sovereign Power,the corrupts/ art- 
ty,zs you called them,being caft ou t:and by them 
we had the Government changed^Regality and 
a Houfe of Lords being caii off. Mext this we 


The Preface. 

had nothing vifible, but a Generall and an Ar- 
my. Next this we had all the whole Conftitu^ 
Hon and Liberties of the Commonwealth at 
once fubverted: Certain men being called by 
the name of a Parliament, and the Sovereign 
Power pretended to be given them, and exer- 
cifed by them, that never were chofen by the 
People^ but by we know not whom ( fuch a 
ia£t as I never heard or read that any King in 
England was guilty of, fince Parliaments were 
known.) Next thts, we had a Prbte&or go- 
verning according to an Inftrument, made by 
God knows who. After this we had a Prote- 
stor Governing according to the Humble Pe- 
tition and advice : ( and fworn to both.) And 
now wc are wheel'd about again. And would 
you have had all the Nation fworn or engaged 
to all thefe various forms, and that fo fuddenly 5 
before they can feel well where they ftand? 
Should you have defired us all to engage to that 
which you now difclaim your felves,andtohave 
followed you fo farre in that which you now 
Repent of as your finne < The cafe is weighty ! 
Incomperably beyond the Eftates or Lives of 
particular meft. Should we change fo rafrly, 
and continue in it fix years impenitently, and 
then come off again, and fay, Wc followed the 
Imaginations of our own hearts, what would 
you judge of us for our finne, and for our lying 


The Preface. 

in it fo long ? And what a referable Nation 
would fo guilty a Nation be < Verily if you be- 
lieve that there is fuch a thing as Godlinefs and 
Confciencc in us, you cannot expeft in fuch 
quick and frequent turns as thefe, that all that 
love their fouls fhould follow you. Efpecially 
when you are publifhing your long miftakes 5 
which fhould make you fearfull of ibrcing us to 
follow you again, a mjus to be your hafty fol- 
lowers. They thatf fe been deceived, and 
fo deceived, and foi Received, and fo con- 
fident in it, and fo *|ry with them that told 
them of it, may be deceived again for ought we 
know. Should we£fc called to as frequent 
Engagements as you have made mutations in 
the Government, were it not the way to ba- 
nitli confeience out of the Land, and to teach 
men to fwallow any thing that is offered, 
and to finne till they believe that nothing is 3 

Artd confider how Minifters efpecially are 
dealt with. The Pamphlets that flatter you 
tell the world, that the Minifters no doubt will 
follow you any whether, and will alwaies be on 
the ftronger fide : yet others, ( if not the 
fame) proclaim, that we are feditious, turbu- 
lent, and unworthy of Protection , becaufe 
we do in fome things diflent. And thus they 
have laid fuch a fnare f»r our teputations with 


The Preface. 

you, that no 'man living can avoid. For we 
muft aflent ordiilent, obey or difobey. If we 
follow you, we are called, bafe temporizers 
that love our bellys and Benefices better than 
our confciences. It we do not, we are called 
feditious, turbulent, Tray tours, and what fuch 
tongues (hall pleafe. And this by men that 
heve feemed Religious,and forget what pathes 
themfelves have trod .But man is not our 
finall Judge : We w^ij^his appearance that 
will pais xht finall i Kms fentence upon 
them and us. 

Much lefs ihould it^yer enter into your, 
thoughts to require othlts, tojufttfieyom for- 
mer actions. While yob are bewailing part 
your feives, enforce not others to juftifie the 
reft. Even where Chriftianity is unknown, 
fuch a thing would be abhorred. Every man 
hath a foul to lave or lofe ? and & confidence of 
his own, which will accufehim, for his own 
tranfgreflions, and not for other mens'. If 
your Works have been good, the Reward will 
be your own ^ and. if you force men to own 
them, it will not procure them your Reward : 
If they do prove evill, why ihould the Nation, 
ox any one that did not commit them, be drawn 
into the gu U I If you have laved a mans life, 
or laved the Nation, and I had no hand in it, 
WDuld you not bear with my nnhappy folly, if 

I glory 

The Preface. 

1 glory that I had no hand in it, and fay, It was 
no deed of mine i If you haddeftroyed a mans 
life, what reafon had I or another to fubfcribe 
to it i Our Juftification of your a&ions, is no 
Juftification at the Barre of God, or ef any 
well-informed confidence. Take heed of fuch 
Impoiitions, that more cruelly invade the Li- 
berty of mens confidences than ibber Turks 
or Heathens do attempt. What confciences 
would you bring before the Lord, and what 
Names would you leave to all Generations, if 
you fhould do fuch things as thefe, that have 
gone fo farre, and ventured more than many 
lives, for Liberty of conference? You know 
that honeft men will not go againft their con- 
fciences, what ever it coft them, when others 
will : And therefore onneceflary Engagements 
will ltrengthen the unconfcionable, and^ngage 

youin a perfecution of the beft, and who will 
have the word of that at hit i Our quietneife 
under the Lord Protestor is much to be afcri- 
bed to his prudent (liunning fuch engagements. 
The world is net fo ilmple, but they can fee 
what is aimed at, wnen unneceflary fnares are 
laid before us. And no Army is fo ftrong, 
or fure, but that an Army of the Prayers 
of perfecuted Innocents may overcome 

2. My fecond wifh, is, That whatever be 
a our 

7 he Preface. 

our difference in (mailer things 5 you wduld 
prove true to the Intcreft of Chrift in the 
Main, and not be enlnared by the masked In- 
fidels or Papifts of thefe times, to fide with 
them againft your Brethren, that are nearer to 
you. Do good if you would be efteemedgood. 
He knoweth not Christianity , that doth not 
know, that the Intereft of Chrift doth much 
confift in the H O L IN E S S E and CON- 
CORD of his Servants : and therefore in a 
NISTRY: And in the reftraint of the re- 
ducing enemies of Chrift, If we fee once the 
Do&rines of Infidelity and Popery propogated 
( under what Name we do not much regard, ) 
and the able,holy,concordant Miniftry, begin to 
be undetermined, we (hall foon know what you 
meanJjyitj and what it is that you are about. 
And ir Gods Ele<5t (hall be put to cry to him 
night anddpy, will he not avenge them though 
he long delay < I tell you he will avenge them 
jpeedily, Luk. 18.6,7. 

3. My third wifhis but that our Parliaments 
may be Holy, and this afcertained from Gene- 
ration to Generation, by fuch a neceffary Re- 
gulation of Elections, as I have alter here at 
large defcribed : that all thofe that by wicked- 
nefle have forfeited their Liberties, may nei- 
ther cboofe nor be chofen: but yet no Faction 


Tfo Preface, 

exalt themfelves, and oppreife their Brethren 
on this pretence : that fo both Promfctto&s and 
Parti dU Elections may be avoided, and we mav 
become a Holy Nation, and a Kingdom of the 
Lord and ot his Chrift. And that none ot the 
.en Truftees of the People, may be de- 
prived c freedom at their entrance, by 
unn: ^agemerits- but if they find it 
needrull to the Nations good to reftore a Re- 
gulated-well- limited Prince, they may be 
free as thole of the contrary opinion. 

If Honeily and Godlinelle be the things you 
aim at, you will find my Principles futted to 
your ends : And as I l&e not-the D i 
formes, io; t fond of any other, above 

the reft. 1 c and c ; 

ly men may be lecurcd to the n in the 

KigheftPov* that which I hx i fted 

you the fureft way to, in this hook, which if 
.you will read, perhaps you may fee the errcur 
of thofe Principles, which have 'led you into 
Etrours of Pradice. I wrote it pr for 

the ufe of the multitude ot wtll-mganing Peo- 
ple, that are tei :t> irfbrpe 
Authority, andme< jrnmen: 
fore they have any call from G i .:ble 
underftanding ot its Principles. 1 never in- 
tended it for learned men tl Po- 

ticks ^ but for fuel Ve Pra&itioners 

a 2 before 

The Preface. 
before they have been Students. An imparri- 
all reading I think may fatisfie you 5 that neither 
the People as [uch, nor the Godly as juch, are 
the Original of Authority, but that it mud 
come from the Univerfal Sovereign •, and I 
have (hewed you the flream of its deriva- 

I had thought here to have added fome more 
Arguments againft the Peoples being the Origi- 
nal o£ Power. As i. Governing Power muft 
be exercifed in the Name of God fr Magi- 
ftrates are his Officers. But the People have 
no fuch celeftial Power as to grant Commif- 
fions in the Name of God. 1 hey may cboofe 
or nominate the Per/on, but^ii;* not the Power. 
Our Charter enbleth the Burgefles tochoofe 
their Baylitf : but he is ridiculoufly ignorant, 
that will hence conclude, that the people or 
Burgeiles are the Original, of his Power •, or 
that know not that they never had it , but that 
it flows immediately from the Charter as the 
Inftrument of the Sovereign who is the Giver 
of it. So whether Princes, Lords or Parlia- 
ments be Sovereigns, the People may choofe 
or nominate the Perfons, but the Charter of 
the univerfal King ( in the Law of Nature or 
Scripture J is the immediatelnftrument of the 
Authority, as being the aft of that will of God 
which doth convey it. 

2. n 

The Preface. 

2. If the People be naturally the Subjecft 
or Original of Sovereign Authority , then they 
muft or may exercife that Authotity themfelves 
without Electing others to do it : But the con- 
fequent is falfe : the people may not exercife it 
( ordinarily ) themfelves. For every man 
knows that it is monftrous confufion, and mo- 
rally impoffible. How can the people of 
France*, Spain, Hungary , Brittaine* much leffe 
of the Turkiili Empire, all leave their Houles 
and Employments, and meet together to make 
Laws, where the Aflemblies may confift of fo 
many millions as cannot poflibly confult. He 
feems diftradied that is for fuch diftra&ed Go- 

If you Objed, That the Romane People 
did perfonally Refolve, and fo did Exercife their 
Sovereign Porver ? 

I anlwer : No plainer Inftance can be given 
to difprove your Doctrine. The Romane Ci- 
tizens were a fmall Portion of the People of 
the Romane Empire. Did all the People of 
the Empire ever meet toRefolve on Laws? 
Or dare you fay that Naturally the Inhabitants 
or Citizens of Rome alone were born the Ori- 
ginal of Power, and Governours of the reft 
of the world? What difference between their 
Natural Right, and other mens i 

And that the confequence is valid, ( that the 
?. ^ People 

The Preface. 
People may exercife the Power themfelves if 
they have it) is evident from the true nature 

this Power. For it is an office Poivtr un- 
der God, and coniifteth eflentially in two 
parts: i. An obligation to Govern, making 
it a Duty. 2. A Right to Govern^ warranting 
the Performance. Now he that is obliged to 
G overn, finneth if he do not • and he that hath 
a Right to Govern, may juitly himfelf Govern. 
I corifeffe, in many other cafes , a man may 
have a thing taGive, which he hath not to life : 
But it cannot he Cohere, hecaufe the very na- 
ture of the thing is referred immediately to Ufe. 
Governing is the life of the Rower : and the 
Rower in queftion is a Rower to Govern $ and 
not only to choofea Gcvernour-, for that we 
are agreed of: and I will not fuppofe the Read- 
er fo ignorant, as not to fee a difference be- 
tween a Rower to Rule* and a Power toChoofe 
Rulers. ( Popular Church Government is alto 
concerned in the decifion. ) *r 

3. If the people are naturally the Sovereign 
Power, i\\zn it is either All or Part : But neither 
AH, nor Part, therefore. 1. It cannot be All 
.conjunctly : becaufe where all Govern, none 
tire Governed •, and fo there being no Subjects, 
there can be no Sovereign : Nor can any be 
puniftie \ againft his will , becaufe the Male- 
fadtoi the All. Nor was ever fuch 

a thing 

The Preface. 

a thing yet exiftent in the world, as a Govern- 
ment exerciied by All the People: it is a con- 
trad i6ti on. It you fay. It (ball be exerciied by 
a Part y then it is not the People, but only that 
Part of the People y that have the Power: Ix is 

in, therefore that it is not Naturally in the 
P<?0/>/* ^///^ ; for the Nature of that P^/ that 
Governeth is the fame with the reft. Either 
the Governing Part is Ftatedly determinate, or 
only temporarily. If ftatedly determinate, (as 
is a Senate, a Parliament, Lords, &c.) this is 
but a Part ele&ed by the People * and as EleH- 
tng a Governour, is not Governing $ io a Pow- 
er of Ele&ing is not a Power of Governing. If 
the R-uling Part be temporarily determinate > ( as 
is a Major Vote of the People themfelves ) this 
alfomult come but from the Ele&ion of the 
People : for by Nature an hundred and one are 
not the Governours of Ninety nine : or if they 
rvercjhat would prove it but in Part of the Peo- 
ple. Whoever therefore the People choofe, 
whether King, Lords, Senates,Parliaments, or 
their own Major Partjt is but a Power of choofe- 
ing the Persons that they have, and not a Power 
of Governing. 

But th? lateTranfa&ions fatisfie me,that you 
are far from believing the Powsr to be in the 
People-, I would their part without violation 
might have relied in them whom the People 

a 4 Choie* 

The Preface. 

Chofe. But when I remember and look about 
me upon the prefent face of things, I am not in 
much fear of Popular Power, or Liberty either, 
for full and free Ele&ions. Though the name 
do ring fo much in my ears, and Mr. Harring- 
ton may think his work begun,I never leffe fear- 
ed a free Commonwealth. 

But there are two other Opinions, that have 
as much need of Confutation. One is, Whether 
thefirength and Authority he not the fame, and 
that (Irongeft have not Right to Govern? 
But the Brutiflmefle of the Affirmative I have 
after manifefted. Then it would follow that a 
Thief or Pirate wants nothing but ftrength to 
juftifie his a£Hons,even before God. And that 
the Army is to Command the Generally and 
the Common Souldiers muft rule their Collo- 
nels and Captains becaufe they are the ftronger, 
and can mafter them if they will : And that no 
People ace to be Ruled by ther Prince or Parli- 
ament, becaufe they are the ftronger. And 
that the Servants muft command their Mafters 
( if he have not an aififtant ftrength, ) and the 
Children when grown up muft Rule the Aged 
Parents, &c. But wet Heave this Authority 
which confifts in ftrength to ravenous Beafts, 
and rapacious JJirds, and to Tyrants, and Re- 
bels againft the Lord and all juft Power. 

The laft Dmk with fqme is, Whether Godli- 


The Preface. 

neffc be not Authority \ and the Saints the Right- 
full Rulers of the World ? This alfo I have after 
Anfwered. i. If all Saints be Governours, 
then all the Subje&s muft be wicked •, and then 
all Commonwealths malt be wicked. 2. E- 
very foul is commanded to be fubjeft to the 
Higheft Powers 5 even the Godly to the Hea- 
then 5 and that not only for fear of wrath, but 
for Confcience fake,becaufe they are Minifters, 
that is Officers of God. 3 . The Godly muft ex* 
cell all others in Obedience ^ and be io far from 
afpiring after Government, that they muft take 
it for their greatnelle to be the Servants of all ; 
and muft fit down at the lower end 5 and be hum- 
ble and not exalt themfelves, but imitate Chrift 
in lowlinefs and meeknefs,that in his ftate of hu- 
miliation, faith , his Kingdom was not of this 
ftorld, and asketh, who made him a $udgc> or 
divider of Inheritances ? and himfelf paid Tri- 
bute Money to Heathen Governours. Godli- 
ncflfe doth doubly difpofe and oblige us to obey : 
And the Godly muft eminently excell all others 
in their Obedience. Even the c ho fen Generati- 
on, the Royal Pricflhood, the holy Nation, the pe- 
culiar People are commandedto [ubmit themf elves 
to every Ordinance of Man for the Lords fake, 
whether it be to the King as Supream, or unto 
Governours, as unto them that arefentby him 
for the funijbment of evil doers y and for the 


"the Preface. 

praife of them 'that do well : For fo is the will 
of God, that with well doing, w? may put to fi- 
lence the ' ignorance of foolifh men. Servants 
rtmfl he fcfyect to their Mafters with all fear, not 
only to the good and gentle, huttothefroward, 
i Pec. 2. 9,i3*i4,i5 3 i8. fee more in Eph. 6. 

M°9:> & c - C°l. .V 22 ? t0 theend^dx 2 Pet. 
2 . and Epifcle of fade, &c. To allow men to 
Rebell or refill Authority, becaufe they are 
Godly ( though their Rulers be ungodly ) is to 
allow thena to be ungodly or difobedient to God 5 
becaufe they are Godly : A palpable contradi- 

predi&lons of the Power of the Saints 
none to ufurpe a Power: no more 
edi&ion that the Kings of the Earth 

ire up their Power to the Beafts 5 doth 
warrant them to do it. Predictions make not 
Duty^but Precepts-, and Promifes will not ferve 
inftead of Commiflions or Donations, nor al- 
low us to feize on the thing promifed 3 before it's 
given to us. Nor doth the prediction or pro- 
mile it ferf intend that Godiinefle (hall be any 
mans Title to Government. For then ( (till ) 
the Subjeiis muft be all ungodly. Pride and 
not Godiinefle breeds the Vermineof fuch im- 
pious conceits, through the power of temptati- 
on by the Prince of Pride 5 and the Sun fliiue 
of Victory and profperity, requiting God with 
Evil for Good. Object. 

The Preface. 

Object But at leafi if ftrength and Godlineffe 
meet ( dndthefe encouraged by not Able Provid: 
giving fuccefi ) do they not warrant thi 
to defend their Liberties , though not tp Go- 
vern ? 

Anfrv. So far to defend them, as other men 
may do : ( that is, in the Cafes mentioned near 
the end of this Book ) but they are not difob- 
liged from as much Obedience to the higher 
Powers, as is due from any others. They that 
Refift ihall receive to themfelves damnation. 
Much more they that pull them down. 

Objed:. But did not yon Refjl the King ? 

Anfw. Prove that fhc r was the Higheft 

Power 7 in the time of r that he 

Power to wake thutWarrp, v, ie made, 

and I will ofirer my Head to Jufuce as a Re- 

But yet though Godlinefie give men no Au- 
thority, yet as Freemen, we have a certain Li- 
berty h and Wickcdneffe may forfeit this Liberty • 
and therefore I (hall thus far ciote with you,that 
the Church and Commonwealth ihould be ve- 
ry near commenfurate, and that proved un- 
godly perfons fliould neither Choofe nor be 
Chofen.Reduce eledions to the faithfull,honeft, 
upright men, and fettle an impartial! way for 
the triall of them, and we all agree with you, 
and profeffe it to be the only, only, only way to 


The Preface. 

our certain and perpetuated peace and happinefs. 
And I muft teftifie, that I have reafoa to be- 
lieve that it was the defire of the Late DifTol- 
ved Parliament to have accomplished this : and 
that it was their full intent not to exclude Inde- 
pendents, Anabaftifts, or any truly Godly men 
of fober lives, from the enjoyment of their Li- 

But if now it be in the hearts of any to fet up 
a party ( or all the flireds of the Dividers con- 
joy ned ) in (lead of all that fear the Lerd,and to 
cry up themfelves as the Godly Party, and fub- 
due their Brethren, and captivate thofe that are 
better then themfelves* Let them expert a 
MunJleriQue, and the Church expert a New- 
England Vindication. Dividing partiality will 
but (hew your want of Charity, that is, of San- 
rtity. And if Saints that are no Saints,to pro • 
cure Liberty of Confcience for them that have 
no Confcience, will go about to fubjugate the 
Saints indeed, and the belt informed,tekdereft, 
Confciences,and take in the Loofe,whofe Con- 
fciences can (wallow any Engagements , and 
turn with the times, the Lord will be the a- 
venger, and will come in a day , when fuch 
wicked Servants little expert him, and will hew 
them in pieces,and give them their portion with 
Hypocrites, where there is weeping and gnafli- 
ing of tteth. And we can as eafily bear their 


The Preface. 

Perfections now, as they can bear the fire of 
Hell for ever. Their indignation againft me as 
Cenjorious > will not free them irom thofe 

For my part, you may fee the worft that I 
defigned by this Book-, which was written 
while the Lord Protc&or ( prudently, pioufly, 
faithfully, to his imroortall Honour, how ill foe- 
veryou haveufed him ) did exercife the Go- 
vernment : And for ought I know it was al* 
molt all Printed, before the Eclipfe (only the 
Epiftles, and the concluding Meditation, were 
written fince. J And I have/i^rtf to change a- 
ny one word of it all, that you may fee the worft 
of my Intendments, and that true Principles 
will ftand in all times and changes, though to 
the fhame of thofe changes that make bad 
times. ^ 

If you are now offended with my pwin for- 
mer or prefent expreflions, beware left ijgoani- 
feft your impenitency . I am as able to ^Pthat 
it proceeds from Love,as Lam that I havcTtove 
within me. And remember how far I have 
gone with you in the War •, and by that and 
my dcareB Love to feme of yon^ am more ob- 
liged to fpeak then many others, left I be guil- 
ty of your fin. Shall an Arch-Bifhop GrindaH 
fpeak fo plainly to Queen Elizabeth, (when (he 
would have diminifhed the number of Preach- 

The Preface. 

ers 5 ) and an Arch-Bifhop G. Abbot deal Co 
plainly with K. $am:s about the Spanijh match, 
as to tell him expidly that Q he laboured to fet 
up that mofi damnable and Heretical Doctrine of 
the Church 0/Romc, the Whore 0/ Babylon 3 
and what would follow : and then bid him^And 
wow Sir do with me what yonpleafe.~] ( See Prins 
Jntroduci. p. 40.) and (hall I be afraid of man 
whofe breath is in his Noftrils < yea of my old 
moll intimate ■Friends? and fo afraid as to be an- 
faithfulW I were then the moft unexcu fable 
wretch alive. 

Hear the Word of the Lord and prove not 
difobedient : [_ The Lord will judge you every one 
according to his waits. Repent and tumyour 
felves ffom all jour tran\gr eft ions ; fo iniquity 
fhall not be your ruinc, Ezek.18.3c. [_Turnye 
to thz.Jgrd with all yonr hearts? with fafling, 
weepitigj and with mourning : who knows if he 
voi^fLtirnandrepnt^ and leave a blefiing, &c. j| 
J(^H[i2 !) 14. if God have fecial mercy for 
jou/he Q wilUaufe yon topaffe under the rod,and 
will bring yon into the bond of the Covenant ^ and 
will purge out from among yon the Rebels^ and 
them that tranfgrefs ag/tinfi himi] Ezek. 20. ?7 5 
38. Be not £ ofthofe that rebell againfl the light 
that knows not the waies thereof and abide not in 
the pathes thereof 3 Job 24. 33. [ Wajb you, 
-make you clean, &c. if ye be willing and obe- 

The Preface. 

dient, ye [kail eat the good of the Land : hut if 
ye refufe and rebelU ye [hall he devoured with the 
Sword , Ifa. 1.16,19, 20. Jer. 42. i8 5 20, 
£ Right emfnefs exalteth a Nation, hut fin is a re- 
proach to any people,*] Prov. 14. 54. Te know 
not what fpirit ye are of, Luk.9. 5 5. The wrath 
of man rvorketh not the righteoufnefje of God, 
Jain. 1. 20. if ye have hitter envyin? and ftrtfe 
in pur hearts, glory not, and lie not again ft the 
truth, this wifdom defcendcth net from above, 
hu is earthly, fenfuall and devilifh. For where 
envying andjlrife is, there is Confusion, ande- 
very evil work. But the wifdom that ts from a- 
hoveyis frfi pure, then peaceable, gentle, and 
eafie to he entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, 
without partiality, and without H T P O C R I- 
S I E\ and the fruit of Righteoufnefje is f own in 
peace of them that make peace, Jam. 2. 14, 18. 
Thus faith the Lord the holy one of ifrael, In re- 
turning and reft fhallye be faved^ in quietnefle 
and confidence fhall be your firength - 7 and y$ 
would not, Ifa. 30. 15. While they prom ft you 
Liberty, themf elves are the Servants of Corrup- 
tion : For of whom a man is overcome, of the 
fame is he brought in bondage , 2 Pet. 2. 19. 
Therefore new amend your waies and your doings, 
and obey the voice of the Lord jour God, and the 
Lord will repent him of the evil that he hath pro- 
nounced againft you. As for me, behold I am 


The Preface. 

in your hand, do with me as [eemeth good and 
mcetunioyou, Jer.26.1^14. Ibefeech you pa- 
tiently read over the Reprefentation or Letter 
of the London Minifters, to the Lord Generally 
$an. 18.1648. and their Vindication-, and 
Mr. Nathaniel Ward\ Petition of the Aflbcia- 
ted Counties, and his Religious Retreat found- 
ed to a Religious Army. 


An Addition to the Preface^ being a Difcufion 
of the Anfrver to the Healing Question. 

Ecaufe it is a matter of fo great moment, 
that you pafs not in impenitency to the 
Barre of God,(where you mud all fpee- 
dily appear ) and that the many Thoufands of 
this Nation, that never were adually guilty, 
may not make your finnes ( finnes of fiich a 
dreadfull nature ) to become their own by ap- 
probation 5 1 thought it my duty to manifeft the 
fallacy of all thofe Arguments, which I judged 
might mod probably deceive you. And there- 
fore iuppofing that thence you are likely to 
fetch matter of encouragement, I iliall briefly 
difcufs the wounding Anfrver to the Healing 
gnejlion, lb far as may concern your Confer- 

i . He placeth the Caufe in two things •, i .p 
3,4. To have and enjoy the Freedom (by way t 
of dutifall compliance and condefcenftonfrom all 
the parts and members of this fociety, ) to Jet up 
meet persons in the place of Snpream Jjudica- 
ture^nd Authority among ft them. 2. ^>6*Pftc- 
dom in matters of Religion , or that concern the 
fervice and w or fin f of God. 


An Addition to the Preface. 

The former is thus enlarged, p. i o. That the 
body of the good people in their military capacity 
and poflure, are mofi properly Soveraign , and 
pcfjejfe their right of naturall SoveraigntyJ] And 
p.i I. £ Becoming one Civill or Politick Incorpo- 
ration with the whole Party of honejl Men, they 
do therein keep the Soveraignty > as Originally 
feated in them] elves •, and part with it only as by 
way of Deputation, and Reprefentation of them- 
felves, &c. 3 

The fecond ( Religious Liberty y ) is ( p.5,6, 
7, ) faid to be that [which the Nations of the 
world have right and title to by the purchdfe of 
Chrifis bloody who by virtue of his Death andRe- 
\tirreciion> is become the fole Lord and Ruler in 
and over the Confcience,8cc. And that every 
one might give an account of himfelfin all mat- 
ters of Gods Worfhiy untoGodandchrifi alone, as 
their own Mafier unto whomthey Hand or fad in 
judgment, and are not in theje things to be ap- 
prejjed, or brought before the judgmefrt Seats of 
Men. For whyfhouldfl thonfet at naught thy Bro- 
ther in the matters of his Faith andConfcience. 
and herein intrude into the proper office ofchnfl y 
&c. By virtue of this Supream Law Sealed and 
Confirmed in the Blood of Chriflto all Men* it 
is, that all Magifl rates are to fear and forbear 
imcf?7<edling with giving Rule or interposing in 
ihofe waiters*— He is to be a Minister of Terror 


An Addition to the Preface. 

and Revenge to thofe that do evil in matters of 
outward practice, converfe, and dealings in the 
things of this life between man and man-, for the 
cauft whereof the judicatures of men an appoin- 
ted and fet up. To exeeed thefe limits is not 
fafe,&c. ] And p.j. he would have ) this re- 
fraint laid on the Supr earn Power, before it he 
eretted, as a fundament all Confiitution among 
others >&cc.and that it he acknowledged the Volun- 
tary aff of the Ruling Power, when once brought 
into a capacity of atfing Legiflativrlyj that here- 
in they are bound up, and judge it their duty fo to 7 
he, hoth in reference to God, the Injlitutour of 
Magiftracy, and in reference to the whole body, 
&cj So much of the Caufe. 

2. The Perfons that he fuppofeth have this 
Soveraign Power, are fometimes faid to be {the 
Nations of the world'] and [ all men whofe fouls 
Chrifl challenges a propriety in, to bring under 
his inward Rule in the fervice and worfhip of 
God, ~] &c. And the ground of it is made to be 
Nature it felf D fometimes it is [ The whole party : 
of Hone ft Men adhearing to this Caufe,p.^.[And 
their right is double, 1. Naturall, 2. By the fuc~ 
cefs of their Armes,this is reflored:"] [They have 
added to the naturall right which was in them be- 
fore, the right ofConquefl,$.2. fometimes it is, 
the whole body of the People, that the right and 
freedom w»s 7 and is due to,/>. 4. 3 fometimes; 

IS i fctfte 

An Addition to the Preface. 

[the actions proceeding from hearts fmcfrely af- 
fefied to the Caufe, created in them a right, to he 
of an Incorporation andfociety by thcmf elves ->un~ 
der the name of the Good Party.— -The fe in Order 
to the maintaining of this Caufe have food by the 
Army, in defence and f up port thereof again f all 
op pj fit i on whatever, as thofe that by the growing 
light ofthefe times 7 have been taught and led forth 
tn their experiences , to look above and beyond the 
] .cilery farm, and outward circum fiances of Go* 
vernmcxt-, into the inward reafon and (pirit there* 
vfi herein only to fix and terminate >&c.~] p.p. 
It is £ tht^hole Body of the adherents to this 
Caufe,'] that (n the jeveral parts of the Nations/ 
that mijl choofe a General Council or Conven- 
tion of Faithfult Honest and discerning Men, 

:j.Lafily 5 The capacities wherein the ferfons 
n 'jitalified have acted 7 have been very variable* 
-"And very feldom, if ever at a/i fo exactly, and 
■if) ail points confonant to the Ruli of former Laws 
and Conjinutions of Government y as to be clear- 
ed fully jujlified by them, any longer than the 
Law of juccejje and Conijueft did uphold them, 
hud the inward warrant of tfujlice and Kiglr 
fneife, to encourage them in juch their affings. 
and la ft referve which they have had, 
her failed, hath been their military ca- 
orly flriiUj taken for the flanding 


An Addition to the Preface. 

Arm)> but in the largeft fenfe, wherein the whole 
Party may ( with the Army, &c.) afjociate them- 

I pretend not to an infallibility in the inter- 
pretation of thefe words $ but that they may do 
your Confciences no harm, Ilhallfirft tell you 
what we Grant, and fecondly wherein we dif- 
fent from what doth feem to be here exprefled 
and emplyed,and the reafons of this difleat fliall 
be annexed. 

1* We Grant that the Peoples Confent is 
ordinarily necefiary to the confutation of the 
Government, and that their freedom is taken 
from them, when this is denied them. 

2. We believe that notorious wickednefTe, 
and divers particular crimes^ may forfeit this 
Freedom as to particular perfons: And if the 
defign of this Honourable Writer were,that all 
Honefi men indeed with out partiality anddivijior, 
might have the liberty of choofing and being 
chofen,and none (hut cut, but thole that are 
proved to have forfeited their liberty-, we (hould 
concurre with great alacrity and joy ( fo be it, 
that oppreffion make not thofe fc.ruples or diffe- 
rences of judgment to feem a forfeiture of our 
liberty,which are not. ) 

3. We Grant that the Confciences of men 
are out of the reach of the Magiilrates judg- 
ment •, further then they areman&fted by their 

b 3 words 

An Addition te the Preface. 

Words or Deeds : And we grant that the U- 
nity and Peace of the Church, muft not be laid 
on lower Controverfies, but on the Effentials 
of Religion, even of Faith and Communion : 
and that we muft tolerate all tolerable differen- 
ces among honeft men : In well doing all men 
fhould be encouraged. In ill doing through mi- 
stakes, well meaning men muft be tolerated,as 
far as Charity to Church and State,and to their 
own and others fouls will bear it. 

4. We believe that a Prudent Godly Ma- 
giftpacy, is fo exceeding great a bleffing to the 
Nation, ( above any forms in wicked hands ) 
that all lawfull means ibould be ufed to procure 
and fecure it to us and our pofterity . 

But yet thefe 'following Propofitions I (hall 
manifeft to be moft certain truths. 

Prop. 1. T^ freeChoice of Parliament men was 
a thing that on all hands tva>s granted to be our due > 
And therefore could not he the Can ft of the Warre. 

The King granted it •, and all Parties in our 
latter Divifions do alien: it: fo that it cannot 
be the matter of any New Caufe neither, be- 
cau'fe we know not of any Adverfaries that it 
hath confiderable among us, unleife thole that 
chofe the Little-nominall Parliament. Indeed 
by the Difufe of Parliaments^ our Rights were 
violated: but the Peoples Right to a free Choice 

was ftiil acknowledged. 


An Addition to the Preface. 

Prop. 2. That the People had right to choofe a 
Houfe of Commons, that fhould have the whole 
Soveraignty, or the whole Legiflative Power, wat 
none of the old Caufe* 

For i. No fuch thing was Afferted and De- 
clared by the Parliament, when the Caufe was 
fluted, and the Wa^begun. 2. Theyprofef- 
fed the contrary in their Declarations of the 
Caufe, and in their Laws, which were Enadied 
by Authority of the King and Lords, as well as 
of the Commons* Read them, and this will be 
paft ail doubt. 3. And the Proteftations and Co- 
venant confirm it. 

Prop. 3 . It was none of the old Caufe, to af- 
[ert any proper Soveraignty in the People, either 
as People, or as Godly People. 

For 1 . No fuch thing was declared. 2. The 
Soveraignty was ftated elfewhere. 3. It was 
only the Rights and Liberties of the People, 
and not their Soveraignty that was Declared 

Prop. 4. It was none of the Caufe of our • 
Wane ,to change the Conflitution of the Common 
wealth, into any ether form than we found it in. 

1 . To aflert, this were to lay all the guilt of 

the blood and miferies of the Nation, undefer^ 

vedly upon the Parliament, and to proclaim us 

# all Rebels,that adhered to them. For it is pafl 

doubt, that the Soveraignty being mixt cr 

b 4 * flributel 

An Addition to the Vrtface. 

ftributed into the hands of King, Lords, and 
Commons, no part had Authority to change 
the Conftitution. 2. On the contrary it was 
the Preferring of the Fundamental! Conftituti- 
on that the Parliament Declared for. And par • 
ticularly for the Perfon and Authority of the 
King, and for the Power and Priviledges of 
Parliaments , of which the Lords were part 
and Authors of thofe Declarations. It is there- 
tore an injury of the higheit Natuce, againltthe 
Honour of the Parliament,the Englijh Nation, 
and the Proteftant Religion 5 if any fliould af- 
firm that they raifeda War to change the Go- 
vernment, and overthrow the Fundamentall 
Conftitution, and that when they fwore us to 
the contrary. 

Prop. 5. The Remonftragce of the ftate of the 
Kingdom -, the Declaration of the Lords and 
Commons of Aug. 3. 1642. Jetting forth the 
Grounds and Rea\ons that necefitate them at this 
time to take up Defenfive Arms for the Preferva- 
iion of his Ma] e [lies Perfon? she maintenance 
of the true Religion, the Laws and Liberties of 
this Kingdom , and the Power and Priviledges 
if Parliament •, aljo the Proportions and Or- 
ders of ]u\\^ 10. 3642. for brin^m* in Money 
and Plate, &c. to maintain the Prhuftant Reli- 
gion, the Kings Authority, his Perfon in his Royal 

ntty, the free Course of Jufitcc, the Lam of 


An Addition to the Preface. 

the Land* the Peace of the Kingdom* and the 
Priviledges of Parliament againfi any force that 
jhaU off of e them : I [ay thefe Declarations, with 
wo Protefiations , and the folemn Vow and 
C oven ant * do fully declare what was the Old 

Though no man have more reafon to know 
it then the Honourable Author of the Healing 
Question, y^t no Evidences can fo fully Declare 
it to us, as thefe Declarations and Protefiations 
which were purpofed to that ufe. 

Prop. 6. It was none of the old Caufe that the 
Peofle jhotild have Liberty, and the Magi fr ate 
fiouldhaveno Power in all matters of Gods Wor- 
9 flip, Faith andConfcience. 

The words of the Honourable Author I have 
recited before, without, any exception, reftri- 
dion, or limitation, that I can find, he expref- 
lyextendeth the Cafe to, [Matters of Religi- 
on, or that concern the Service and Worfhif of 
God, ^ p. 5 . and to Q matters of Faith andCon- 
fcience, ~] and Q All matters of Gods Worfhif, ] 
p. 6. of which he faith, We muflgive account of 
our (elves unto God andChrifi alone, and that 
£ all Magift rates mufi fear and forbear inter- 
mcdling with.'] Now that this difcharging the 
Magiftrate from his Duty,or this difabling him, 
or flaring of his Power, and this extended Li- 
berty in All matters of Worfhip, Faith, or Re- 

An Addition to the Preface. 

ligion, was none of the old Caufe y nor is any 
GoodCaufe, I fhall prove but briefly ( yetfuffi- 
ciently) here, as intending, if God will, a Trea- 
tifeof that point alone. 

But ftill remember that it is no Controverfie 
among us, i. Whether'men (hould have liber- 
ty for True Religion, true Faith 5 and true Wor- 
fhip of God i For thefe fhould have more than 
Liberty. But whether, there fhould be Liber- 
ty for falfe Religion, falfe Faith 5 and falfe Wor- 
ship, if the perfons do but think them true * 
And whether the reafon of this Liberty be, that 
the Magiftrate hath not here to do i 2. Nor 
is it any Controverfie among us, whether the 
Magiftrate can judgof Inward Faith and Con- 
fcience immediately? or whether he fhould 
compell men to Believe i or yet to profefTe that 
they do believe when they do not i It is a work 
that is beyond his power to compell men to be- 
lieve : elfe Charity would require him to do it. 
And we are far from thinking that he (hould 
compell them to lye and diflemble a Faith which 
they have not. But th$ Queftion is, Whether 
he may reftrain them from publique pra&ifing 
falfe Worfhip, and propagating a falfe Faith or 
Infidelity, and from drawing others to their 
mind and way. 

i. The toleration of Popery, by too much 
connivance, and the increafe of Popery there- 

An Addition to the Preface. 

by, was one of the great offences and grievan-' 
ces that this ( and former ) Parliaments com- 
plained of and Declared againft in their Remon- 
strances, therefore that Popery fliould be tole- 
rated, or that none but Chrift fliould judg men 
in all matters of Worfhip,or of Faith,was none 
of the Old Caufe that was owned by that Parli- 
ament^ but the clean contrary. It was liberty 
for Popery, that was their great offence. 

v 2. The fame Parliament made it the old 
Caufe, to Defend the Proteftant Religion, a- 
gainlt thofe that would undermine it by the 
torefaid encouragement of Popery : therefore 
they never made it the (Old Caufe,) to difown 
their power in matters of Religion, and to give 
liberty for all Religions. 

3. The faid Parliament made it a part oflheir 
complaints, that the Malle was To openly poqfc 
mitted at the Queens Chappell, and fo madj 
permitted to come to it, therefore they took 
not liberty for the Mafie, to be the Caufe they 
fought for. I marvaile how it would have beea 
interpreted, in the beginning or midft of the 
firft War,if any in the Parliament had faid, We 
fight for Liberty for the Mafs, and to maintain 
that we have no power to hinder it, nor in any 
matters of Faith and Worfhip. 

4. The fame Parliament ( that are the Judg- 
es of the Old Caufe,) did put the Articles of 


An Addition to the Preface. 

Religion ( and that not for an Univerfal Tole- 
ration,but for eftablifhing the Proteftant Caufe) 
into all their Treaties with the King : and infift- 
ed on them above all i therefore they made it 
not their Gaufe to give liberty to the Mafs, or 
to difclaim any power about the matters of 
Faith and Worfhip. 

5. The fame Parliament calling ah Afiem* 
bly of Divines, Authorized them but to Advife 
them, and that only about fuch matters as they 
fhould propofe to them themfelves : And they 
debated all that was propounded to them ^ and 
pafied what they faw meet : therefore it was 
none of their Old Caufe, that Magiftrates have 
nothing to do in thefe things. 

6. The fame Parliament fetled the Presby- 
terian Government by many Ordinances: there- 

tre they thought they had power in fuch mat- 

7. The fame Parliament paft an Ordinance 
againft Herefles and Blafpheming $ Enumera- 
ting divers that are againft Faith and Worfhip ; 
therefore it was none of their Old Caufe to af- 
fert a liberty in fuch things, and to difclaim a . 
power to reftrain them. 

8. The fame Parliament made Laws againft • 
Popery, and put an Oath of Abjuration on 
them, .and executed the Ancient Laws againft 
them : therefore they did not fight for Liberty 
forthcMafs. S>.The 

An Addition to the Preface. 

g. The fame Parliament made it their great 
Argument and Advantage againft the King, 
that he favoured the Papifts,and intended them 
a Toleration or Connivance: And on this 
fuppofition they had thoufands that came in to 
fight for their Caufe : therefore they made it 
not their Caufe to fight for Liberty of all Reli- 
gions, or of Popery alone. 

10. The fame Parliament folemnly fwore 
themfelves, and engaged the Nation in Prote- 
ftations and a Covenant to defend the Yrote- 
jlant Religion, and to endeavour the Reformation 
of Religion in Doctrine , Difcipline > Wor- 
fl)ip 7 and Government, and to bring the Church 
inthe three Kingdomes to the near efl Conjunction 
and Uniformity in Religion, Confefion of Faith? 
, &c. With much more that (hews, that they 
made it not the caufe of their War to prove that 
they had no power in thefe matters. 

ii. The fame Parliament difplaced many in 
the Univerfities^pon the account of matters^)! 
Religion, and they caft out abundance of Mini- 
ftersupon the fame account: therefore it was 
not the caufe of their War to prove that they 
had no power in thefe things. 

12. The fame Parliament accufed and con- 
demned the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury for en* 
deavom ing to alter Religion, and introduce Po- . 
ptry by befriending it: And Whidebanke and 


An Addition to the Preface. 
others were accufed for befriending Priefts and 
Jefuites : therefore they took it not to be a mat- 
ter beyond their power or duty to meddle in 
thefe things,nor was liberty for Popery the Old 

2 . And as it is not the old Caufe, fc it is not 

For i . Itcontradi&eth the exprefie revelati- 
on of the will of God 5 in the holy Scriptures. 
Mofes had to do in matters of Religion as a Ma- 
giftrate •, and fo had the Ruling Elders of ijrael 
that affifted him : And fo had the Kings of ijrael 
and fada, as is well known. Infomuch that in 
A fas daies they covenanted to put him to death 
that would not feek the Lord God of ifrael. 
But of this more in due place. 

2. It tendeth to the ruine of the Common- 
wealth : and therefore it is no good Caufe. How 
God was provoked by Aarons Calf, and by his 
Sons, that offered ftrange fire which the Lord 
commanded not^Levit. 10. and what was the 
effect, and what benefit the Calves at Dan and 
Bethel brought to ifrael and to tfercboams 
Mode, and the High places, and other errours 
about Worfhip, brought to the Princes and 
People ottfuda, we need not particularly recite. 
Law and Providence are quite changed, if To- 
leration of falfe Worfhip and other abufes of 
Rclieion^enwinot to the mine of the Common- 
c-eakh, ' 3,Thar 

An Addition to xht Preface. 

3. That is no good Caufe that vilifieththe 
Magiftrate, and teacheth the People fotodo, 
and fets up the Minifters of the Gofpel above 
him, more than a Prince in worldly fplendor 
is above a Slave* But fuch is the Caufe that I 
am now oppofing. The matters of Gods Wor- 
fhip,of Faith and~Religion,are more above the 
matters of this world, than that comes to. If 
Magiftrates be once taken to be fuch terreftriall 
Creatures, as that their bufinefTe is only about 
thefe vile corporeall things, their office will be 
efteemed of,no better than the Objecfl of it, or 
the work in which they are imployed. 

4. The Decalogue was the Vitall part of the 
J>e\vs PoliticalLaws,and everyCommandement 
of the firft Table was feconded with a Penall 
San&ion : therefore thefe things belong to the 

5. That is not the Good Caufe that tendeth 
directly to the deftru&ion of Faith and Piety, 
and the Everlaftiug damnation of mens fouls : 
But fuch is this of Libertinifm which we oppofe : 
For, Popery, Mahometanifm, Infidelity, and 
Heathenifm, are the way to Damnation: But 
Liberty to preach up and to pra&ice them, is 
the means to make men Papifts, Mahometans, 
Infidels, and Heathens •, therefore this Liberty 
is the way to mens damnation. 

It's well known by exjrerieaec, how ready 


An Addition to the Preface. 
the multitude of ignorant, unfetled and proud 
people are to be led into any damning courfe, 
if they be dealt with by men of voluble 
tongues, and that come with any advantages 
to deceive them. A man that will deny the 
life to come, or revile Chrift and the Scrip- 
ture, or teach men to worfhip Mahomet, or 
the Sunneand Moon, if he have-liberty, and 
a plaufible tongue, may look to have Difciples. 
The preaching of wifehood hath as true a ten- 
dency to damn men, as the preaching of truth 
hath to fave them. None can be wicked a- 
gainft their wills : rie that will bring men to 
damnation, muft do it by deceiving them, and 
enticing them thither : They that moil pro- 
mote mens delufion in the matters of Faith and 
Holy pra&ice, do moft promote their damna- 

And how deadly an enemy contention is to 
charity and holy living, and how. certainly the 
Liberty in queftion will kndle continual con- 
tentions, is a thing too evident to need 
J>i$6f. i: 

6. That's not a good Caufe that gratifieth 
Satan, and promoteth his Kingdom, and his 
malicious ends : But fo doth the Liberty now 
in queftion: For it is his Liberty y to deceive by 
his Inftruments, and fo to damn as many as he 
can. When he is let loofe to deceive them that 


An Addition to the Preface. 

dwell on the Earth , it is faddeft with the 
Church $ Satans Liberty to deceive, is not the 
Chunks Liberty, nor jxirchafed by Chriit for 
us,but is a heavy judgment. As Chrift teach- 
eth and faveth by his Minifters and Do&rine, 
and hath liberty when his Word doth run and 
hath its liberty 5 fo Satan teacheth and deftroy- 
eth by his Inftruments and Do&rine, and hath 
liberty when they have liberty. 

7. We muft pray for our feives and others, 
that £ we be not led into temptation : ] There- 
fore it is not a good Caufe to let loofe Tempters 
by a Law, or to permit men to exercife their 

f wit and eloquence and other Faculties, to draw 
as many as they can to finne - 7 even to thofe 
finnesthat have the ftrongeft tendency toper- 

8. If Magiftrates muft give Liberty fen all 
to propogate a falfe Religion, then fo muft Pa- 
rents and Mafters alio : ( For their coercive 
Power is rather lefle then the Magiftrates then 
more; and they are no more Lords of Faith 
or Confcience. ) But if all Parents and Mafters 
fliould give fuch liberty, it would be a crime 
fo horrid in the nature and efFeds, as I am loath 
to name with its proper titles. 

9. A Pari: It tendeth to the deftrtt&ioh of 
an Army, to give liberty to all men todo their 
word to draw them to Mutinies and Rebellion: 

c It 

An Addition to the Preface. 

It tends to the mine of Families, that all have 
liberty to do their worft to tempt the Sonnes to 
theft and drunkennefle , and the Wife and 
Daughters to whoredome : It tends to the de- 
ftru&ion of the Commonwealth, if there be 
liberty for all to perfwade the people to fediti- 
on and Rebellion : And therefore it muft tend 
to the deftrudtion of the Church, and of mens 
Souls,and confequently of the Commonwealth 
in the chief refpe&s, if all have leave to do 
their worft to preach up Infidelity, Mahome- 
tanifme , Popery , or any falfe Do&rine or 
Worfhip, againft the great and neceffary 

10. The particular Churches by the Power 
that Chrift hath given them in the Gofpel, may 
judg men for Herefie and falfe worfhip •, and 
muft not give fuch liberty. 7*7.3.10,11. A 
man that is an Hereticky after thefirfi andfecond 
admonition reject : Knowing that he that isfuchy 
is fubverted, and finneth , being condemned of 
himfelf ajoh. 10. if there come any to yon> 
and bring not this Doffrinc, receive him not in- 
to your houfe, neither bid him > Godfjtced: For 
he that biddeth him God fpeed, is fart alter of his 
cvildeeds. Rev.2. 14,15,20. But I have a few 
things againfi thee, becaufe thou hafi there them 
that hold the Doflrtne of Balaam — So haft thou 
aljo them that holdthe Doilrincof the Nicolai- 

tans ? 

An Addition to the Preface. 

tins, which thing I hate— Becaufe thou [uffereft 
that woman $cz,ah.el> which calleth her [elf a Pro- 
fhetefle, to teach and to f educe my Servants, to 
commit fornication, and to eat things offered to 
Idols. Elymas was ftruck blind for refilling 
theGofpel* and this (though miraculoufly } 
by the Miniftry of the Apoftle* Ananias and 
Sapbira were ilain for thinking to deceive the 
Holy Ghoft. Simon Magus feared ftich a judg- 
mentforfuch another finne: Paul wiflitthem 
cutoff that troubled the Calatians. He de- 
livered Blafphemers up to Satan. All this 
(hews that it is not true, tY&tChrift only U to 
jndge&ch Errours, cr that we are to give ac- 
count to 'him alone. (And if Pallors may 
judge them as to . non-communion , Magi- 
strates may judge them as to a necellary re- 
ftraint. ) 

Hence alfo it is apparent, that Pauls words 
Rom. 14. Who art thou that jud^efi thy Bro- 
ther , &c. are nothing for this Lfoertinifme, or 
dtbafing of the Magiftrate : For he fpeaketh 
not to them that cali'd their Brethren to the Ma* 
giftmes Barre^but to them that cenfured them 
in their own minds, or in the Church by too 
rigorous uncharitable cenfures : And yet no- 
thing is more apparent then that Paul did fe- 
vetely cenfure greater errours inFaith and Wor- 
iliip himfelf, as tbeforementioned paffages bar 

c a witneile; 

An Addition to the Preface. 

witnefle: He calls the Judaizefrs, dogs, evil 
workers, of the concifton, &c. The whole con- 
text (hews, that in Rom. 14, and 15. it is about 
("mailer matters, yea things in themfelves in- 
different, that Paul doth condemn thecenfuring 
of our Brethren, either by mental orChurch- 
cenfure, which is nothing to the fubverfion of 
mens Faith, by damning Herefies, or to falfc 
Worfhip in the great fubftantial Points, 

Object. But he that faith, that we mufi give 
account to Chrifi- alone, excludeth not the Church, 
hut only the Magiftrate : For Chrifi judgeth 
by the Church, and they are fnbordinate to 

Anfrv. i.Itisexprefsly £ the judgment feats 
cf men'} that by the Authouris contradiiiin- 
guifhed to the judgment of Chrifi: Ahd the 
Church, both Paftours and People are men, as 
well as the Magiftrate. 2. The Magiftrate 
alfois iheMinifier of the Lord, Rom.ii. and 
what he doth rightly is owned by the Lofd, and 
he is fubordinate to Chriil in his placets well as 
Minifters are in theirs. 

11. The honourable Author tell us Pag.n. 
that £ the de fired and expected end of this bleffed 
work in the three Nattonsy is the bringing in 
Chritt, the defire of Nations as the chief Ruler 
Among us. 3 Yea Pag. 19. That the choice of 
ferjons bearing his Image into the Magiftracy, 


An Addition to the Preface. 
may produce to the Jetting up of the Lord himfelf 
and chief ^udge and Lawgiver among us,'] Now 
either he meaneth that Chrift immediately 
by himfelf lliall be the Judge , or mediately 
by his officers The firft cannot be his fenfe, 
as I have many reafons to believe. And if ic 
be Chrift by his officers , then either by Ci- 
vil officers , or church-officers. The firft 
cannot rationally be judged to be his fenfe : For 
a Holy Magiftrate is fuppofed to be the Means 
to bring in Chrift as Judge : and the Means and 
End are not the fame. And if it be the Go- 
vernment of Chrifts by Cbitrcb-officers,t\m is 
intended, I know not in particnlar what is in- 
tended. For if neither the Government by 
Biihops, Presbyters, People, or all conjunct, 
or any that we have had in England,be the Go- 
vernment of Chrift, I know not what Govern- 
ment by man we can expeft that is truly his : 
And therefore if we have not the Government 
of Chrift already, I defpair of having it 
( Though I hope we may have it better exer- 
cifed by his Officers. ) For I dare confidently 
fay, that the Government by the Romane Vice- 
Chrifiyis none of the Government of Christ that 
we Jhould :hofe for 7 and that I have f roved 

But this is my Argument: If the Legiflati- 
onand Judgment by Jefus Chrift among us be 

c 3 "the 

An Addition to the Preface. 

the End that our Government (hould aim at, 
then the liberty in all matters of Worfliip, and 
of Faith, is not the Good Caufc $ for this is 
againft, and moft inconfiflent with this Go- 
vernment of Chrift. I appeal to Reafon,wbe- 
ther to give men liberty to preach down Chrift 
as a deceiver, to preach up Mahomet, to wor- 
ship th? Sun or Moon, to deny the Refurre&i- 
on, or perfwade men that there is no life but 
this,no Heaven or Hell, and to cry down Scrip- 
ture and a holy life, and all aftual worfhip of 
God, &c. I fay , whether liberty for thefe 
( yea or the MafTe alone ) be liker to be the 
Government of Jefus Chrift, or conducing to 
it, then is the reftraintof all this Infidelity and 
impiety < Doth Chrift rule more when all we 
have leave to fpit at his Name, and call him 
Beelzebub y and to deny his Faith and Worfliip, 
then where none are fuffered to do this * This 
will be believed but by few that confider of it. 
At leaft when a Chriftian thar's now deluded 
with the fpecious name of Religious Liberty, 
fhbuld fee the pra&ice, and hear his Saviour re- 
viled by the Jews, and the Mahometans, and 
the wicked heardened in their finne, by being 
told that there is no life but this, it would make 
his heartto turn and tremble,and then he would 
fay, that this Liberty fignifieth the Reign of 
Satan, and not of Chrift j and that it is the 


An Addition to the Preface. 

loofing of the Dragon, and no: the liberty or. 
the Saints. It's an unholy Saint that would 
have liberty to reproach his Lord, or deny the 
Faith, or any EfTential Article of it, or to {peak 
againft his holy Worihip. 

1 2 . Liberty in all- matters of Worjhip and of 
Faith, is the open and apparent way to fet up 
Popery in the Land : Therefore it is not the Goed 

The Antecedent hath fuch evidence, that 
it would be injurious to a wife mans under- 
ftanding, to fuppofe that he doth not fee it 
(that Popery were thus likely to be fet up. ) 
And he that feeth it, and yet would effect 

Confider i. How futable Popery is to a car- 
nal inclination, (as I have manifeited elfcwhere.) 
2. What plaufible Reafons Papifts have to de- 
lude poor fouls, from pretended Univerfality, 
Antiquity, efc. 3. And how few of the vul- 
gar are able to defend their Faith, or to anfwer 
the two great Sophifticall Queitions of the Pa- 
pill, Where hath your Church been Vifibleinalt 
Ages f and, How prove you the Scripture to be 
the Word of God? 4. And how it will take 
with the People to be told that their Fore-fa- 
thers all died in the Roinane Faith. 5. And 
above all, what a multi tude of Jefuites, Fryers, 
*nd Prieftscan they prepare for the work, and 

c 4 pour 

An Addition to the Preface. 
pour out upon us at their pleafure, from Flin- 
ders, France^ Rome, and other places. An J 
how tftefe men are purpofely trained up for 
this deceiving work, and have their common 
Arguments at their fingers ends •, which though 
they are thredbare and tranfparent fallicies to 
the wife, yet to the vulgar, yea to our unftudy- 
ed Gentry, they are as good as if they had ne- 
ver been confuted, or as the beft. 6. And 
what a world of wealth and fecular help is at 
their becks in France \F landers, It aly,S fain, Ger- 
many, dec. They have Millions of Gold,and Na- 
vies and Armies ready to promote their work, 
which other Se&s have none of. 7. And what 
worldly Motives have their Priefts and Fryers 
to promote their zeal i Their fuperiours have 
iuch variety of Preferments, nnd ample Trea- 
fures to reward them with, and their fingle life 
alloweth them fo much vacancy from Dome- 
ftick avocations , and withall, they fo much 
glory in a Pharifaicall zeal in compaffing Sea 
and Land to make Profely tes, that it is an in- 
credible advantage that they get by their indu- 
flry : the envious man by them being fowins his 
tares, whileft others deep, aad afbaot half fo 
Induftrious in refilling them. 

8. What abundance have they lately won 
in England, notwithftanding they have wanted 
publique liber ty,and have ooly taken fecret op- 


An Addition to the Preface. 

portunities to feduce i Perfons of the Nobili- 
ty, Gentry, and of the Clergy, as well as of 
the common people,, and zealous Profeflbrs of 
Religion of late, as well as the prophane have 
beenfeduced by them. Princes in other Coun- 
tries have been wonne by them $ and the Pro- 
teftant Religion cunningly workt out: And 
what a lamentable encreafe they had made ia 
England before our Warres, by that conni- 
vance and favour which through the Queen was 
procured them , ( though incomparably ihort 
of this abfolute Liberty ) is fufficiently 

9. And it is not the leaft of our danger , 
that the moft of our Miniftersare unable to 
deal with a cunning Jefuite or Prieil : And this 
is not to be wondered at •, confidering how ma- 
nay of them are very young men, put in of 
late in the neceffity of the Churches ( which 
the world knows who have caufed ) and there 
muft bz time, before young men can grow to 
maturity, and an unfurnifhed Nation can be 
provided with able experienced men •, And the 
cetiation of Popifh aflaults of late,hath difufed 
Minifters frcto thofe Difputations : The Re- 
formation feemed to have brought down Po- 
pery fo low, that we grew fecure, and thought 
there was no danger o? it : And the Papifts of 
late have forboja much to meddle with us 


An Addition to the Preface. 

bare-f ac'd, and have plaid their game under the 
vizor of otherSe&s^ and withall young godly 
Minifters hare been fo taken up with the great- 
er work of winning fouls from common pro- 
phanenelle, that moft have laid by their Defen- 
five Arms, and are grown too much unac- 
quainted with thefe Controversies. We have 
fo much noted how Controverfie in other 
Countries hath eaten out much of the Power 
of GodlinefTe, that we have fallen by difufe into 
an unacquaintednelfe with the means of our ne- 
cefiary Defence •, and while we thought we 
might lay by our weapons, and build with both 
hands, we are too much unready to withftand 
the adverfary. Alas, what work would Li- 
berty for Jefuites and Fryers, make in our 
Congregations in a few Monethsfpace ! I muft 
confefs this, though fome will think it is our di- 
shonour. It is not from any ftrength in their 
Caufe ( for they argue againft common fenfe 
it felf ^ ) but from their carnal advantages, and 
our difadvantages fore-mentioned. It's eafier 
f o pull down then build - 7 and to fet a Town on 
fire than to re-edifie one Houfe $ and to wound 
than to heal* 

10. And then if Popery (hould come in, 
what meafure Proteftants may look for at their 
hands, we need not go out otEngUxdznd Ire- 
land for proof. 


An Addition to the Preface. 

I leave it therefore to the Judgment of all 
men that are not faft afleep in their fecurity, and 
utterly unacquainted with the advantages of the 
Papifts, Whether this Define of Engaging the 
Magifirates by a Fundamental Confiitution, not 
to meddle with Matters of Faith and Worjhip, 
hut leave them all to Chrifi alonty be not the 
frefem fetting up of Popery in England 5 and 
the delivering all the fruit of our La- 
bours, Prayers and Vi&ories into the Papifts 
hands { 

And I would be refolved, Whether he that 
is not wife enough to know this ? Or, He that 
knoweth it, and yet would do it f Be either of 
them deftrable Rulers for this Common- 

Obj. But Liberty for Popery and Prelacy 8 
Still excepted. 

Anfw. By whom < Not by the Honourable 
Anfwerer of the Healing Queftion. Clean 
contrary, it is [ Matters of Religion, or that 
concerns the Service and Worjhip of God, yea 
All matters of Gods Worjhip , ice. ~j without 
any fuch exceptions at all. And if all Worjhip 
be out of the Magifirates reach, than fo is the 
Majfe^ and the preaching for it. And if 
all Matters of Faith, then the Papifts 

But if there had been aa exception againft Po- 

An Addition to the Preface. 
pery put in, it would have been to little pur- 
pofe, as long as a general Rule is laid down that 
condenineth that exception. For if it be the 
ftanding Rule, that matters ot Religion and 
Faith, and all matters of Worship are out of 
the Magtflrates power : To fay then, that Po- 
pery fiall be excepted from Liberty, is to fay, 
The Magiftrate. ihall £ intrude into the. proper 
office of Chrip 3 ( as the Honourable Author 
fpeaks,^*g\6.) to reftrain the Papifts. The 
unr>: ifonablenefle of this will quickly procure a 
repeal. And how can fuch a Senate deny the 
Papifts Liberty , when they plead their own 
Principles, yea their Fundamental Conftituti- 
on for it i It's paft doubt this Do&rine deliver- 
eth up England to the Pope : I know Infidels, 
and alfo many tolerable Se&s are all at work as 
well as Papifts : But Infidels go againft fo much, 
fo clear prevailing light, and make fuch a hor- 
rid motion to mens fouls, and the tolerable 
Se<5h are broken into fo many parts, and with- 
all would ufe us tolerably, if they (hould pre- 
vail, and all of them are void of thofe Maga- 
zines of Learned men, and Money, and Arms, 
and Power at their backs, which the Papifts 
have, that it's eafie to fee that the Papifts ( yet 
fmiling on the Infidel > would fwallow up all. 
I am paft doubt that I (hall offend by thefe cx- 
pVeffions, But if it were my own cafe,I fhould 


An Addition to the Preface 
hardly yeeld to die, left my friend would take 
it unkindly, if Irefiftcdhim, that would ami- 
cably deprive me of my life. And fhould I fi- 
lently fee the Nation and Churches here un- 
done, left I give offence, when the matter is 
of greater confequence than ten thoufand 
lives i 

So much to the Old Caufe : now of the 
Per Jons. 

Prop. 7. It is not the Party that hath own- 
ed, and now owneth the fore-aefcribe& Cau[e, 
that have the Right of being free Citizen*, 
or of Compofing the Commonwealth , or of Go* 
verning or chooftng Governours, any more than 
thofe that own it not : Nor is any man to be 
dive fed of this Right , for not owning this 
Caufe : And ihould that Party only take them- 
felves for the free Ele&ors of our Parliament, 
and divert all others of their freedom, it would 
be one of the moft tyrannical, impious, perfi- 
dious ads, that Hiftory ever revealed to the 
world, and would prepare for the perpetuall 
ftiame of the Agents (to fay nothing of the mi- 
fery of their fouls.) 

I prove it. 1. Falfhood and wickednefTe 
can give none aright to Chufe, or to Govern, 
nor can the want of it prove men void of that 
Right : But the Caufe here defer ibed isfalfe and 
wicked: The firft branch of it £ That the Peo- 

An Addition to the Preface* 

pie have the natural proper Soveraignty. ] I 
have proved falfe in this Book: But yet I infift 
not fo much on this, i. Becaufe it is but £ Li- 
lerty of choice"] which we all maintain, that fome 
men mifcall by the name of [_Soveraignty.~] But 
for thofe that mean ill, as well asjpeak ill, their 
opinion fubverteth the foundations of Govern-^ 

And the other part of the Caufe [ thcllni- 
vtrfal Liberty in matters of Faith and Worfhip, 
dnd the nullity of the Duty and Power of the 
Magistrate herein ] I have proved it ( and hope 
to do more fully ) to be a wicked Caufe. And 
if none fhall have Power or Liberty in the 
Commonwealth', but thofe that own fuch a 
wicked Caufe, let the world judge on what 
grounds you go, and what kind of Common- 
wealth we (hall have conftituted. 

2. By this Rule (of confining Power and 
Liberty to the owners of the fore-defcribed 
Caufe) the Old Parliament muft be excluded 
from all Power and Liberty, and fo made 
flaves: For they fully fignified their Judg- 
ment to be againft it : Not only in all the fore- 
mentioned waies and ads, butj alfo by Aftsor 
Ordinances aginft prophane Swearing, and for 
the holy observation of the Lords Bay, and divers 
the like about Religion. 

3- And all the Parliaments that have been 


An Addition to the Preface. 
ever fince ( that which the people chofe not, { 
call not'a Parliament : ) have all difcovered their 
Judgments againft this Caufe. 

4. So did the old Lord Prote&or Cor Gene- 
ral, which you mil) in his time. 

5. So did all the Parliaments in King J-ames 
and the beginning of King Charles his time, 
that madefuch ado againft the connivance at^ 
and encreafe of Popery and Arminianifm ( & 
you may fee in Mr. Buftworiks Collections : ) 
And were none of thefe fit to be exempted 
from flavery, and to be free men in a Common- 
wealth i 

6. This very Parliament as it was before 
its diffolution, declared themfelves of another 
mind^ and medled with matters of Religion and 
Worlhip, as in many inftances I can quickly 

7. The Army according to this Rule, muft 
be enflaved. and deprived of Liberty and Pow> 
er. For they have more than once declared 
themfelves againft this Univerfal Liberty in Re- 
ligion, Firft in their Agreement of the People, 
and then in the Injlrument of Government $ and 
now in their Propojals to this Parliament, they 
exclude from Liberty ,Popery,and Pre lacy ^nd all 
that profefi not Faith in God by JefusChrifl, or 
in the Trinity 5 and that profeffe m to believe 
the holy Scriptures. And it the Anpy alfo 


An Addition to the Preface. 

muft be denied Liberty, who ihall have it i 
when yet you defcribe the^W Party by their 
adhering to the Army? Even in this caufcj, 
which the Army was againft? They were in- 
deed for too much Liberty, but not for fuch a 
Liberty as this. 

8. The fame I may fay of all thofe Judges 
and Citizens of London, and other perfonsof 
quality, that owned the Inflrument of Govern- 

g. Yea, 1 may boldly fay, That it is the 
farre greateft part of the godly in the Land that 
muft be disfranchized by this Rule : For the far 
greateft part of them abhorre the thoughts of 
Liberty for the Ma(Je 7 and for preaching up 
Popery, Mahomet anijm or Infidelity: Molt ot 
them defired the Acts for the Lords Diy , 
which fheweth that they are for no fuch Li- 

10. And if it were a juft and pious opinion, 
yet there is nothing in it, that our Liberties 
fhould lie upon. It men have a natural Right 
to their Liberties, as you intimate ^ how can 
it be proved that this Right is loft to all that do 
not thus debafe the Magiftrate, and arc not {or 
fuch extended Liberty i We may differ much 
more than this I hope, without forfeiting our 
Civil Liberties. Good men are as lyable to 
differ in judgment about a point in Politicks 
« (^whict 

An Addition to the Preface. 

( which is little ftndied by them ) as of Religi- 
on: And in Religion it felf^ if other differen- 
ces deprive us not of Liberty, why fhouid this 
only be thought fufficient. If one that belie- 
vetb not a life to come, may have< Liberty ^ 
why may not one who thinks thatfuch fiouldnot 
be tolerated to fr of agate their unbelief? Are 
thofe uncapable of Liberty in England,t\\zt have 
Liberty in all other Chriftian Commonwealths'; 
And are thofe uncapable of Liberty in England 
now, under the intended Commonwealth,that 
have hitherto enjoyed it, and confuted the 
Commonwealth? We (hall then fee how Li- 
berty is promoted. 

Prop. 8. Conqneft doth give neither the Ar- 
m% northe friends of the j ore- described Caufe, 
any Soveraignty,or Right to deprive us of our Li- 
berty that dtforvns that Caufcor any Right to Rule 
us,.or % to Refijl our Rulers. 

I prove it thus : i. They fought and con- 
quered but in the capacity of Subjefts % and 
therefore could win no more then the Rights of 
$ubje&s to themfelves.They fought not for $o~ 
veraignty to themfelves, therefore they won no, 
Soveraignty to themfelves. I (ijppofe they will 
not fay, they fought for it - 7 nor { fir more than 
the Securing and Improving of the Rights and 
Liberties which they had before. 

2. What Armies win ( befide their pay andt 
£ iawtv.U 

An Addition to the Preface. 
lawfull prize) they win for their lawful! Go- 
vernours. under whofe Authority they fight, 
and not for them(elves. If Towns and Ca- 
ftles won by Warre be not the Armies, but 
the Civil Powers under whom they ferve,much 
lefife is Soveraignty theirs by Conqueft. If 
any could win it by Conqueft it was the Parlia- ' 
ment, to whom the Souldiers did profefle fub- 

3. The Parliament that had a part in the So- 
veraignty were not ( juftly ) conquered by the 
Army : Therefore the Soveraignty could not 
be won from them by the Conqueft. For the 
Parliament had no Warre with the Army, or 
none wherein the Army could have a juft Caufe 
and pretence of Conqueft, 

4. It is the Peoples Right to choofe their 

But the People of England ( befides the 
Cavaliers ) were not conquered by the Army : 
Therefore they have notloft their Right by be- 
ing conquered, nor can be denied the exercife 
ot it, nor can any pretend a Power ot Ruling 
rhem by Conqueft without their choice. 

1 . That we are not conquered by the Army 
i* p&ift, in chat we never tought againft them, 
; he! therefore could not be conquered by 

2. In that many of us fought for our Liber- 
ties as w ell as they. Obj, 

An Addition ta the Preftee. 

Obj. Bnt the Army were not Mercenary Soul- 
diers, and therefore are mt tied to the Lam of 

Anfve. Either the meaning is, that they ne- 
ver took pay, or elfe that they made not their 
pay their ultimate end. The firfl will not be 
laid or believed. The fecond is a fecret of the 
Heart : but charity binds us to believe it to be 
true: For it is a hard Queition, Whether/^ 
a mercenary Souldier that kills men meerlyfor 
eight pence,or two {hillings fix pence a day ( or 
more ) be not as bad as a Cannibal, that killeth 
them to eat. Sure we are he is unworthy the 
name of a Chriftian, if not of a man. And 
it's no good confequence, that men have acqui- 
red Soveraignty, or a Right to Refill the So- 
veraign , becaufe they were not fo inhumane. 
And yet none can fpeak fuch things certainly of 
ajiy but himfelf,becaufe we know not the hearts 
of others. 

2. But ftill they fought as Subjects, though 
not as fuch Mercenary Soiddiers^ and therefore 
as Subjetls they were bouad to continue in Obe- 
dience tor confcience fake. 

5. If Conqueft be a Title either to Rule, of 
rifift Rulers, then it is either the General only, 
or the Army under him that hath won to them- 
felves this Right. It the Gentrd enly, then 
thr Army are ncverthelefs Subjects (till: If to 


An Addition to the Preface. 

the Amy 7 then cither to the officers only, or 
to the common Souldiers. To the officers only 
it cannot be ^ for the fame reafon thac will put 
by the General from that Soveraign or Right, 
will fttt by them. And if it did not, how (hould 
we know whether it were All the officers y or 
which of them*. If it be the common Souldiers 
that have won the Soveraignty , and fo it is 
in the Major Vote, why then do the Officers 
prefume to command them i Yea then they 
muft be Ruled by them, as their Supream Go- 

6. If Conqueft were a Title to Soveraign- 
ty it would belong to all that conquered : And 
I doubt not but there are ten., if not twenty 
Souldiers in theCountrey that have laid down 
Arms fince the enemy was conquered, for one 
that is yet remaining in the Army that had a 
part in that Conqueft. 

7. If Conqueft were fuch a Title, I have 
reafon to believe that it is but a fmall part of the 
Army comparatively that have that Title, as 
being not in the Army at the Conqueft : I be- 
lieve that moft of them are fince come in,or ve- 
ry many at leaft. 

8. You fay that the Good People not in 
Arms, owning the fapieCaufe, have the fame 
Right: Therefore it is not meerly by Con- 
eucftv For they conquered not fo much as we 


'An Addition to the Preface, 

that continued in the Army, till the firft Warre 
was ended. 

9. The trefent Officers at this lafi Change 
were not ail of a mind, that yet had an equal 
hand in Conqueft. And how comes an Opini- 
on to make one part of the Conquerours to be 
the Rulers of the reft t 

10. If Conqueft gave the Army Power to 
Rule or Reiift, then it feems they had juft 
Power to put out this Parliament when they 
did it, and may do fo again, if they think it 
beft: And may they do fo by all future Par- 
liaments in their time, or not ? If not, how 
come they to have more Power over that Par- 
liament \v\i\ch they ferved under, than over o- 
thers i If they have fuch Power over all, then 
why do they not tell us fo, and exercife the Go- 
vernment themfelves. 

In a word, here is no room for any rational 
plea for a Right of Soveraignty by Conqueft. 
And if there were, it would be in the Majo- 
rity of the Conquerours, that are not in the 
Army. And if there be no Right ef Sove- 
raignty, there muft be Subjeftion, and no 
more Right of Refifting than other Subjects 
have. And if it be confined to the owners of 
the fore-defcribed Cauje, then the Army is 
excluded, that hath difowned that Caufe : Or 
if they did own it, it feems they would lofe 
d 3 their 

An Addition to the Freface. 

their Power, when ever they fhould change their 

Teach not all Armies ( that fay they have 
higher ends than money ) to take themfelves 
for the Conqueroars of their Soveraigns : And 
teach not future Parliaments that Do&rine, 
left they choofe a cheaper flavery from the ene- 
my D rather than theraifingof an Army to depofe 

In all this, I pretend not that the Honou- 
rable Authour is any further againft my Pro- 
potitions, than his plain expreffions fatif- 
tie the Reader: For I am not fure in 
this point of Conqueft that I well underftand 

But I may fafely conclude. That they that 
go againft \_ the Laws and Conftitutions of 
Government ] and take [ Succejje and Con- 
quest for their Law ] and Q their military 
capacity for their utmoft and Lift referve, in 
cafe all other fail, ~] ( : >s he (peaks, pag.g. ) 
have a lamentable Qiufe , and fetting their 
wifdome againft the Lords, and making their 
conceits or intereft their Law, do fall under the 
terrible Threatnings of the Word, againft the 
Refifters of Authority. 

Prop. 9. They that pretend £ the imv.tr d 
warrant cf J-nflice and Ki'?hteeufne(fe~] ( z$ 
hefpeaketh^. 9. J and \^the inward reajon 


An Addition to the Preface. 

And fpirit of Government ] for the violation 
if Laws or Confiitutions , or Refifiing of. 
Authority, as being above £ the Letter, Form, 
outward circumflances, and empty Jbadows ~] do 
reject the Government of the Lord, and become 
their own Governonrs. ] 

Reafon i. The Rule of Righteoufnefle is 
without us in the Laws^ and there can be no 
fuch thing as an Inward Righteoufnefle, which 
is contrary to that outward Law, the Rule 
of Righteoufnefle. There can be no fuch 
thing as an inward Righteoufnefle > that is 
not conformed to the Rule of Righteouf- 
nefle, becaufe that conformity is its eflential 

2. It it be the Intention of a good end, 
that ts here meant by the Inward Reafon and 
fpirit of Government 2 it's commonly known 
that the means muft be good as well as the 
end-, and that a Good end will not juftifie bad 

3. Were it the proper fenfe of the Law that 
is called [ the reafon and faint of it 3 that's di- 
ftinguiihed from the Letter, we (hould all ac- 
knowledge, that the fenfe is the Law, and the 
Letter is but to fignifie the fenfe or mat- 
ter: So that all would not have failed , to 
caft them on their military capacity as a lafre- 

d 4 4. We 

An Addition to the Frefacel 

4. We all Jconfefle that there are cafes in 
which the Law of God may nullifie contradict- 
ing Laws of men, and the end being of Gods 
appointment, and the means but of mans, or 
clfe but of Pofitive inftitution , when the 
means ceafeth to be a means, and is inconfiftent 
with the end, it may ceafe to be a duty* But 
1. That will not allow men to fet up means 
of their own, forbidden by God ^ and to do 
evil that good may come by it. 2. And I 
have proved that it muft be a greater neceffity 
than any could be here pretended. As it is 
dangerous pretending a Neceffity of Violating 
other Laws as in the Letter-, and to murder, 
commit adultery, fteal , bear falfe witneffe, 
upon that pretence •, fo it is dangerous as to dif- 
honour our Natural or Civil Father, or Refift 
them", much more to depofe them, on fuch a 
pretence, where there is not indeed a warranting 

I long thought that the too eafie pleading 
the Reafon and fpirit of Gods Laws and Or- 
dinances of Worfliip againft the Letter and 
Form, would grow to the like afage of Ma- 
giftracy and mans Laws. But what God hath 
joyned, no man fhould feperate. As the Bo- 
dy may be kept under, and ufedasa fervant to 
the foul , when yet to feperate them is felf- 
jxmrder 3 and as the outward Ordinances of 


An Addition to the Preface. 

Worship muft be ufed in a fubferviency to the 
internal graces of the Spirit $ but not be caft off 
on fuppofition that they are hinderances : So 
Magiftratesand their Laws muft be obeyed in 
a fubordination to God and his Laws 5 but 
not caft off, refilled, or depofed, without and 
againft the Authority of the Univerfal Sove- 

But if all this were other wife, yet the own- 
ers of the fore-defcribed ( evil YCaufe y have 
nothing from the Spirit and Reak of Govern- 
• ment, againft them that have th^Vifdom and 
Honefty to difown it. 

Yea, if menflioald really do good to a Na- 
tion by fuch unwarrantable Refiftance, it 
will not juftifie them from the guilt of the 

Prop. 10. For all this the Honourable Author 
dothaffert, (pag. 10,) That £ unto the wisdom 
of the Laws and Orders of the Soveraign judica- 
ture, the Sword is to become mofi entirely fab- 
]ttt and fttbfcrviem : ] Therefore fo [bouldyour 
Sword have been to the Parliament that vert vio- 

They are no fmall fruits that would be pro- 
cured by your conviction, if thefe evident Rea- 
fons might prevail for your Repentance* 

1. Your fouls would be faved from the 
' guilt* 

v . • z. Thoufands 

An Addition to the Preface. 

2.Thou(knds may be faved from making the 
fume their own by anafter-coftfent or approba- 

$. You will ftop here,and go on no further, 
and no longer keep out fo many faithfull Mem- 
bers, under the name of the corrupt Majori- 
ty, And when we are fet in joynt again, by 
your .Reftitution to your Subje&ion and Inte- 
grity, and our Rulers Reftitution to their 
Power and Truft, and the Peoples Reftitution 
to their RigtAnd Liberties,our Peace and fafe- 
ty will be Reftored. 

As I was concluding, I received two Wri- 
tings : One by Mr. Harrington, expreffing his 
juft indignation againft-an Oligarchy, or the fet- 
ting up of a felt- conceited Party, in ftead of a 
true Commonwealth*. The other to Mr* Har- 
rington in a Letter ( of the fame ftyle with 
the Anfwer to the Healing gueftion) plead- 
ing for the Godly s Inter eft , and a Senate to 
have the Propoftng and Executive Power. I 
leave it to the Reader, whether the way I here 
hold be not the true Mean between the cx- 
treams < That All be acknowledged free Ci- 
tizens, that jfubjeft themfelves to God in 
Chrift, and td the true Soveraign Power : yet 
fo as that wickednefle forfeit their Li- 

Anchve muft e^rneftly crave, that the God- 


An Addition to ihc Preface. 

ly Party may not be defined by the fore- men- 
tioned points of the ill Caufe ( Popular Sove- 
raignty, and common Liberty in all matters of 
Worfhip, and of Faith, as things without the 
reach of Magiftrates. ) The lefle Humility, 
the leffe GodlinefTe : But how little Humility 
have they that take all to be ungodly through 
the Land, that agree not with them in this bad 
opinion i It is Q the whole Party of Honefi 
men 3 that the Authour of the Healing <%ue- 
ftion would have one civil Incorporation, pag # 
ii. where he ibevvs the danger to [the Army 
and their Governours, that may come by fa- 
ting and keeping up themselves in a divided 
inter eft from the reft of the Btdy of Hone ft 
men. ~] But he that can confine the whole body 
of hone ft men? to fo narrow a room as the Own- 
ers of the aforefaid Caufe, will give away one of 
his beft Arguments ( his Chanty ) by which he 
(hould prove himfelf an Honeft man. 

And we as earneftly crave, that neither fuch 
a Senate, nor any other new form of Govern- 
ment, b? impofed on the Nation or fet up with- 
out their free confent. 

And if thefe juft demands fhould be denied 
us, and we fhould be unrighreoufly enflaved by ' 
our Brethren, we Appeal to the Jufticeof the 
moft righteous God. 

The fnare is here laid fo open to our eyes 

( even 

An Addition to the Preface, 

I even the Defign to fet up a party over us, that 
by a Fundamental Conftitution (hall be engaged 
to debafe the Magiftracy, and let in Popery and 
Impiety upon the Land,) that nothing but force 
can procure the Body of the Nation to Confent. 
If ever fo vile a thing be done, and the name of 
Liberty or Commonwealth, be ufed as a fcora 
to an enflaved Peace, the Lord be Judge be- 
tween us and our Oppreffours. 


Adam Cont^en the Tefuites Di- 
rections for Preferring 
and Reftoring Popery 
and ChangingReligion in 
a Nation, before the Peo- 
ple are awake : In his Poli- 
ticks, Lib. z.cap. 1 6, 1 7, 1 8. 

Cap. XVI. 

IStojhewthat Princes mujl determine of no- 
thing in Religion,as having Power to defend 
that which the Pope determineth of but no 
fewer to appoint or change any thing themselves ' 
or judge of Controversies , as pag. 673. The 
Church mufi Judge, And the Prince mufi Exe- 


The Jefuites Dire&ions 

Cap. XVII. 

Is to (hew 7 That to prefervc Religion, that is, 
Topery where it is, no ether Religion fhould he 
•permitted: and that Riches tend much toftrength- 
en the Clergy and preserve Religion : And {coin- 
ing the poverty of Proteftant Minifters, faith, 
That after their frjl attempts, their Mini ft ry de- 
clineth into meer contempt ', and that poverty and 
neceftity forceth them to pleafe the people. Lajl- 
ly, he perfwadeth to fpeedy punifhing of the er- 
roneous, and cutting them off in the firft appear* 
ance, and to prohibit their Bonks , and to take heed 
of Julian's device, of deftroying Religion by Li- 
berty for all Sects : ( Thus they do in Spain,Ita- 
ly, Auftria, Bavaria : 8cc. ) 

Cap. XVIII. 

The way to bring in Popery, and work out the 
P rot eft ant Religion, he thus defcribeth : 

I. That things be carried on by (low but jure 
proceedings, as aMaftcian tunes his Inftmment 
by degrees : Lofe no opportunity •, but yet do not 
precipitate the wotk. 

R. 2. Let no Prince that is willing deft air : 
for it u an eafie thing to change Religion. For 
ivhenthe common people area while taken with 
Novelties and diver fit e> cf Religion , they will 
Jit down and be aweary, and give up themfelves to 
their Rulers wills. 

R t 3. The Doctors and leading P afters mutt be 


for Reftoring Popery. 

futout: but if that may be all at once : but if that 
cannot be Jet it be by flow degrees* When the Lead- 
ers are down all will fubmit. 

Here he pretends the examples of fome Prin- 
ces that expelled Lutheranifm, and giveth his 
advice under the cover of inftances : 

i # The pnrpofe of changing Religion, and ex- 
tir fating Lutheranifm, mull be concealed : Not 
but thatfome of the wifer fort may know it, but 
the People mujl not, left it Jhould mcv* 

2. Somemufl be fubornedto beg importunate- 
ly of the Prince for Liberty to exercife their Reli- 
gion, and that with many and gentle words, that 
Jo the People may thigh the Prince is not enclined 
to Novelty, but only to Lenity, and to a tender- 
ne(Jefor tender confciences, and that he doth it 
not as from himfelf. For the Vulgar ufe to com- 
mend a Prince, that cannot deny the Subjects their 
tie fires, though they arejuch as were fit to be de* 

3. One or two Churches only muft be de fired at 
firfi, as being fofmall a matter, that the people 
will not much regard. 

4. When the Zeal of Profeffours begins to rife 
againfi the change, they are to be pacified by ad- 
mitting both parties to conference before tbt Go- 

5. Let they: he a Decree f$r Pacification, that 


The Jefuites Dire&ions 
$ne^ party do not rail at the other, nor calum? 
niate them. And \o the errours that are ib 
he brought in wiU have great advantage, when 
they are covered , and may not he contract- 
Bed, or [o much as named : And Jo the Ra- 
ters will be thought to be onely Lovers of 
Peace , and not to intend a change of Reli- 

6. Next that let there be fome pnbUcJe Di- 
fyutatiori between the Parties , but with 
fome difadvantage to them that are to be 

7. Let all this be done but on pretence 
that the fever al Parties may be joyned loving- 
ly together in Peace : And when the Mini- 
sters refufe this , let them be accufed of un- 
peaceableneffe , and pride , and objiinacy , arid 
dif obedience againfi the Magi fir ate, and not for 
their Religion. 

8. When it comes to the putting out of 
fome Miniflers , and the People begin to Pe- 
tition for them , let the matter be carried fi- 
lentty ; and in the mean time , let the People 
be told , that it is because thofe Miniflers are: 
heady, ob (I in ate men •, that the People may be 
perfvaded that the Minifiers are faulty, and 
have deferved it , and may be put one~ 
ly to defire Liberty for the more Peaceable 


for Reftoring Popery; 

9. When thus the people are deluded, and there 
is no danger of a re ft flame, then turn the Minifters 
mt of the Churches , and put in thofe that you 
would fet up in their ftead. 

10. Then change the Univerftties, and tell all 
\he Fellows and J Scholars ', that theyfhall hold their 
places if they will turn, elfe not, &c. many will 
change Religion with the Rulers. 

11. Next he inftanceth in Aafia where the 
Prince pretended, that all the Profefjors and Mi- 
ni fiers places were void at the death of his P re- 
dec eft or, and he had the diftcfall of them i by 

12. And the change was there made ( as he 
pretends) by flow degrees, one or two Opinions 
only changed at the frft,dnd not the whole contro- 
verted part of the Religion - 7 andfo the people wiU 
think it hut as a [mall matter to yield in one or two 
Opinions, and he eafily brought to obey. 

13. Laftly, They fall to writing againfi each c- 
ther^ and thofe that have the Court-favour feem 
to can fit* 

All this Advice is about the third Direction ? 
I that is, how to work out the Minifters late- 
ly, which he covers under rietended inftan- 
ces of luch as have changed Religion in Ger- 

4. The fourth Rule is , To put out of Ho- 

Inours, Dignities, andpublime ofvees^ ail thofe 

The Jefultes Dire&ions 
that are mofi adverse to Popery : It is but juft that 
thofe that hinder the fafety of the Commonwealth , 
fhouldbe deprived of the honours and Riches of the 
Commonwealth, if men are depofedfor hey nous 
Crimes, why not for Blafihemy and Contempt 
ef Truth ? (you muft believe the J>efuite that 
this is the Proteftant Cafe.) if thofe of a con- 
trary Religion be left in honour and fewer, they 
m/L be able to crofs the Prince in many things, 
and encourage the People of their own Reli- 

5. The fifth Rule is , That when a Here fie 
(for fo is the Proteftant Religion to them) is 
wholly to bx rooted out, and this mujl be done by 
degrees, and in a way of re af on, and cannot be 
done by meer Command and Power, then you muft 
firft fall on thofe opinions that the Common Peo- 
ple are moft againfl, and which you can quickly 
make them think abfurd : fo he inftanceth in 
feme that would work out Lutheranifm 3 that 
fj>eak honourably of Luther, and fell on them 
only under the name of Haccians : fo the Armi- 
nians at Utrecht, when they would extirpate Cal- 
vinifme , made a Decree, that no man fhould 
Preach any thing, that feemed to make God the 
Author of fmne. Thus a Magiflrate that would 
bring i# Pcpcry, muft fall upon fuch hey nous 0- 
pimoxs, which the impudent themf elves are half 
/ijhamedof^ and bring thefe into the light that 


For Reftoring Popery. 1 

they may be odious, andfo the Teachers willlofe 
allthdr Authority, when the people fee that they 
are taken in a mamj c efl fault. 

6. Thefxth Rule to bring in Popery, anda- 
bolijh the Proteflants Religion, is, to makeufe of 
tbe Proteflants Contentions. How eafie is it ^faith 
he ) in England to bring the Puritans into Order, 
if they be forced to approve of Bifhops ? or to re- 
duce the Puritans in the Low Countries, if the 
Prince adhere to the Arminians i For the Varie- 
ty of Opinions makes them doubtfully that before 
feemed certain-, fo that when the Magi fir ate 
joy net h with one fide, he eafily overturns the other y 
and leaves the whole obnoxious : As Paul did by 
the difjention between the Pharisees and Saduces, 
joyning to one fide, he efeaped 4 This ( faith he ) 
I would principally p erf wade an Orthodox Magi- 
fir ate to ( that is 3 a PapiftJ For he may with & 
much advantage make ufe of the Proteflants dif- 
agreements, as of the Papifls Concord, toextir : 
pate Proteflants. As in Wanes, it is not only 
the skill and flrength of the Generall, but often 
alfo the Carlefneff'e of the Enemy* or his Miflahe 
that give very great advantages for fuccefje. 
When rigid Calvinifm was a(Jaulted by theLu- 
therans in the heat of the Paroxyfm, it wxs exas- 
perated, and the fuddain reflraint did much hurt :\ 
But now the Arminians have of their own accord 
let go tire hardefi part of their ri?or, and jud% t 

e z ealymiftS 

The Jefuites Dire&ions 
Calvinifts to be impious, md per fecute them in the 
very Univerfity, and in other Towns the) force 
them to banifhment *? and would venture to do more 
and Crueller things, if they were not afraid of 
the firength of the adverfe Party. Verily tf 
Prince Maurice alone did hut fl and for the Ar- 
miniafls 5 the rigor of the contra-remonftrants 
would flag-, or he broken. 

7. The feventh Rule is to forbid the Prote- 
ctants pivately orpubliquely to Afj'emble toge- 

8. The eighth Degree mufl be to proceed to fe- 
verity of Laws and puniflments : Here he en- 
deavours to prove this violence lawfully (Fire and 
fagot, is referved to the Iaft.) But this violence 
though it mufl be for the change of all, need not 
be exercifed on all. Cut off the Leaders , and the 
multitude will follow the Authority of the Rulers. 
Shame will retain [owe, and fear others, but a 
vain fecurity will prevail with mo ft, ^ when they 
know not how to help it*. Within thefe few years, 
C if he fay true, ) above anhundredthouf and have 
been turned to Popery in Vtmce^and more in Ger- 
many. Not any of the Princes ^/"Germany that 
Aid endeavour to draw ever his People to the Ca- 
tholicksj did ever find any force or Refiflance 
contrary to his Laws. Note this all you flande- 
lous Paprfts that accufe Protefbnts fo much of 
Rebellion to hide your own : Here's a ^fejuites 


for Reftoring Popery. 

Teftimony on Record for our vindication. 

His next Rule is+ The good life of the Popi/h 
Magijtrates and Clergy : ( And that let them ufe 
as much as they will.) 

Chap.19.Htf commendeth many [matter helps : 
As 3 . Mmjcky to entife people by delight. 2. To 
catife all at their marriage to profefje the Popifh 
Religion* and Jo rather then go without a Wife or 
Husband they will do it. 3. So alfo to deny to 
Protefiants Church-Priviledges, at Baptifm, Bu- 

LaHly he Concludes y That where the work mufl 
be fecretly done by degrees , the Magi f rate must 
keep the Institutions y Prefentation, Confirmation* 
and Examination of Mini ft er sin his own hand ?> 
andfo ( if he cannot cafi them out at once ) he 
mufl cafi out the moft dangerous, ( that is, the a- 
bleft Proteltant Paftours,) and put over the 
Churches? the Di [agreeing, andthofethatdonct 
mind matters of Controverfie much , and thofe 
that are addicted to their own Borne fick bufinefjes 
( worldly men, ) andfuch as are addicted to the 
Rulers : Let him coole the heat of Herefie, ( he 
means true Religion ^ ) and let him not put out 
the Unlearned: and fo their ReligiomviH grew 
into contempt. 

Let the Magi ft ate cherifh the Diffentions of the 
erring ( he means the Protectant ) Teachers : 
And let him procure thtm often to debate together* 

e 3 and 

The Jefukes Dire&ions 

and reprove one another. For fo when all men 
jee that there is nothing certain among them> they 
will eafily yield to the truth ( he means Popery.) 
And this Difcord is profitable tofhew the manners 
of thofe wicked men. For he that will read the 
Contentious Writings tff Lutherans againjl Cal- 
vinifts, or Calvinifts againjl Lutherans 3 will 
think he readeth, not the invectives of men a- 
gainfi men, hut the furies and roaring of Devils 
a^ainfl Devils. A fair warning ! But the Je- 
fuite tells you not what is done at home J From 
theft things the Ruler may talce occafion for a 
change: Let him enquire into the Original ofthefe 
accusations: And if he find them true Joe maypumjh 
the Guilty jf falfejje may punijhy(t\m is>caftout) 
the Accufers. 

I have given you the fumme, ( not the literall 
tranflation) of this Jcfuites Politicks, for the 
bringing in of Popery into a Nation : It all 
fuppofeth that the Rulers feem not to be Pa- 
pifts themfelves, that they may do this in the 

ThefummeofCamipmeltisCcuitfell, for the 
promoting of the Spanish inter eft in tngland, in 
guecn Elizabeths daks: was,\.Ab$ve all to 


for Reftoring Popery, 

treed diffentioni and discords Among our f elves. 
2. To have Seminaries inVhndo:s y thatjor the 
changing of our Religion, mayfirftfow the feeds 
efDivtfion in points of natural Sciences. 3 . By 
fuborned forreiners to promise great matters to the 
great ones here. 4. To promtfe to King. James 
the help of Spain, fo he would fet up Popery, or 
at leafl not hinder the Indian Fleet. 5. At the 
fame time to perfwade the chief Parliament men, 
to turn England into the form of a Common- 
wealth 5 by telling them that the Scots mil be 
cruell when they come to Rule tbem,&c. 6. To 
perftvade gueen Elizabeth that King James 
would revenge his Mothers Blood, &c. 7. To 
exafperaie the minds of the Bifhops againfi King 
James, by perfwading them that he was in heart a 
Papift 9 a»a would bring in Popery. And by thefe 
means the feeds of an inexplicable War will be 
fown between England and Scotland, Jo that no 
fatty will have leave to difiurbe the Spaniard. 
Or if King James prevail, he will he a friend to 
Spain. Or if the I (land be divided, or the King- 
dom made F.leffive, we fhall neither have mind 
nor Power to enlarge our Dominions : Or if the 
If and be turned into the form of a Com?non- 
wealthy it may keep contjnuall War with Scot- 
land, and mannage all its affairs fo fiowiy, as 
that they can linlehurt the Spaniard. 8. the Ca- 
tholicks here alfo are to be awaked and fined up* 

e 4 that 

The Jefuites Pire&ions 

that the Spaniard may take thefirjl opportunity to 
enter upon England undeit pretence of helping 

8. The Irifh are Per leaded to Rebellion.* Thtft 
( with the hiring of the Dutch to defend the Spa- 
nifh plate- Fleets and fall out with us, that we may 
not hinder it ) are thefumme of this Fry an defign 
againfl England* 

Their Method to win particular perfons, you 
may find in Cofterus Prctf.Encheirid. Thoma a 
JefudeconverfeGent./.8,^r.2 # §. 2. p. 544, 
545. Poflevinus Lorichius 5 ov. 

1. Be fur e to keep the Refyondents part, and not 
the Opponents. It's not fo cafe to prove, as to 
wrangle againfl Proofs. 

2. Follow them with certain ^teflions, 'which 
the vulgar are not verft in. As 1. Where was 
your Church before Luther < or where hath it been 
vifible in all ages ? 

Q^2. 'How. prove y cm that you have a true 
Scripture that is the Word of God among you ? 

QT 3 . What ex pre/ Word of God do the Cat ho- 
licks ( the Papifis ) contradict ? 

Q.4. How prove you that you have a truly 
called Mimflry, that is to be-, heard arid believed 
ly the people ? 

<\5. By what warrant did you feparate from 


for Reftoring Popery. 

the Catholick Churchy and condemn all your own 
forefathers, and all the Chri fit an world ? 

Qj5. if you will [epar ate from the Catbo- 
Uek Churchy what reafon have you to follow this 
Seci, rather than any one of all the reft ? 

Qzj. What one man can you name from the 
beginning that was in all things of Luthers or 
Calvins Options* 

0^8. Do you not fee that God doth nofblefthe 
Labours of your Minifters, but people are as bad 
as they were before ? what the better are you for 
hearing them ? 

Many morefuch filly guefliom^ they train up 
their Deceivers to fropoundandprofecute y whicha 
knowing man difcerneth eafilj to betranfiarext 
Cheats •, but the Ignorant may be gravelled by 
them. And if I find it neceftar^and have time, 
God willing I (hall furnijh we Ignorant with the 
true Refolutions. , 


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Chap. I. 

THfrtf # 4 God that is mans Creatour, pro- 
ved, p. 4. 
Chap. II. 

(70^ is the Soveraign Ruler of Mankind: proved 
and that this is in Order to another lifcs. 

p. 6. 
Chap. III. 

Of the ConfiitHtion of this Kingdom of God, 


Vindicated againfi Tho. White a Papifi. 

p. 21. 

And againfi Mr. James Harrington,^ p.45. 

Chap. IV. 

?/ the Admnifiration of this Univerjall King- 

The Contents. 

dom* p«42 

Government neeeffary by Dhine Ordination 

P-5 2 
Chap. V. 

Of a particular Commonwealth in genet all fub 

ordinate to the Univerfall p. 5 8 

'the People as fuch have no %overaigi 

Power. p.63. 

Chap. VI* 

Of the divers forts of Commonwealths. p. j6. 
That Democracy, or popular Government is n- 

fually the worfi. p. 85?. proved by twenty 

of the objective or mater tail differences of 

Governments, p. 106. ofthejuft andun]uft\ 

Limitation of the Soveraign. 

Chap. VII. 

Of the Fundation> efficient and conveying Cau- 
fes>and means of power. p. 121. God as the Uni- 
verfall Soveraign, is the Originall of all Go- 
verning fower. 
The difinlt afts by which he convey eth it tc 

Man. p. 1 24 

What's necefarj Dif}ofitively to the being oj 

Authority. p. 128, 

What providence doth tofet up or take down\ 

p. 1 34 


The Contents^ 

The Peoples part. p.lSfl 

Wicked people jhouldnot chooje Governors in 
a Chriftian Commonwealth : proved fully. 


Of forced conjent. p.181. ( many other Cafes 
through the Chapter are resolved.) 

Of Fundamental Laws, and of the conflicting 
Att. p<i82 5 i83 # 

"The People give not the Power. p. 190. 

How the Conflitution may or may not be chang- 
ed, p.ipj. 
Chap. VIII- 

of the be ft form of Government and happy eft 
Commonwealth* p. 8. 

A Theocracy or Divine Government defcrihed 7 

jo far as we may attain it. p. 2 09. 

Bow near the Church and Commonwealth 

fhould be commenf urate p. 2 1 6. 

The Reign of Chrift and the Saints on earthy 

which may be boldly promoted by us. 

No form of Government in the hands of 

wicked unfit men > will make a Common- 

tveahhfo happy, as the worft form with fit 

r. Harringtons models infxffcim to the 

ends pretended. p. 2 24. 



' The Contents. 

Chap. IX. 

How a Commonwealth may be reduced to thu The- 
ocraticall tempt > if it have advantages > 
and the Rulers and People are wiL<ng. 

P. 24*. 

Bight Rules of practice y principally to be coh- 

fidered by all that deftre a HOLY and HAP- 

PT Commmonwealth. 


Of the S over aigns power over the Pallors of the 
Churchy and of the differences of their offices. 


Where many Cajes arerefolved, aswhofhall 

judge of Controverfies and Here fie ? of 

excommunicating the chief Magiflrate . 

of Governing Minifiers, and of the Magi- 

firates duty in matters of Religion. 

9 Chap.XI. 

vf the S over aigns prerogatives, or Jura Regalia, 
or power of Governing by Laws and judge- 
ment. ¥-3 l 3' 
A Law defined, and the Definition explain- 
ed, and vindicated from fome exceptions. 


Here the Reader mufi observe, that having de- 

fined a Law in gentry in hafle I forgot to 


The Contents* 

adde the Definition of a Polieall Liw ia 
fpecie. But there needs but tno things to 
he added to the General Definition. I • That 
it be made by a Politic alls over aign^.That 
it be for a Politicall end> even the geodef 
the Commonwealth. 
Of abrogating^ and fufp ending Laws^ appoint- 
ing Magiftrates, and other Jura Majeftatis, 

Chap .XII. 

of due obedience to Rulers, and of Reftfiance : 

Rom. 13. expounded. p. 346. 

How far we muft obey^ not reftft. p. 354, &c. 
Where many cafes are refolved. 

In what Cajes we may dijobey or refiHtheper- 
fons that have power, p.375. Where many 
weight j Cafes are refolved. As about Hea- 
then Princes. P-439* 

How far we may fight for Religion. p*44i.Sa- 
ravias objections anfwered. P445- 

The Caujes and Evil of obedience. p.45*. 

Chap. XIII. 

\Mn Account of the Reafons that perfwaded me 
( and many others ) to take up Armes in 
obedience to the Parliament in the Lafe 
Wanes : Tendered for their fatis fattion 
1 that are uv^ufll-j offended through their 


The Contents. 

?nifiaking of Hhe Cafe : Or in hope of 

I greater benefit to my felf, if they can prove 

that I have erred. P456. 

Meditations upon the unexpected Neivs of the 

fe\ Viflofoing of the LJl free Parliament , and 

j owe other fafjages^A^nW 25. p«49X* 



A Hcly Common-wealth. 

If work^is not to write a Treat If e of Pc- 
Imckj ^taking in all thai s meet to le 
underftood. concerning the Jnftitution , 
Confiitmion and Ac.miniftration of a 
Common-weal : nor yet to follow the 
CMethode that would be rctfuifite for 
fuch an Undertaker', but only to lay down a few Political 
Apho rijmesy containing thofe things that are denjed or 
faffed over by [erne of the frond Pretenders to Politicks y 
that opdofing the Politician to the Divine , acquaint us 
that their Politicks are not Divine^ and consequently 
none y or worfe then noneiand alfo to clear e upfome of thofe 
things thatfeeme to me to be too darkly delivered in the 
Writings and fpeeches of many good and learned men ; 
and which the Confciences of many are much perplexed 
about y in thefe times ; to the great lofs ami hazard of 
Church and Common-wealth : And I muft begin at 
the Bottom , and touch thofe Prxcognita which the 
Politician doth pvt^uppok^becaufe I have to do with 
fomc , that will deny as much , as (hame will fuffcr 
them to deny. 

Chap. I. 
tThere is a God , that is mans Creator. 

Thef.i. There are men inhabiting the e art hi 

HE that denyeth this, denyeth himfelf to be a 
man , and therefore is not to be chfputed with : 
yet proveth it to others , while he denyeth it . 

B Thef, 

2 There Is a (jod ^ that is mans Creator. 
Thef. 2. (JWan is not Eternal ; bnt had a beginning 

We fee it of all the Individuate y that they bj 
Generation receive their Exiftence ; There is nc 
man alive now here in flerh , that was alive 
a thouiand years a^o. Generation fucceedeth Gene- 
ration. And as all men that are now on earth hac 
a Beginning ? fo muft there be one firff wan that alfc 
had a Beginning. Or elfe he muft have been a pun 
Aft , without Compofiticn , or imperfe&ion , felf 
fuflficienc , and without caufe , and fo not have beer 
Man but God y and therefore not the fuppofite thai 
wefpeakof : And as he had been infinite in Durati- 
on af art ante ^ fo muft he bzapartepoft: for thai 
which have no caufe , can have ditfblution or end 
But this is not the cafe of man : therefore man had z 

Thef. 3. Man did not make himf elf. 

For before he was , he was n»t: and that which u 
not , cannot work. Nothing can do nothing : who- 
foevcr made him , knew what he did , and how , anc 
why. But neither he that was not , nor his parents 
knew either what was doing while he was formed in 
the womb > and how he was fafliioned , aor to what 
end each part and motion was appointed. Therefore 
neither did we make our felves . nor are our Parents 
the principal caufe of our Bern*. Nor could the firfl 
man be made by himfelf when he was not, or his Pa- 
rents that had none. ^ 


Tlxrtis a <jod > that is mans Creator. 3 
Thef. 4. jherefcr: 'man hath a fuptrier Maker. 

If he be anefteft, he muft have a cau r c. Nothing 
below can be his principal Caufe : Nothing doth lay 
claim to fuch an honor; Nothing is fufficient for fuch 
a work : All things below are effeits thcmfelvcs , and 
therefore have their caufes. 

Thef. 5 . Man being a living Creature > confi fling of foal 
and body , his foul Is vegetative , fenfitlve and rati- 
onal , ( or intcllettnal ) and hath an Intellect to dl- 
rell^ a, Will to ch'ufe or refufe y and a Power to execute 
Its Commands. 

Senfe it felfe is a fufficient Diicerncr that we are 
fenfible: and Senfe and Reafon that we are vegeta- 
tive: And Reafon fufficiently difcerneth that w*eare 
rational : not by an immediate intuition of the Pow* 
er but by an immediate IntelledHon of its own 
Afts. Wnile I reafon to prove that man is rationall, 
and you reafon againft it, we both prove it, 

Thef, 6. Wifdom is the due qualification of mans Un- 
derstanding ; and Virtue , or moral Goodneffe of his 
Willy and tAblllty y and Promptitude for Execution 
of his executive tower. 

Mans foul is capable of thefe ; and fome in a lefs , 
and fome in a more excellent degree are polTefled at 
them: fofew men will confefs thcmfelves to be whol- 
lyvoid of Wifdom and Goo !nefs y that we need no: 
prove the exigence of thefe Endowments. 

B z Th 

4 There is a (]od , that is mans Creator. 

Thcf. 7 . He that made man y doth excel/ all men that 
he ever made in all ferf Bions of under ft anting , 
Will and Tower. 

For no one can give that which he hath not to give, 
either formaly or eminently : Nothing of it felt can 
make that which is better then it felf : for then all 
thefuperabundantperfe$ionofthecfFe<a fhould be 
without a caufe. He therefore that made man , muft 
needs have more Power, Wifdom and Goodnefs then 
all the men that are, or ever were in the world • bc- 
caufe they had none but what he gave them. 

Thef.8. He that is the principal caufe of man , is an 
Eternal^ Immrnfe , moft perfect Being y an infinite 
Tower y Wifdom and Goodnefs \ that is y he is (jod. 

Either man was made by a Creature, that had him- 
felfe a Maker, or immediately by the uncaufed Pri- 
mitive, Simple^ndependent being, which is the caufe 
of all things elfe. If he were made by a Creature , 
that Creature being but a dependent Being , could be 
but dependent inks caufation, andfo could be but 
theinftrument of, or fubfervient to the principal 
caufe. And as the firft caufe is not diminished, er 
lofeth not any of his pcrfe&ion by making the Crea- 
tures, and communicating to them,no more is he the 
lefs in any effeS, becaufe he ufeth them : But as they 
have no Being but from him, fo they can do nothing 
but by himjand as his perfe&ions arc as glorious, as if 
there were no Creature in Being;fo the eff efts > which 
as his inftrumentsjthe Creatures perform,are as much 


There is 4 fyd > that is mans Qrfatorl 5 

his own, as if there had been no Inftruments. For if 
they are Creatures > they can neither have nor 
do any good but wholly 'from the Creator; fo that if 
it could be proved , fas it cannot) that the firft caufe 
did immediately make man , yet would it not alter 
our cafe , or conclude him to be ever the lefs our 

And that he is an eternal Being without Beginning 
or caufe, is clear : For elfe there fhould be a time > 
(as we-may call it ) when there was Nothing. And 
if ever there had been a time when there was AV 
thing , there never would have been any thing : For 
nothing can do nothing,andmake nothing: He there- 
fore that thinketh God had aBeginning,thinketh that 
he wascaufedby nothing,\\ithout a caufe: and lb that 
all things were made by nothing, 

wind as the Eternity of God is thus moft clear^nd 
is his Immenfity. For he made not that which is 
greater then himfelfe, or that can comprehend him , 
elfe he fliould communicate more then he hath * and 
the effeft to be beyond its total caufe, which isim- 
poflib'.fc: And if he comprehend all things , and be 
greater then all things , he muft be immente. And 
that he is infinite in Power, Wifdom, and Goodneffe, 
and fo moft perfe& •, is clear , be caufe ail the Power , 
Wifdom and Goodneffe of the Creature is from him; 
and therefore he hath more himfelfe then all the 
Creatures have: and therefore is infinite in all. If all 
the Power, Wifdom and Goodnefs in all the world 
were contra&ed into one perfon, it muft be left then 
his that <giveth all. None can make that which is 
better then itfelfe. I pafs by all other Argumencs,as 
intending at this time no other demonftrations ; but 
B g tbcfe 

6 God is (the Soveraigv Ruler of x Aim-kit W- 
thefe, from chelate v which we are to treat 

or'. And from theic the conclulion is now made 
plain, that TBE%E Is <tAGOD: and that PlE 

\ Chap. IL 
Godisthe'Soveraign Ruler of Man- 

Thcf. 9. The foul of wan is capable of knowing that 
there is a 9 od, whofe everlafiing favour is his happi- 
mfs^ an ( of loving him, do firing h'im , and feeing to 
enjoy hi mi and he may k^'ow, that nothing here bdorv 
can be his proper end and happ\nefs % 

rHE experience of all that have the leafttfrne , 
Godlinefs doth aflfure us of the truth of this. 
Thus it is with them: They are convinced of the va- 
nity of all things elfc* 5 and their defires are fct on the 
life to come. And what they f lafefs , the reft of men - 
are capable of. The foul liveth quite below itfelfe,and 
without any true fatisfa&ion or content , or any true 
improvement of its faculties y that lives for no more 
then temporal things, and looks for no life after this. 

Thefe. 10. The nature of man is fitted to be here ruled 
by the hopes and fears of a life to come : and without 
thefe the world cannot be ruled according to (he natn- 
turc vf man. 

\\c Dgi dtfaft* that moft of the world is ruled by 


God is the Saver aign Hjder of * Man -kind. 7 
fomc hopes and fears of a life to come . Mahonx- 
tansy and moft Infidels profefs to beiieve it ; Efpeci- 
ally their Law-givers , who therefore make the bet- 
ter Laws. And the fame nature of man y and common 
experience deciareth , that were it not for fuch hopes 
and fears, che world would turn Car.nibds^ and bi like 
f o many ravenous beafts. Men in Power would have 
nothing iufficient to reftrain thsm from the greateft 
wickednefs ; and fecret Murders,Burmn~;s, Stealings, 
Slanders, Whoredoms , and other Villanies would nil 
the world. So that the Hopes and Fears , and con- 
fequendy the Frcm'fez and Threats of a Happinefs or 
Miferyheareafrer, are Gods means agreeable to hu- 
mane nature , for the due Government of mankind. 

Thef. 1 1 . Therefore the foal of man is immortal , and 
he is made for a life to come , where he jhall be for 
ever happy or miserable. 


For God maketh his Creatures fuitable to their 
ufe and ends. Every work-man will fit hi; tools , or 
other work to the cad he makes them for. God bath 
nor beltowed thefc noble faculties on man in vain. 
If he would have had him uncapable of enjoying God 
hereafter, he would have left him as he hath done rhe 
bruits, uncapable of knowing him, defiling and feek- 
ing him. If he would not hzvt given us another life, 
nor. punifh the wicked with a future mifery , he 
would not have promifed or threatned fuch thi 
nor ruled the world by the Hopes and Fears of them. 
For Go&is not impotent or defective in Wifdom and 
Goodnefs , that he fhould choofe , o- be neceiftcare^, 
to govern the world by deceits and lies. He hath hi* 

B 4 choice 

S Cod is the Sovereign Ruler of Man-kind. 

choice of better means : and tells us in the nature of 
his works for what he made them. 

Thef. 12. Were there not a life to come for man , his 
Knowledge , Dejires , Hopes and Fears , would he his 
tormrat , and the noblenefs of his nature above brutes y 
would make him fo much more mi fer able than they , 
and the wife [I mtn y and the befi would bejnoft unhap- 
py : which are things not to he believed. 

It is apparent , that the knowledge of a God and 

Happincfs > which we may not enjoy, would tantalize 

us; and the fore-knowledge of an everlafting mife- 

ry>as poflible and probable to the ungodly * would be 

a continual caufe of fear and care to us : And there 

is nor a Heathen that ever I yet met with , or fcarce 

ever heard of, thar dare fay, He isfure that there is no 

life to come : They all confefs , That it may be fo 9 for 

ought they know > though fome of them take it to be 

unlikely and do not believe it. Now the very 

Tofftbillty which is difcerned by almoft all , and the 

Probability which is difcerned by molt , muft needs 

excite abundance of cares, aud fears , and forrows, 

which would be all in vain,and delufo:y,and vexatious, 

if there were no fuch thing,as a life to come>which is 

the Objeft of thefe affections : yea,the wifer any man 

is, the more he knoweth the infufHciency and vanity 

of all below, and the great Probability of a life to 

come; ( fuppofing him to be without a certainty ) 

And therefore if there were no fuch future ftate, the 

wifeft men fhould be the moft deluded , and fo prove 

in the end the moft foolifh , which is a thing not to 

•be foppbfed, that the mod wife and perfect Author 

c( nature fhould be guilty of. God would not hav£ 


Cod is tbt Sovereign %t?lerQf Man-kind. 9 

given man wifdome as his Excellency , and the image 
.of his Maker , thereby fetting him a6ove the reft o£ 
the inferior world , and all this to make him indeed a 
more miferable, deluded, befooled Creature, and the 
fcorn,as ic were of nature I The Lord of nature doth 
better fuice his works unto their ends , and is not the 
common deceiver of the world. 

Thef. 13.//" there veere no life for man but this , \nens 
pious performance of their duty to God and man , and 
their prudent care of their own felicity would be their 
lojfe ', and mens wickgdnefs and folly would be their 
galn y and the worji would be leafl miferable i which 
are things not once to be imaomed. 

It is impoflible that any man ihould be a lofer by 
God , and by the faithful performance of his du- 
ty ; Satan himfelf, when be would make man mife- 
rablc , endeavorcth to that end to make him flnful , 
as the onely way ; and never dreameth of making 
him miferable oy his duty ; nor hath the impuden- 
cy to move that he may be deftroyed for well-doing : 
It is abhorrent from the wifdome and goodnefs of 
fhe'bleffed God, to fet man in the world upon a 
courfe of duty , which the more he performeth , the 
more he lofeth by it. The work is good , or elfe it 
could not be our duty : and the doing of good mud 
*end to our good, and not to our hurt. It is man$ 
perfe&ion or excellency to be obedient to his Ma- 
ker , and to exercifc wifdom , piety , honefty , and 
a due care of his own felicity, to which his nature 
doth fo potently incline him : therefore to think that 
this is his folly or lofs , is a contwdi&ion to the 
wuuxc of the thing. 


[10 God is the Sovereign Ruler of Man~kind m 

And that fuch a cow re of dury is naturally incum- 
bent on us is evident : For nature teacheth us_ that 
the God that made usfhould be feared, and loved, 
and fetved above alband that we fhould live foberly , 
righteoufly and pioufly ; Yea , more then fo , 
when the worfer fort of Infidels and Heathens 
cannot fay , that they are fare their is no life to come : 
and when the mofi'f the world believe there is ; and 
when the common reafori of man-kind ( even of the 
Heathens ) acknowledged it to be probable , in this 
cafe , the plaineft voice of %eafon doth com- 
mand , us , to make it the very care and bufi- 
nefs of this life to make preparation for another. 
When we all know how fhon\ uncerain and certain- 
ly vain, and unworthy to be much regarded , the 
pleafures , and profits and honours of the world are, 
or any thing that it can ycild us , Reafon tells us that 
he is worfc then mad, that will not prefer a probable 
everlafling happinefs , and the avoiding of a probable 
future mifery, before fuch things as theft?. And there- 
fore Reafon telleth men, that if there be fuch 3 proba- 
bility of future joyzs andforrows , it flionldbe the 
principal care ancj bufiue'fs of our lives to attaine that 
joy , and avoid that forrowe ( though there were no 
certainty ) fo that mans natural Reafon concludeth 
that the principal work of his life on earth , fhould be 
to prepare for anothet life , fo exceeding great a mat- 
ter as that , being not for a lefler to be neglected , or 
rafhly ventured. 

But now if after this, there were no fuch life of fu- 
ture joyes and forrows for us , then all this care and 
diligence were loft ; and that courfe of life that wif- 
dome it felf dire&s man to , woufcTbe in vain , which 


God is the Sovereign Ruler of Max-kind. 1 1 
is not to be imputed to him that givcth wifdom un- 
to man : And as he that performeth his duty moft 
carefully to God, would fufter moll in the world ( as 
experience telleth us ) and moil be deprived of the 
pleafures, and honours, and profits which the flefh 
defireth, and fo be deprived of that which fenfuality 
accounteth felicity ; fo on the contrary fide , the 
naoft impious and unconfcionable mtn would be 
freed from all the forefaid cares and fears, and la- 
bours of wife men for another life , and would have 
liberty to plcafe their flefh , and live in all the feafu- 
all delights that they can attain , and fo they would 
be gainers by their folly and badnefs;and consequent- 
ly folly would be wifdom, and wifdom would be fol- 
ly ; good would be cvill , and evil would be good. It 
[ being certain then that a fojfibilitj and probability of 
another life is obvious to the light of nature , and 
that this fojfibilitj and probability obligeth every man 
in reafon , to live here in preparation to another fife, 
and to think no paines or cofl too great for fo great 
an end, and consequently that the God of nature , 
hath in nature prefcribed man this work;it muft needs 
fol!ow,that either there is fuch a life indeed hereafter, 
or elfe that God hath made our nature , and appoint- 
ed our lives to be all but vain, and falfe,and delufory, 
and commanded us, or dire&ed us to that as good, 
which (hall be ourlofs; andfhewedus that as evil, 
which would be our gain; And if God cannot or will 
not govern the world without this courfe of delufion, 
falfhood, and fruftration , then he is below fome of 
his creatures, or at leaft not perfe& in power, wifdom 
andgoodnefs : and then thpre is no God , and then 
there is nothing. 


1 2 God is tkejSovertogn Ruler of Man-kind. 

Thef, 14. It is not the ejfential conftittttive farts of 
man^ by which he is proximately capable of his fe- 
licity or end , but his moral perfections and accepta- 
blenejfe to God. 

1. Otherwife aH men fhould be happy , becaufe all 
arc men , which is not true. 2. Otherwife there 
fhould no means be appointed for man to ufe , in or- 
der to his end ; for he hath his natural powers with- 
out any induftry of his own. 3. Elfe there fhould 
be an equality or felicity to the obedient and difobe- 
dient , the vertuous and vitious , and confequently 
vertue were no perfeftion and no vertue,and vice no 
vice; duty no duty , and fin no fin,if all tended to the 
fame eijd, and were equally confident with our wel- 
fare. 4. The light of nature teacheth all men, that 
vice defervcth punifhment , and vertue praife , and 
that Murderers , Traitors, and other wicked perfons 
deferve not that happineffe in this world,which others? 
have,l)ut forfeit their accommodations or lives; 
and that there is a certain laudablcnefs or capablenefs 
in humane a&ions, according to which men fhould 
be efieemed and ufed , and that it fhould go well with 
the good , and ill with the bad. ' ? . And mans hap- 
pineffe being Gods gift, can be given to none but up- 
on his termes, and to fuch as are acceptable to him. 
6. And the corruption of the beft things makes them 
wortt ; and therefore a bad man is worfe then a beaft, 
and muft be more unhappy ; as a bad Angel is worfe 
then a man: who otherwife confidercd in his effenti- 
als was much above us. 


God is the Sovereign %?der of Man-kind. 13 

Thef. 15. Man therefore muft be fitted for his felici- 
ty and conduct* 1 to his end y by moral meanes. 

For the means muft be fitted to his intel- 
lectual nature, and the motives to hi? faculties. God 
movcth not living creatures, as he doth the inani- 
mate : We caft a ftone , but we drive a beaft. God can 
carry a man up and down, as if he had no life of his 
own : but if he had intended to do thus ordinarily by 
him , he would not have given him life : for he doth 
not his excellent works in vaine ; fo God can move 
man as beafts are moved, fufpending his reafon , and 
drawing him by meere fenfitivc baites , and moving 
him byobje&s that fliall neceflitate his faculties to 
aft ; but if he had intended 10 ufe him as a beaft, he 
would have made him but fenfirive as a beaft, and not 
have given him the nobler faculties of adifcurfive in- 
tellect, and free-wil in vaine. To thefe therefore 
muft the means be fuited. 

Thef. 16. UWan oweth perfect dutj to his Maker, and 
muft have moral means agreeable to his nature to di- 
red him in this duty , *nd oblige him to it. 

He that is capaple of duty , and is what he is , and 
hath what he hath intirely from God , muft needs 
owe himfclf , and all that he can perform , to God , 
and therefore muft have inftru&ions ofhif Makers 
will, and be direfted by him concerning his duty , 
which elfe he cannot perform* 


1 4 God is the Sovenign Ruler of Man-kind. 

: Thef.17 U\fan is a fociable creature^ and muft be ob- 
liged according to his nature , to the amies of rela- 
tion and foci ety. 

We arc fociable through natnyall inclination , and 
alfo through necejfity , being every man inefficient 
for hiinfelf, and needing the help of others to our 
prefent fubfiftence , and iafe, and pleafant , and com^ 
fortable being , and to further us in Gods fervice, and 
to our ultimate end : And vv* are made fociable for 
the common good , and the propagation and pre- 
servation of mankind: and principally becaufe that 
holy focieicies honour our Maker more then holy 
feparate perfons. 

Th ef. 18 . Thefe Moral means, muft be the Revelations 
of our end y and the frefcript of duty neceffary to its 
attaimnent^andthe promifes of good \ and cemmwati- 
4ns ofpuniftment necejfary to provokj us to perfor- 
mance y with needfull exhortations and dehortations y 
and fitch fubfrvient helps : that is , man is made a 
Creature to be inftrutted by Dottrinc y ruled by the 
ufe of Laws. 

For an unknown end inviteth not the Rationall 
Creature, nor is intended or fought. As bruits mult 
be drawn by fenfitive objefts , fo man muft be drawn 
by intellectual objects fuited to the nature of man. And j 
thefe obje£ts muft be propounded, that they may be | 
apprehended : And as fenfitive ob jefts are offered to 
beafts to work upon their fenfitive appetite aud 
fanta(ie>by way of neceflity (becaufe that is agreeable 
to their nature)fo are iheooje&s of the Rational foul 


Cod is the Saver aign Ruhr of OM&vkind. I 5 
propounded to our Intellect and free will , that they 
may be rationally and freely received , which is a- 
greeable to humane nature* And as we have natu- 
rally a power of Volition nd Nolition , chufing 
andJefufing, and the Affe&ionsof Love, and De- 
fire, and Joy , and Hope , and Fear> &c. fo none of 
thefe are made in vaine; and therefore all muft have 
their obje&s : and thefe muft be the great things of 
the life to come which we are made for, with the 
matters of this life that help or hinder them ; or clfe 
they cannot be the obje&s that are moft fuitable to 
our faculties , and for which it is that we are men. So 
that it is plains from the nature of man > that he is a 
Creature to be governed by Laws. 

Thef. 19. If man muft know his End and Meatus , by 
Doftrine^ and be obliged by Laws y then muft there be 
Judgement and Execution of thefe Laws. 

For Laws are vain and delufory without execution, 
and will diiliononr the Government ;as if he could 
not rule without vaine Promifes and Threats. Laws 
are the Subjefts Rule of Duty , and the Judges Rule 
of Judgement : therefore moft certainly if God 
have Laws, he will have judgement according to his 

Thef. 20. If man muft have Laws , andthofe Laws 
be executed, then muft there be a King, or Soveraign 
Governour of man. 

- For there can be noeffeft without its caufe : no 
Laws without a Lawgiver, no Judgment without 


1 6 Cod is the Severaign Ruler of Man-kind. 

a Judge, Legislation , and judgement with the exe- 
cution of the fentence,are the parts of Government: 
and therefore are the Afts of a Governor. 

Thef. 21. The Sovereign Tattler of 'mankjnd mnft be 
but one , and one that hath fuffclency or chief eft A$- 
tltnde^ and hlgheft Title. 

i. Mankind hath One Original, and one Common 
nature,and one End,and their Creator and Governor 
is that end , which all fhould intend, and are capable 
remotely in their naturals to attain and enjoy: there- 
fore they can have but one Soveraign. 

2. He that is the Soveraign Ruler of the world 
muft fas to Aptitude^ i. Have wifdom enough to 
know all the Subjc&s y and all the fecrets of their 
hearts, and to difcerne each vertue and vice , each 
duty and fin that's done within by their thoughts, 
wills ,or affedUons:and alfo he muft oe wife enough to 
know all the concernments of all his Subje&s through 
the world , and all at once ; and to know what Laws 
to make for them, and all the means that are fitted 
for their Government. 

2. And he muft have fo much goodnefle as to be 
immutably true to the common end of the Govern- 
ment , and to be indefeftible in Truth and Jufticc. 
3 . And he muft have fo much power, as to be able to 
Protect all his Sub jefts in the world , and to reprefs 
all Enemies whatever > and to rpward all according 
to their works, and to punifh all that fhall offend,and 
fee to the execution of his Laws. 

3. And befides this Aptitude t he muft have the 
chiefeft Title to be their Soveraign . 


God is the Sovereign %tder of Mtn-Und. 1 7 

Thef. 22, Therefore God^andonly God Is the Sovereign 
Ruler of mankind y as havirg alone 4 he fufficiency or 
aptitude in his infinite perfections , and the Higheslr 
Title by Creation^ and a plenary propriety thence re- 

i. God and he only hath the fulneffe of wifdom * 
goodnefs, and power •> neceflary to fo great a work. Or 
if thefe perfe&ions in any creature were proportion- 
able to the Government of all the world.i .Yet were 
all this but in dependency upon God , and therefore 
that creature were not apt for foveraign Rule , as 
having and doing nothing of itfelf, but by a higher 
Caufe. 2. -Creation is a Foundation from whence 
themoft abfolute Right of Government doth refulc 
that is imaginably but in the order following. 

Thef. 25. God having created man 7 a Rational free 
Agent , to be Ruled as aforefaid , and conferred on 
him all the benefits of which he is naturally poffeffed y 
doth by a neceffary refnltancy ft and related untd 
man, in a threefold relation y viz. our Abfolute Lord- 
(or Owner) oar Soveraign , Ruler , (or King) and 
*/*r/w0/?bountifuIl Benefactor; and man {lands Re* 
lated unto God as his own, his fubjeft (as to obliga- 
tion) and his Beneficiary. 

Man being firft confidered more generally as a 
Creature , whatever he is^muft needs be his Makers : ■"' 
Creatio n gives fo perfeft a Dominion as leaveth no 
pretence for a competition, to the Creature himfelf, 
or any other Creature , fo that making us of nothing , 

C H 

1 8 Of the Con^itution of Gods Kingdom. 

it is impoflible but we ftiould be his Own : and there- 
fore Dominion or propriety is the firft refult of our 

Man being confidered as before defcribed, a ratio- 
on al free tAgent to be Ruled Morally , or by Laws; it 
fcext follovvcth by neceffary refultancy, that his 
Maker and Owner , is his Sovereign King ; having 
the Jus Imperii , as well as the Jus Dominii , which 
none elfe can have but derivately and fubordinately 
to him,wc have then evinced from the nature of man 
(waving other arguments further from our fubje& ) 
that</0_D IS THE S.OPE RAJG^E 

Chap. III. 

Of the Conftitution of Gods King* 

Thef. 24. The World then is a Kingdom whereof God 
is the King , and the form of the Government is 
Monarchia abfoluta ex pleno Dominio jure Crea- 
tionist an abfolnte Monarchy fr&m or with a ple- 
nary Dominion or propriety of perfons and things , 
by the Title of Creation. 

BEcaufe this is the foundation of all my following 
difcourfe, as I have evinced it from nature , fo 
I ftiall for the ufe of them that are pretenders toChri- 
ftianity , more fully manifeft it from Scripture , and 
then anfwer what fome fay againftit. Though 
he is not a Chiiftian indeed that belie vtfh it not y 


Of the Confiitution of Gods Kingdom* Ip 
(nay he is a certain Athcift y it being a denying God 
to be God , do deny him to be the Governour of the 
world ) yet becaufe fome among us that renounce 
not Chriftianity openly , and fome that pretend to 
it and to a belief of Scriptures, do yet directly or in- 
directly deny this , I fhall at lcafthelp all to (top their 
inouthesj while they own the Scriptures. 

Pfal. 29. 10. The Lordfnteth King for ever. ] Pfa* 
47. 6 y 7. Singfraifes to our King y fing praifesjor God 
is the King of all the Earth.] Pfal. 10. 16 . The 
Lord is King for ever and ever .] Pfal. 24. 10. The 
Lord of HoJts y he is thiKing of glory. ] Ifa. 43. if./ 
am the Lord jour holy One , the Creatour of lfrael y 
your King.] Zach. 14. 9. £ And the Lord fhall bee 
King over all the Earth y in that day fhall there be One 
Lerd<> and his T^am? One* ] I Tim. 1 . 1 7. |~ Now unt9 
the King Eternal 7 Jmmortal y Invifible y the only wife 
God , be honour j and glory f y for cver % and ever y Amen^\ 
1 Tim.6. i$.\jVhois the blejfed and only Potentate j 
the King of Kings 9 and Lord of Lords. [ Mai. I. 14. 
[ For I am a great King y faiththe Lord of Hefts y &c^\ 
Pial. 47. 8. Godreigneth over the Heathen ] Pfal. 4 
47.2. [For the Lord mo ft high is terrible; he is a 
great King over all the Earth. ] Pfal. 95. 3. For the 
Lord is a great God y and a great King above all GodsJ\ 
In the Lords Prayer^ having firft acknowledged his 
Celeftial dignity and Paterrial relation > and prayed 
for the Hallowing of his name( which is our ultimate 
end) We next pray for the coming of bis Kingdom j 
and next for the doing of his will y or aftuall obedi- 
ence to him, and that In all the Earth as it is in Hea- 
ven y acknowledging him King of Heaven and Earthy 
and we pray for Trovifion y Remiffton^v^ProteEiiom 
Ci from 

lo Of tbeCon^itution of Gods Kingdom. 
from him as our King , making it the conclufion of 
our prayers, and fumme oi our praifes , that the 
Kingdom^ Tower , and Glory are his for ever. J The 
Prophetkall Kin^ doth thus begin his folcain praife 
to God, i • Chro.g. lo, 1 1 . 1 2. Bleffed be thou , Lord 
God of Tfraelour Father for ever & e ver. Thine O Lord 
is the great neffe y axd the power^nd the glory , and the Vi- 
tlory y & theMajeJtyfor all that is in theHeaven and in 
the Earth is thine: thine is the Kingdom Lord , and 
thou art exalted as head above all^ both Riches and Ho- 
nour come ofthee^and thou Relgnefi over all , and in thy ' 
hands is power and might % and in thy hand it is to 
wake great , and to give strength unto all. ] Pfal. 2 2, 
17,28. ARtheends of the Earth {hall remember and 
turn unto the Lord: and all the kindreds of the Nations , 
{hall w or {hip before thee: For the Kingdom is the Lords y 
and he is the Governor among the Nations • ] And 
^Pfalm 145. 1, 5,11,12,13. [ They {hall fpeahj>f the 
Glory of thy Kingdom ^and talk of thy Power; to make 
known to the fons of men his mighty Atts y and the glo- 
rious Ma)eJly of his Kingdom : thy Kingdom is an 
everlafting Kingdom , and thy Dominion endureth 
throughout all fenerations. Pfalm 103. I9. [The 
Lord hath prepared his Throne in the Heavens , and 
his Kingdom ruleth over all. ] Verfe20. The An- 
gels do his Commandments ^hearkning to the voice of his 
word. / Verfe 22* His Dominion alfo extendeth 
to all his works in allplaces. Ifa. 37. 16. faith Hezt- 
kjah , [ Thou art the Cjod , even thou alone , of all the 
Kingdoms of the earth ; thou haft- made heaven and 
earthy Pfalm 146.10. The LorA {kail reign for c>ver7\ 
Pfalm 97. 1 . The Lord reigneth^ let the earth re Joyce.'] 
Pfalm 99.I. The Lordreignethy let the people tremble.'] 


Of the Conftitution of Cods Kingdom. 2 1 

Pfalm g^.g.With righfeoufnefs Jkall he judge the world, 
and the poplewi-h equity.) 2 Chron. 20. 6. Jekofa- 
phat faith, ( O Lord God of our fathers > art not thou. 
God in- He averted rukft thou not over all the kingdoms 
of the heathen? &c. i Pialm 67. 4. £ Thou Jhalc 
judge f he people righteouJLy y and govern the Nations upon 

- It will be ufelefs to add more ; for he that will not 
believe thefe > will not believe more. From his Le- 
gation, and other Acte of government, I fball ful- 
lier prove the point anon. That God is our cheif Go- 

B it one Thomas Anglus ex Alhiis Eaft~faxonum y 
in t nghlh, Thomas white % a Papifi , in his book about: 
T r :ry , and his other Writings , would perfwade 
us,rhp.t fuch notions as thefe are but Metaphorical , 
an., the conceits of vulgar heads, when properly ap~ 
plycJ to God, and that indeed they that are wifer, 
kno.y rhat God goyerneth as an Engeneer, that is, by 
a phyiifrall Promotion only , as men govern Clocks 
and Watches , or the Pilate, governeth a ftiip.] 

But 1. Scripture cannot be fo eluded by any that 
truiy .believed it to be G ods \Vord> its evidence is fo 
plain and full. All that it faith might elfe be denyed 
with fuch an anfwer as this ; But affirmation is no 

2. It is before proved v that a meerPhyfical mo- 
tion and Government is not fuited to the nature o£ 
the rational Creatu re : but that he muft be governed 
by the propofal of convenient Objc&s , it is by Laws 
or moral Government. 3 . If man can be governed 
without Laws,why do Parents command, and Princes 
make Laws , and judge men by thena. 4. Man muft 

C 3 b- 

* 2 Of the Confyitution of Cods Kingdom. 

be ruled by his Creators WilL^not meetly as operat- 
ing phyfically by afecret influx, but as known ; And 
we cannot know Gods Will immediately; for no 
man hath feenGodat any time ; who hath gone up 
into Heaven / but we muft go to the word that is 
nigh us, Tfym. 10. Only by Signs can we know 
Gods Wiil concerning our Z)uty ; and thofe figns ar& 

ButlfuppofethatMr.^A//* doth mean, that God 
hath laws, but yet thefe Laws do infallibly deter- 
mine , and obje&s neceflfitate the Will , andfo all 
Cauiality is properly phyfical, and that which we call 
Moral , affe&eth as neceflarily as that which we call 
Phyficall , though man cannor fee the force of caufes 
in their connexion and fecret influence. 

But i . If this were true , that moral operations 
thus caufe, yet (till it is one thing to govern a rational 
Creature by the force of duly propofed Objefts , and 
another to move him as a lifelefs ftone : And if the 
firft way of Government be granted as to God, he 
will ftill be the uhiverfal Monarch. (And let them 
confider how the Pope can reign as Vice-God, or 
Vice-Chrift, if God, if Chrifthimfelfdo not reign. ] 

But 2. Wefhallnotbeleevefuch bold Affertions 
without better proofe then he hath given, i. Becaufe 
we know that there is true contingency in the world, 
which his Affertion would overthrow . 2. we know 
that there is a Will in man that is a felf determining 
Principle , and naturally free , and that this part of 
the naturall excellency of man , that's called Gods 
Image , and maketh him capable of moral proper 
Government, with Bruits are not. 3. Becaufe 
Jus Do&rinc of Neceflitation by a train of Obje&s , 


Of the constitution of Gods Kingdom. 2 5 

overthroweth all Religion , and not only denyeth 
the fcope of Scripture , but blafphemeth God > and 
denycth the before manifefted Truths , which the 
light of nature doth reveal. For which way ever 
men will wrig2le,thcre isnofliift lefc , for them that 
hold this unreliable caufation of Objeds , as to the 
Will, but plainly they muft affirm, that God is the 
principal caufe of all fin, f fo far' as it is capable of 
a caufe ) and confequently of all the calamities and 
damnation of the finners. For whether it be by ne- 
ceflitating phyfical predetermination , or by necessi- 
tating objc&s , is all one. God is the chief caufe of 
the faculties of the foul that arefuppofed thus to be 
neceflitated , And God is the chief caufe of the Ob- 
jefts y and their difpofition ; ( and all the temptati- 
ons , according to the oppofed Do&rine ) fo that 
God is hereby made the chief unrciiftable deternia- 
ing caufe of them to fin ; even as much as by make- 
ing fire and ftraw , and fetting them together , he i> 
the caufe of the combuftion. And then that he 
fhould hate fin which is principally his own work > 
and fend his Son to die for it , and damn the impeni- 
tenr for it , will not be believed , but taken for fceni- 
cal Delufions, by thofe that practically hold this Opi- 
nion. And fo Scripture and Chriftianity is made a 
fcorn , and all Religion and Conference overthrown. 
All this we will believe , when Mr. white hath 
proved that a CM an is a Beaft^ and that the frill hath 
no more freedom then the Appetite of a Bmt. But 
he debafeth the noble nature of man , and knoweth 
not the natural liberty of the Will, which makes man 
capable of a Government, different not only from 
the motion of a Jack, or Clock, or Ship, but alio 

C * from 

2 4 Of the Constitution of Cods Kingdom. 

from the driving of Coach-horfe.s > or the over-fighc 
and ordering of a Hock olfheep , vvho are not gover- 
ned by Laws and • judgement. What Biafphemy 
more odious, then to make God the chief nece-flita- 
ting caufe of all the fin that is committed in the world, 
and then to make fuch a flir againft it , and preacjj 
them from it>& irinift the penality of it on Chrifhand 
damn men for it in everlafting miiery \ But as ?. ra n 
takes it for his honour that he can make a Watch that 
by natural inclination can go of it jfclf withquthis 
own continuall motion , foGod hath .honour:.-. ! iim- 
felf by making a free Agent that can determine ic lelf, 
and be the principal ( though not of its Acljon as 
A£lion, ) yet of its determination or A&ion as com- 
parative: and though moral Habits may yet be iirong 
Inclines of the" Will, and moral freedom may be 
loft, ( and is in the unfandtified ) yet natural liberty 
remaineth as eflential to the Will ; and even in 
Heaven it will be infallibly determined to good , 
not by the deftruftion of the natural Power or liberty 
initielf ,butby theperfe&ionof the moral Habit, 
andtheprefence of the moft glorious Objedi , and 
the fecurity and manutenency of thepromifed grace 
of him whom we fhall there behold for ever. And 
i hough in this life Objed^s may-determine the htel- 
'lettper modum natnra by neceflitation 3 ( further then 
it is commanded by the Will , and its ads ziz.jartici- 
taiivi Uleriixi6f*nie habits may be fo potept as(with 
convenient Objefts ), infallibly and constantly to de- 
termine the Will; yet it is not fo wichall > nor do 
JJabits as fich , or Okjefts as fuch , Necejfitate the 
Will , and determine it by the way of nature , as they 
do the Scnfe and Jntelleft. 


Of the Constitution of Gods Kingdom. 25 

But my Objections areoffmall moment to Mr v 
jvhitcy for he will grant, me the conclution as a cer- 
tain thing ; He oft affirmeth , (in his treat of Purg m 
and elfewbere) That God hath no vindictive Judge- 
mentor'jvftice ; And he demonttratethy that all the 
world , or as good as all , iliall be happy ; (if you take 
alifo:demonlt;a:ion that is but ufhered in with an 
£rgo)ln Hi Enclid.Metaphyf.Stoech.K. this is his 
Propof \6.Mentes incorporate plenty; ad beautudvneni 
perveniunt. And will you fee it demonftrated*? 
\Cumenim inftrumentum propter tttionem feu effet- 
t urn propter qutrnft^ injlrumentum Mud eft ' fftiftantU- 
Uter malum quod ftibftantiam fui ejfeclus<no» eStnatuin 
p.rficere: §>uare cummundusfit inftruventum ai per-- 
ducendas mtntes incorporate ad Beatitudinem, nifihoc 
ejficiat , ent fubftantialiter mains ; fubftantia autem 
Be atifcandi genus humanum clareefi , ut tot particn- 
lares aniniA beatificentur ut que. deficiant nmjintfutfi- 
cievtes ad partem confiderabilem totius mttltitudinis 
conftitHendam^ &c. So again Be Med.G/fmm.jhatit* 

jinfw. 1 . But who ran tell how many arc a consi- 
derable part ? If one of a thoufand may i perifti , and 
yet ^©d efcape.your Judgement 3 why not one of 
nine hundred / and why not one ofeignt hundred? 
and ; why not halfe, ormoft. 2. But will not your 
cenfure fall heavy on God upon your grounds,if any 
at all pei;iih ? If fo , why were you fo modeft , as to 
be aihamed to fpeak out , and fay , that you demori- 
ftrate that none fhall perifh ? *%. Experience eel let h 
us, that it is too coniidcrable a part of the world that 
are ungodly \ fenlual, Gluttons, Drunkards, Whore- 
mongers, Murderers, yea, moft of the work! by far 


2 6 Of the ConftitutienofGods Kingdom. 

that are Infidels and Idolaters , and millions that be* 
lieve not a life to come , and feek not after ic, yea » 
that hate and perfecute them that do. And fhall all> 
or almoft all thefe be faved ? What danger is there 
then in fin, and what is the ufe of Chriftianity , or Pi- 
ety, or Confcience, if the Heathens , and Infidels , 
and impious are fo generally happy ? Is this Popery? 
and this the Champion of the Roman caufe ? 4. Do 
fuch Papifts as thefe believe the Scripture , thatfo 
frequently and plainly fpeak the contrary ,telling us, 
That [the Gate is fir ait , and the way is narrow that 
leads to life, and few there bethatfinde it , Mat. 7. and 
that many fhallfeek^ to enter in , and (J all not be able y 
Luk.13.24. ] and that it is a little fiock^tim (hill 
have the Kingdom , Luk. 1232.] And that without 
Holincfsnone ]h all fee God, Heb. 1 2 • 14. Nor enter in- 
to his Kingdom without Regeneration y and Converfion y 
and mortifiing thefiefh, and living after the jprit , and 
doing tlnwill ofGod y John. 3. 3, <j.Mat. 18.3. Rom. 
S.I, 13. Mac. 7. 22, 23* And thatGod hateth Hi the 
Workers of iniquity <> Pfalm ^ . 5 . And that he will fe- 
parate thern as the Goats from the flieep, and judge 
them to evcrlafting fire, Mat. 25; and that Chrifi 
will come inflaming fire , rendring Vengeance to them 
that know not God , and obey not the G off el of our Lord 
Jefus Chri& % 2. Thef . 1 .9, 1 o. andfunijh them with 
tvcrlafiing deft rutt ion from his pre fence.- And that all 
theyfhall be dawned that obey not the truth y but had 
pleiafure in unrighi-eoufnefsy 2. Thef.2.1 2. lAnd that 
their worm never d*eth » and their fire is not quenched , 
Mark 9.43,44.4^.46. Are not thefe, and many fuch 
paftkges plain enough? Or is he a Chrittian that be- 
lieves them not ? Ai \d is he not of no Religion , or a 


OftbeConfiitution of Gods Kingdom. *? 
falfe Religioner falfe to his Religion,that is a&amed 
to own it, but will pretend to be a Papift, a Chriftian, 
when he is no fuch thing? 5. Nay, would not Juli- 
an , and moft fober Heathens have been afhamed of 
thefe men? and Jews, and ^Mahometans think them 
unworthy of their Communion? When all thefe 
pfofefs to believe the neceflity of honcfty at lcaft, to 
the attainment of felicity! Butthefe mph pluck up 
aft -Religion by the roots , and tell almoft all the fwi- 
nifh impious difhoneft perfons in the world of x 
certainty of fal vat ion. (but wo to them that truft to 
their demonftrations) Forfooth, The world is naught 
if it bring thm not to happinefs ! And what need then 
of Honefty to Felicity, when the rout of the difhoneft 
are fure of it without it ? Arc thefe principles fit for 
Magiftrates to allow their people to read, unlefe they 
defirc their perdition? 6. But to his Demonftrati- 
on\ Before he had come to his Ergo , he had many 
things firft to have proved ; as, that the World is a to- 
tal and fujficient lnftrument , without fupernaturall or 
fpetiall Revelations ; That this lnftrument is not only 
a propounded and commanded means ,but that God hath 
absolutely decreed and refolved de event*, y to accom- 
pli^ the felicity of all (or almoft all ) men by it : 
and that with almoft all the Heathen*, and Jdolaters, 
and Whore-mongers , and Murderers in the world , 
this lnftrument doth not only bring Felicity to their 
choice, ( and the way to felicity ) but alfo unrefiftably 
or effettnalh caufethemto choofe it,orfave them with' 
out J uc h a choice; and that ttiere is nothing for man ti 
do for his felicity , but to be wheeled to it by the inftru- 
ment ality of the world; and that the haters of holinefi 
(hall be happy without Holiffefs 7 thu is, Happy without 


2 & Of the Constitution of Gods Kingdom. 

happwtfsy or found.andhealthfull without .hqaltb , or 
elie iTnall be made holy by the world at the departing 
of their foulcs> and that agaiaft their wills , when he 
hath proved iuch impieties and - contradi&ions as 
thefc, tye fhalTreview his demcnft ration. 

But his great foundation is £propof. 4. Dctts Creaf. 
cetera propter ipfarnet :] demonftrated. thus, [ Cxm 
enim nihil extra Veum fit till amablU (v\ hich was be- 
fore demonftrated in fpigfit of Scripture and natujjc, 
too) & natnm per f cere ipfam y clarum efiyfi [olus. 
Deus confideretpir yindifferens e$e y Creata jintly&c nei 
Qjiare cnm A gens ex cognitione "agat ex Intentioncb^y 
clarum eft y Deum in ere at tone intendere bonum ip fa- 
rum creatHrarum yfeu ere are i lias , : ut ipfis > nonfib\* :> 
berk \fl . 

Anfw. i. It feems then God loveth not the 
Creature , and yet made the world for them only , 
arid hot hirrifelfe. He will make them bppy \vlthout 
l6ve : But it hath of old b*en thought a , defciipnon 
of love, vellebonum allcmut ipfi 'benefit : to will 
the felicity of another. 2. . The will of GpcUs the 
beginning of all things: and therefore . the will .of 
Godmuft be the end. The .§ood pleafureof his 
will produced all things,'/ and .the' " fulfilling or plea- 
fare of.the fame will is the end- of all things. Its not 
poflibie that God fhould have, any ultimate ..end but 
himfelf, nor > that any of his operations 'fhould be 
ultimately for any thing.below him that is their Ori- 
ginal ; Can the/ infinite God j make a temporary fi- 
nite imperfect Creaturerthe ultimate end of his in- 
tentions , This were to mak? it God ; it being his 
prerogative to be the Omega as well as the Alpha , 
Thomas Animas is more to be regarded' her* then, 


tffthe Constitution of Gods Kingdom. 29 
Thomas ex Albiis , r.q.103. a. 3. crUtrav% finis gu- 
herna^ionis mundi fit aliqtiid extra mundnm ?, R. Cum 
prixcipinmrerum ft alt quid extrinfecum a totonniver- 
fo y fc'ilictf Dchs> necejfe eft quod eti am finis rerun* jit 
quoddambomm extrinfecum <>& hoc rat tone apparct , 
err. And before £ Cum finis rsfpondeat principio , 
non pstejl fieri ut principio cognito^qnis fit rernm finis 
ignoretur J And doth not Wt.nhite think that God 
was die beginning of all ? That which is chiefly loved 
by the principal! Agent, is chiefly intended ip his 
principal works at leaft: but Mr. white thinks that no 
Creature is amiable to God , therefore none can be 
loved by him : therefore none can be his ultimate 

2. But you fay > \twas 'indifferent to God whether 
Jhey were created or no i Anfw. To his commodity it 
was indifferent, that is, he needed them not : and to 
his tv ill it was free , if you mean that by indifferency : 
But yet that free will chofc to make a world , and to 
communicate his goodnefs to his Creatures , for 
their felicity and not for his own,( that could receive 
no addition from them ) but yet for himfelf , even 
they and their felicity being ultimately for the good 
pleafure of his will. God can fulfill 0: pleafe his own 
free will, without receiving any addition of felicity , 
and yet all the felicity of the Creatures fhallbe but a 
means to that his pleasure. 

% That which was Gods ultimate End muft be before 
his intention( the finis ch\) for it is not pofflble that 
he fliould intend fo much for nothing; for that which 
was not amiable or exiftent , nor could be fo much as 
in ejfe cognito , if the will of God had not firft caufed 
ic : and'God doth not wholly and dire&ly go out of 


3 o Of the Conflitution of (jodi Kingdom* 
himfclf in his Volitions : Buc no Creature had a be. 
ing before Gods Intentions , nor could their bein< 
be intended by him with out the pre-exiftence of hia 
to whom their being fhouldbe ultimately refer- 

3.H0W for Intent io fims is properly agreeable tc 
God , and what it is that is called by us , Intentm 
in God , is no more known to you, then how man) 
ftars are in the firmament , and when proud men wil 
reduce the greateft matters , and cleareft certainties . 
to their uncertaine fancies they magnifie themfelves 
to their own perdition , and prove the moft peftileni 
enemies to the Church and truth. 

I conclude then that ultimately God doth not 
make his Creatures ut ipfis bqnefit^wt he makes them 
and difpofeth of them , fome to felicity , and fome to 
fervitude or mifery for their fin , but all to the flea- 
fure of his will. His will is the fountainebzyond 
which nocaufeistobeaffigned , and his will is the 
end , beyo nd which there is no end. And one would 
think th is foouldbe no controverfie. 

And 4. I would know of this man, whether he 
would take it for a happineffe or net , to be a Toade 
or a Snake. If not,whether God is bound any more 
by the Law and rcafon of his Creation to make all 
men happy that deferve mifery , rather then t<? make 
all Toads and Serpents to be men , tkat never finned. 
If it crofs not the reafon of his works, that you ftiould 
labour , and weary and famifli, and beat and kill your 
Horfe or Oxe , that finned not : why £hould it croflfe 
the reafon of his Creation to condemn the obftinate 
defpifers of his grace ? If you fay [ beemfe he made 
men for everlafting htppinejfc t and not beafts , ] I An- 


Of the Constitution of Gods Kingdom. 31 

fwer, 1. It is the temporal hafpinefsoi beaftsthatis 
denyed them. 2. He made wicked men no more 
for happinefsjthen Snakes and Toades, (unlefs amece* 
dcKtly to offer them that happineffe which they re- 

But let us hear the proof of this ftrange conclufion 
of yours ; That [Nihil extra Denm eft amabile ab 
iffo. Prop. 3.] This is all £ Cum nihil fit amabile 
quod no* fit bomm ( true ) neqne bonum nifi habittan de- 
lettet haUntem , ( pircly falfe ) & delegare habente* 
fit eumperficcre ( falfe as univerfally afferted) C*** 
dcU&atio fit free iptns actus cognofcentis , palam efi y 
bwne bomm effe intr infect perfcttivum cognofcentis y cut 
efi bomm , fed mhil efi intrinfec e perfeftivttm Dei y cum 
in eo fit effentialiter omnis plenitudo entis feu perfefti- 
oMis : nihil itaqne extra J)eum efi Bomm & ama- 

Anfwer. I. There is a B§num infe & fimf licit er , 35 
Well as a Sonum alicui refpeftivttm. As all love is 
not of CoHcupifcentU proceeding from defeft , ( nor 
ftri&ly aAciti*, ) fo all good is not defired or ufed as 
a means , nor is bonum habimm y or defired , but fomc' 
loved (imply for it felf. 

2. All delegation or complacency is not to per- 
fe& him that hath it. Scripture mod frequently a- 
fcribeth love , delight , and complacency to God , 
which are not to perfeft him. I conclude then, that 
1. God loves the creature as Love fignifieth his will 
to doe it good. 2. He loves the good which he hath 
communicated to the Creature, as good according to 
its proportion , with a love of fimple Approbation 
and Complacencie. Not that he loves any thing in 
it but wiwt is from him! nor fo without himfelf , as if 


3 % Of the Conflitution of <jods Kingdom* 
all did not live, move and be exiftent in him ; but yet 
die good communicated to the Creature. is diftin<9 
from God himfelf .All that isfrem Godisgosd(hz faw 
that which he had made to be good , and very good ■ 
Gen.l.) But^W may be accounted amiable to God : 
therefore all that is from Cod may be accounted 
amiable to him. 

5. What a God would this man feign to the 
world that loveth nothing that he hath made, (ioi 
he can love nothing that is not amiable J when in- 
deed he hateth nothing that he hath made , but for fin 
which he made not, and he is love it fclf . The mag- 
nifying of Gods love to man in the work of Chrift is 
his Incarnation , Life, Do&rine , &c. and the work 
of the Spirit, and all Gods Ordinances , and the End 
of all his Mercies, and the very work and ufe of 
Heaven it felf. And this learned man that's blinded 
with pride > would teach us now that God loveth no 
man and nothing but himfelf , God knows better 
then you what love is in himfelf who hath expreffed 
it of himfelf. Ask any honeft man on earth whether 
he believes this do&rine y or would have it true , that 
God loves no man. 

4, And what a world of Creatures doth this man 
feign thit are none of them good and amiable. 

5, And fee whether he teach us not all to deny our 
love to God. For 1. To tell men that God loves? 
no man , is the way to have no man love him. 2. If 
God muft love nothing for himfelf , becaufe nothing 
is sjood to him, it will follow that man mutt love no- 
thing for God ultimately, upon the fame account. As 
nothing can add to God , fo we mutt love nothing as 
that which can add to God ; And therefore- if that 


Of the C #(tiM*M °f G ^d% Kingdom. 3 3 

.reafon enough againft Gods loving any thing for 
himfelfe, ic will be rcafon enough againit our loving 
any thing for him. And if God doe all for ann> be- 
caufe he can have no oih^r end f then man muft on 
the fame reafon doe all for himfelf. And therefore 
when he makes God mans End, he can mean but the 
final objeA that makes us happy , which is onely to 
love God for our felves , as our own felicity. Buc 
that God fhould be more loved fimply for himfelfe, 
then as our felicity is apparent : i . In that nature 
taught the Heathens to love the common good , a- 
bove their own felicity : therefore our own felicity 
is not our higheft end. A valiant Heathen would 
havefacrificed his life for his Countries good: not 
onely for a reward to himfelf in another world , nor 
onely for the fame ( if their Profeflions may be cre- 
dited J but for the common good. 2. And the light 
of natural Reafon, telleth all them that have not cap* 
fivated Reafon tofelfifanefle , that every man fhould 
xlo thus : If the Common-wealth ihould perifli unlefe 
niy life redeemed it , or if my death would favc the 
lives of ten thoufand that are of greater uie then I , 
my Reafon rclls me I ihould readily facrifice my life 
for them , though I had no reward for it to my felf: 
which vvas the ground of Pauls words , %pm. 9. 3. [/ 
could w I '(h that my [elf were accurfedfrom Chrljt ^for 
my brethren , &c. ] Not that he a&ually made fuch a 
hoicc , for it was not offered to his choice : but 
that it was more eligible, if it had been offered, and if 
the perdition of one could be the falvation of thou- 
fands , it were ia it felf an evill to be undergone for 
fo great a good ; if it had been fo appointed us of 
God. The greateft good is greatliefif to be defired , 

D chough 

34 Of the Confiitutim of Gods Km 

rhough it be not our own. He that won 

felf be annihilated, rather then the Sun fl 

ken out of its natural place and office, o 

annihilated , though it were fuppofed tl 

furvivc) fhould go againft the cleareft I 

jure. That which refilicth this within us 

inftin& , or loathneflfe to dye or be mifcra 

is in every fenfible %Ammal , and therefo 

fubje<fted to Rcafon as the Appetite is. T 

not take away the appetite , and make a m, 

ter , and loath fweet , & c . but k may fc 

cannot take away our hathnefs to be mifer 

may tell us that we (hould fubmit to it fo 

mongood. And this fheweth that man: 

fona! felicity is not his higheft end , eve: 

of natural reafon. And if fo, it is mo 

that if we muft goe above our felves , We 

the higheft , which is to God : whofe p 

complacency in his works , is above all tl 

the works themfelves , when we fay [J 

his end and oars ] w£ meane that [ tb? cot 

efhis Excellency to his Creatures , and his± 

pearance in them ik his Complacencie : ] 1 

Glory and Appearance is but Mater] ally h 

the complacencie of his#7//) which was the 

is formally his End. 

And ifftill you dream like a man of I 
God can have no delight and complacenci 
thing but himfeif , becaufc he ncedcth no 
it cannot perfeB him. lAnfw. i. Bell 
( whether in himfelfe or another ) is not i 
as mam delight^ nor is it to be comprehe: 
and therefore from'things beyond our re* 

Of the C n$itution of Gods Kingdom. 3 5 
cot deny the evident truths that are within ou r 
reach. As God doth firlttake pleafure inhimfdfe 
without any note of imperfe&ion , and deferves nc c 
to be accounted imperfect , becaufehe is not moft 
happy without that pleafure , fo he next taketh plea- 
fure in his Image , or the appearance of his perfecti- 
ons fliining forth in the Creatures ; which will be 
moft eminently in his Son , as the Giorified Head of 
the Church , and then in the glorified Church his bo- 
dy. And when he hath told us that he lovethand 
ukjs pleafure , and ddighteth in his Sonne , and his 
Church, it is but a folly of a high nature for us to ,con- 
tradift him , and fey , he fpeaketh all this after 
our conceits ; We grant that the expreflions are A- 
nological or Metaphorical : But therefore we con- 
clude they are not meere falhties , but fignifies fom- 
what tranfccnccnt in God , that hath lb much ana- 
logic orlikenefsto the Love , Complacency, Delight 
of man, that we cannot fitlier conceive of it then 
under thefe notions. - And therefore we muft con- 
clude both that God detighteth , or takes pleafure in 
his works, and loveth Chrift , and his Church , and 
yet that he doth not this to perfeft himfelfe , or adde 
any thing to his own felicity : but the very Compla- 
cency of his Will is his higheft End ; and therefore 
as it is folly to askc the Original of Gods will which 
is the Original of all things > fo it is no lefs to askc, 
what is the end of his will, which is the End of all 
things. To heap up here the plain abundant Tefti- 
mony of Scripture , that there is Complacency and 
Love in God , to a Chriftian is ncedlelfe , (and to 
moft Heathens) but to Infidels that believe not the 
Scripture , is vaine. See Aqum. 1. q. io. art. 2. pro- 

E>2 vih£ 

$6 Of the Confkitution of Gods Kingdom. 

ving that God loveth all things^ contrary to this 23rr« 
tifb Thomas , that faith , he loveth nothing , becanfe no± 
thing is good, We ftiall only give him leave to con- 
clude what he pleafc as of himfelf. If he will needs 
maintain that he is not good himfelf nor amiable to 
God , and confequently to no good men , let him 
have his liberty. 

In his precedent propofition. 2. He would per- 
fwadea fool that yet he is Orthodox , while he main* 
taines that [ Ens primum eft Cjubernator Univerfi five 
Deus : but his defcription of Gubernation telieth us his 
fenfe ) Gttbernatorcm dicimus cum qui ex cognitione & 
potest ate, per alios agenda dirigit & efficlt J fo that it 
is a Phyfical Government only that hath ejection ever 
conjunct with direU'ion that he meaneth. And fa 
his Moral Government by Laws fitted to free Agents, 
where his Sapiential Excelhncie is purpofcly fet forth 
to our obfervation and admiratioa , and when he*- 
ffeEleth not all things that he commandeth as a Go- 
vernor , this is caft out of doors 5 further then as it is 
fancied to be a Phyfical engine. But x. God doth 
notcaufeall the fin of the world, and make that a 
part of his Government of the world ; nor doth he 
the lefs Govern when he Commandeth , becaufehe 
doth not effe& mens obedience ? but permit them to 
difobey. We magnifie his Omnipotential operations, 
and that in the very falsification of his fervants ; 
but we will not therefore deny his Sapiential frame 
of Government > nor fay that God Governed) noc 
when his Laws are Broken , unleffc by caufing men 
unavoidably to breake them. Thefe blafphemous do- 
tages are no part of our Belief. 
And that you may fee how he profitcth , he con- 

Of the Constitution of Gods Kingdom. 3 7 

dudeth his Book in thefe words^Palameft , Deo ni- 
hil rcliqnHm ejfe prater Creationem & confervationcm, 
hoc efi nihil omnino de Gubernatione , fed earn integre 
cornmijfam ejfe crcatnrisjton erraturis a legibus divinis 
in CrCAtionc ipjis /W/7/Vjthat his. Nothing is left to God 
but Creation and Conversation^ that is > Nothing at all 
ef Government* &c. this is wholly from the beginning 
committed to Angels So that it is not enough to over- 
throw the whole frame of Moral Government of 
free Agents , but the very Phyfical government 
which is left, is wholy in the hand of Angels, and no- 
thing of it left to God- 
But 1. Its nevertheless the work of God, if it be 
the work of Angels ; Though he ufe means , yet im- 
mediatione virtntis & fttppofiti > he is yet as neere 
himfelfe to the effeft, as if there were no means,and 
as fie is not the lejfe by the Exigence of Angels , fo 
he Doth not the leffe becaufe of the Agency of An- 

2. The proof of this univerfall Government of 
Angels isnone,but the Ergo of a dreaming man,that 
fnorteth Syllogifmcs, And therefore if we (hould 
not deny it , we muft yet remember what Paul ad- 
vifeth us concerning Mr. white^ and the Bhemenifts 
and fuch like , whom in their Anceftors he was ac- 
quainted with, Col. 2. 18. J^Let no man beguile j ou of 
Ijonr reward, in a voluntary humility ^andworfoipping of 
Angels^ intruding into thofe things which he hath not 
feen, vainly puft up by his flejhly mind. ] ( And who 
would not worfliip Angels if they are our only Go- 
vernors! But yet 6e makes praying to them as need- 
lefs, as it is to pray to the Sun to fliine , or to the 
poafe to move the Clock.) 

3 % Of the Confyitution of Gods Kingdom. 

3 . Is it Angels rhat lend or give the holy GhoSl fy 
renew and jaH$ifie the Lied of God ?or to infpire the 
Pttphets.Vrovz thisif you can. Or is rhe Holy Ghoft 
fome Angel? Neither can you prove that. You finde 
not in Nature or Scripture that the Image of God is 
wrought by Angels on the fouls of men/ 

4. Did not the fecond Perfon in the Trinity im- 
mediately aflume the nature of man?was he conceiv- 
ed by Angels? Incarnate by Angels? yea not immedi- 
ately incarnate at all ? nor immediately lived in flcfli 
on earth , dyed, rofe againe, Intercedeth for us , &c. 
Doth God doe all this remotely only , and Angels 
Proximately ? Then Chrift was an Angel ? ^ndisit 
Angels Proximately , and Chrift remotely that ftiall 
judge the world. 

' ?. Though I deny not but Angels might be firv ice- 
able in giving UWofes Law , yet how prove you th'at 
Angels are our Law-givers ? Laws we have , and 
Laws Divine ? and they are none of them, given us 
in the name of any Angel as his Laws. Very much 
weafcribe to them, in their miniftration for the 
heirs of life , and in the Government of the world: 
butwefhall notdefie them, and deny Godt-o be 
God. Note thztyPropof. 2. This man himfe/ftndkssr 
it all one to be I God] and to be [ Gevernonr oftht 
Umverfe~]Uc therefore rhat faith he hath wholly 
committed^ Angehxkit^j ovemment cftheUxiv:rfe y 
faith according to Mr. whites expofition, that he 
hath diverted himfelf of his Godhead, and wholly 
committed it to Angels to be Gods. 

But the Reader will think I have been too long 
with this Man. But 1 am concerned in it much to 
confirm and defend my only Foundation , that 


Of the CotiftiMion of Gods Kingdom. % 3 ? # 


and I would have you know what points they be that 
Papiife are introducing , and the reft of them tolle- 
ratc as not defide. This is the man that hath prefaced 
toTnrbervils Manuall , and written for Trains 
9M,&c. And I would have men awakened to take 
notice what pcrf ons in the prefent controverfies we 
have to doe with , and what a defign is laid among 
men that feem of divers parties to deftroy Chriftia- 
nity,andfctupHeatheniime or Infidelity: If they 
have their way and expe&ed (uccefs ^ theWorflup- 
pcrs of the Sun , are like ere long to be none of the 
worft among us in Religion : But God will Lhame 

Thef. 2 5. The denial of the Sovereignty of God , and 
his Moral government is the denial of Deity, Hu- 
manity, Religion , Morality and follic)/ , moftof 
. which J frail rnanif eft brief fly in thef e following ln- 

1. 1 have ihewed already that it is a denying God 
to be God , becaufe to be God , is to b* the Gover- 
nor of the world, at leatt in Title. 

2. If God be not Governour , he is not juft : For 
communicative Juftice he cannot exercife on Creatu- 
res that are wholly his own. And diftributive Juftice he 
can have none, if he have not the Relation which 
Juftice doth belong to. He that is not a Ruler, can- 
aot be a juft Ruler. 

3. If God be not our Governour,he hath no Laws? 
andfo the Law of Nature and Scripture is over- 

D 4 4' Then 

40 « Of thcConflitution of Cods Kingdom. 
4.Then man doth owe him no Obediencetfor where 
there is no Ruler and Law , there is no obligation to 
Duty : and fo man is not obliged by God to be pious, 
juft , honeft or ioberj but if God will make him fuch r 
he will be fuch. 

5. And then it will follow, that there is no fin: 
All things chat men do , are fuch as God doth move 
them to : but there being no Re£tor and Law , there 
can be no trangreflion . ■; 

C. Hence alfo it will follow , that there is no ver- 
rue, which is but the Habit or difpofition to duty: for 
if there be no obligation to a&ual obedience, the ha- 
bit is in vain, or is no moral good: for all moral good 
Is denyed here at once. 

7. And hence alfo it follows , that the Habits of 
Vice are not culpable, becaufe the ASts are not fin- 
ful ayainft God , there being no Law and Governour 
againft whom they are committed. 

8. And Chriftianity is hereby moft evidently fub- 
verted : For Chrift cannot die for fin , nor redeem us 
from it, if there be no fuch thing; Nor can the Spirit 
mortifie it in us. 

9. And hence it will follow , that all the Miniitry 
and Ordinances are vain, and not of Gods appoint- 
ment. If he have no Laws, there is no need of any to 
teach them. 

10. Hence alfo it will follow , that Scripture is 
falfe that pretendeth to be the Law of God, and tells 
u^of all that's here denyed. 

1 1 . And therefore there can be no pardon of fin : 
for where there is no Governour , there is no Law : 
and where no Law> there's no fin ; and where no fin , 
the'rs none to pardon. 

12, And 

Of the Confyhution of Gods Kingdom. 4 1 

m. And then there needs no confeflion of fin,no^ 
prayer for pardon , nor care or means to be ufed 

15. Nor can any man ow God any thanks or praife 
for the pardon of his fins , if there be none. ■■ 

1 4. And it will follow,that there is no puniihment, 
for fin either in this life or in that to come, except 
what is inflifted.by Creatures for offences againft 

1 5 . And it will follow , that there is no Reward for 
the obedient ; for if no Governor, Law aad Duty, 
then no Reward. 

16. And then there is no Judgement of God to be 
expend. For their is no poffibility of Judgement 
where there is neither King , nor Subjeffc , nor Law , 
nor Right , nor Wrong , not Reward > nor Puniflv- 

17. And it will follow that fin is as good as obe- 
dience, and a wicked man as good and happy as an 
honeft man : For nothing that men do is morally 
evill, and all things Equally, Phyfically good, accord- 
ing to their Phyfical Being,and God even as Phyficall 
Governour is the chief caufc,and therefore the effc& 
cannot but ta good , nor can there be an evill man in 
the world. 

18. It will follow , that there are no Devils : for 
they could break no Law , nor do any evil , but the 

y good that God, or rather the fuperior Intelligences 
made them do. 

19. In a word , it hence followeth , that man is 
but a beaft , that is, neceflitated by Objc&s , and not 
a free agent governed by Laws. 

20. And becaufe I would make them twenty , let 


4 1 tffthc Conftitutian of G ids Kingdom. 
this be the Iaft: Ic followeth hence , that ( God being 
not our Rc£tor,and Law-giver, andfo their being no 
hn againft him ) if the Governors of the Com- 
monwealth fliall hang or baniih thofe that hold this 
traiterous opinion againft the God of Heaven , and 
divulge it, or if any man that meets them, cudgel 
them , it is no fin againft God , nor doth he need to 
fear any puniftiment for it from God. 

By this time you fee what thofe men fay,that deny 
the Soveraignty of God. 

Thef. 26. God is the end 7 ds well as the beginning of 
the divine (^Monarchy of the world. 

Of this by the way , I jfpake before. He is his 
own end , fo far as he may be faid to have an end ; 
( which is not as man , that is imperfeft, and without 
his end, while he is ufmg mcanes to attain it ) and he 
is our cheif end , on the grounds and in the fenfe 
before explained. The appearance of his gtory, and 
the fulfilling of his Will, being the higheft Univerfal 
good. Should the end be lower then the beginning, 
a multitude ofabfurditics would follow ; This end 
therefore is principally to be refpc&ed by men of all 

Thef. 27. It is the reafonable Creatures tnly that are 
the Subjects of Gods Kingdom. 

Qthqr Creatures are no more fubjeds , then fheep 
andhorfesare fubje&s of any Prince: They are the 
matter of as proper Dominion , ( I mean Propriety ) 
as Men 5 and areoiuProvifion and Pofieflions : but 


Of the Constitution of Gods Kingdom. 45 
they are not capable of fubje&ion, for want of rea- 
fon and Free-will. They arc as properly ordered by 
Gods PhyficalGoverment , as men are , but not by his 
Moral Tolicy , which is the Governement that now 
we treat of. 

Thef. 28 All mm as men are thefubjefls ef Gods 
Kingdom , as to Obligation and Duty , and God will 

not ask J he confent of any man to befo obliged. 

For Gods Kingdom is not conflituted primarily 
by Contract, but his %jght refulcing immediately 
from his being our Creator , and fo our Owner , our 
Obligation^ founded in our being his Creatures, and 
his Own. Themoft abfolute flave imaginabIe,cannot 
be fo much obliged to you antecedently to his con- 
fent, as man is unto his Creator,from wnom he is,and 
hath all that he hath, 

Thef. 29. He that confent eth net to Gods Soveraignty , 
k and is not a voluntary SubjeEl , fhall be neverthelefs 
ebliged^both to Subjection ( or that confent ) and to 
Obedier.cc ^ and topunijtment in cafe of dij obedi- 
ence : but he can have no right to the Priviledges 
or Benefits of a fubfeU , and fo nloth make himfelf 
worfe then a fiave y by'being a Rebel. 

He that is born under the moft Abfolute Lord,can- 
not by his own will exempt himtelf from his obliga- 
tions. If he could make Gods Laws not obligatory, 
and himfelf no Debtor to God for his fubje&ion and 
obedience, then might he depofe his Soveraign at 
hispleafure. And moft would take this as a readier 


44 Of the Cmfiitutim of Gods Kingdom. 

way to their fcnfual content and fafety ,-to repeal the 
Law , and depofc their King > to fave them the trou- 
ble and labour of obeying him , and be from under 
his Judgement and punifhments. No man can ac- 
quire benefits or priviledges by his vice : The L aw 
fuppofeth that a mans faults may not advantage him. 
But to deny confent to the Soveraingnty of God*and 
to deny our own Obedience, would be our fault. But 
Benefits we can claim no right to , if we confent not 
to them and to the terms on which they are con- 
ferred. No man can plead for that which he refut- 
ed : nor can he plead againft another for not doing 
feim good againil his Will. Though yve may offend 
God , yet we cannot injure man, by not doing him 
the good that he refufeth. And the greateft blcffings 
of the Kingdom of God , are fuch as a Refufer is noc 
capable of ; Nor is he capable , while fuch\ of the 
DutiesofaSubjeft. And therefore though he can- 
not exempt himfelf from obligation and puniflhmenc 
by diflent , yet may he deprive himfelf of the pro- 
tection of the Sovcraign , and forfeit all his hopes of 
the benefits 

Thef. 50. God therefore doth not beg authority by cal- 
ling for cur confent , nor u itJx the fower of man by 
confent ing to make him King s "orbyDijfenting to de- 
fofe him , as to his Right and his aBuall Legiflation 9 • 
Judgment and Execution : But it it in his power to 
make himfelf a Rebel , and fo fall under the fen- 
tenet 'of the Law ; and therefore Confent is required 
to our benefit as a condition y and as the neceffary 
caufe of our following Obedience : but as no caufe or 
Cotwyer of governing tAnthority to <jcd. 


Of the Constitution of Cods Kingdom. 4 5 
A man would think the earth fliould never have 
bred a man that would contradid this truth that isja 
his wits. For by fo doing God is pulled down , and 
manfet over him > or made a beaft , and all morality' 
( as by the former opinion ) overthrown. But Mr. 
Harrington in his Oceana, pag. 1 d.makes God but the 
Propofer , and the people the Refolvers or Confirmers of 
all their Laws , and faith , £ they make him King t 
Deut. 19, They rejett or dtpofe him as Civil Magi- 
firate^and £ left Saul ,15am, 8.7. ] adding [ The 
Power therefore which the people had to depofe even God 
himfelfashe was Civil Magiflrate , leaveth little 
donbt 9 but that they had power to have re jetted any of 
thofe Laws confirmed by them throughout the Scrip- 
ture. » . 1 
Anfw. They could violate a Law, and deny obedi- 
ence to it ; but they could not nullifie it,or prevent, 
or deftroy its obligation. So they could be Rebels 
againft God, but they could not fo rejeA the duty 
of voluntary fubje&ion , nor efcape the puniihmene 
of Rebellion. One fingle perfon may thus rejeft 
God and his Laws at any time,(to his coft^ as well as 
the Major Vote of the people. Its a lamentable 
cafe y that fuch blind perfons that know not fuch 
things as theie,diouldfoperverfely trouble the Com- 
mon- wealth with their loathfom obtruded fancies. 
Mans confent doth not make Godif /V,nor his diffent 
depofe him v *s to hisPower,or the cheif part of- his 
-a&ual GovernmentiHe will be K.infpight of his proud- 
eft enemies : and be will make his Laws ; and thofe 
Laws (hull actually oblige ; and men (hall be guilty , 
that firft confent net to be Subje&s , and then obey 
not : and thzyjhall be judged as Rebels, (Luk.19.i7.) 


4 6 Of the Constitution of gods Kingdom. 

and the Judgement executed : Only their confent is, 
i, A proper Caufe of thdr own Obedience. 2. And 
a Condition//^** non of their Intereft in the Bene- 
fits. A little Power will fervc a man to be come a 
Rebel > and be hanged. Will you fee the face of this 
Gentlemans opinion. 

U The world by diflfenting may make Cod no 
God, that is, no Governor of the world: and fohc 
boldeth his Government on our wills. 2. if his 
Do&rinebe true, the Law of nature is no Law, rill 
men confent to ic. 3 At leaft where the Major 
Vote can carry ir,Atfaeifm, Idolatry, Murder, Theft, 
"Whoredom, &c. are no fins againft God. 4. Yea, 
no man finneth againft God > but he that confenteth 
tojris Laws. 5 . The people have greater Authority 
or Goverment then God. 6. Rebellion is fove- 
raign power in the multitude. 7. Diflfenters need 
not fear any Judgement or puniihment from God. 
8. Cannibals and Atheifts are free-men, as not con- 
fenting to Gods Goverment. 9. Men owe not any 
5ubje&ion, Duty, or Obedience to God at all unlefs 
they make themielves Debtors by confent. 1 o.The 
troublefome work of felf-denying obedience , and 
ail the danger of punifhmenr here , and hereafter 
may be avoided eafily by denying Gods foveraignty 
anadepofing him, and no man need to be damned 
if he will but deny to be a Sub jeft of God. 

Thefe are the apparent Confequences of the 
Do&rines of Mr. Harrington , if he will be under- 
ftood according to the open meaning of his words : 
But if he will tell us that oy [ their Power of making 
God Kine , or depofing him , and of refolvingon , 
and confirming , or reje&ing his Propofals , j he 


Of the Conftitution of Gods Kingdom. 4^ 
meant only a power of voluntary fubje&ing them- 
felves to their abfolutc Lord and King , and of obey- 
ing hi« Laws ,orelfea Po.ver of Rebelling, Difo- 
beying and perilling , he will turn fomeof our in- r 
dignation and companion into laughter , but his lan- 
guage will we not imitate. 

Thef. 31. Mankind being fallen by "Rebellion under the 
heavy Penalty of tlx Law of God was redeemed 

• h J c f us Chrift * and fo God hath a fecond Right of 
Dominion and Empire , even on the title of %$± 
demption, and is now both our Owner and Ruler on * 
two-fold Right. 

It was not fome tolerable lofs, but a total ruine 
and undone Condition that the wttld was redeemed 
r from : and. therefore Redemption is a ;uft title to 
Propriety and Rule , which" God will have us to ac- 
knowledge, if we will have the fpecial benefits of 
Redemption as his title by Creation. 

Thef. 3 1. The Lord Jefus Chr-ifi as Mediator having 
performed the worl^ *f Redemption , hath received 
from the Father a Deri v? A Supremacy over the re- 
deemed world, and is efablijled the King of the re 
deemed) and Adminijirator General. 

To Believers this is paftControver fie. Scripture is 
plain and full , Read PUlm 2 Mat. 28.18. [ All 
Power is given to me in Heaven and earth. ] A&S 10. 
36 He is LordafaU. ] Rom. 14.9 Forthisendhe 
both died) rofe and revived y that he might be Lord both 
of the dead and living.] Ephef. x. ax, 22. [ He 

48 Of the Confutation of <jod$ Kingdom; 

fet him aphis own right hand in heavenly places , far 
above all Principality y and Power y and ijliight y and 
^Dominion y and every name that ts named y not only in 
this world y but alfo in that which is to corns ; and hath 
put all things under his feet \& gave him to be head over 
all things to the Church jvhich Is his Wp.JJohn.lj.j. 
t The Father hath given all things into his hand , ] 
John 17.1. [Thou haft given him Power over allflefh y 
that he fhonld give eternal life to as many as thou haft , 
given him y ^ John 5.12, [The Father judgeth no man> 
but hath committed all Judgement to the Son y that all 
menfbouU honour the Son a* they honour the Father life 
that honoureth not the Son y honoureth not the Father 
■which hath fent him y ~] A£te 5. 31. [ Him hath God 
exaltedtoh a Prince and Saviour y J Mat.25.31,32, 
33,34. \when the Son of man jhall come in his Glory > 
&c. Then (halt the King fay to them on his right hand 
&c. ] See Phil.2.g y io y i 1. 

Thef. 33. There are divers Rankj of Subjects in the 
Kingdom of God: as fome are Rebels , and only fub- 
jeBts by Obligation y or ftr angers that have not fet 
eonfented;and others voluntary plenary fub'ye ft s y that 
have right to the priviledges of the Kingdom : fo 
thofe that are free-f*bjeBs are of (evtrtl rankj y 
as to Ofpce y and Place y and Gift. 

Some arc Officers, and fome only fuch as muft 
obey : Some Officers are Civil , fome Ecclefiafti- 
cal -, Some are rich , fome poor : fome adult 9 fome 
Infants : fome weak of pare 7 fome ftrong,*^*. 


Of the Admim&ratwi, &c. 4? 

Thef.34. All that will be free Snljeftsof the King* 
dome of God , ntnfl be engaged to him infolemn Cove- 
nant ; which regularly is to be folemni^cd by their 

The Ifraelites covenanting with God cconjun&ly 
( as Dent. 39. and oft ) and diftin&ly ( as in Circum- 
cifion^r.) is known. Thofe that would not ftand 
to this Covenant were to die , 2 Chron. 15.15. And 
,thofe that folicited any to rebell againft cheir Sove- ■ 
raign,Dr/r.i3 # 

Chap. IV. 
Of the Adminiftration of thetlniver- 
fal Kingdom. 

HAving fpoken of the C O N STITuT I ON 
of the Kingdom of God , I fliall proceed 
to fpeak of the A D M I N I ST RAT 10 N 

Thef. 35. God as the Soveraign Ruhr of markind 
hath given him the Law of nature , commonly called 
the Morall haw , to be the %$le of his obeiience. 

i. The Law of nature in the primary moft proper 
fence, is to be found in naturarcrum y in the whole 
Creation that is objefted to our Knowledg , as it is a 
Glafs in which we may fee the Lord, and much of his 

E Willi 

5° Of the AdmimHration. 

Will ; and as it is a Synifier of that \y ill of God con- 
cerning our duty. 2. The Law of n ature is fome- 
time taken for that Difpodtion or Aptitude that there 
is in mans nature to the a&uall knowlcdg of tbefc 
naturally revealed things , efpeciaily fome clear and 
greateii Principles , which almort all the world dif- 
cern. 3 And it is fdmetiflic taken for the A&ual 
knowhigeof chafe plain and common P inciples. 
4. And iometime for the A&ual knowledge of all 
f that meer Nature doth reveal. When I fay God 
hath given man this law of nature , I mean , both 
that he hath made an Imprefs of his minde upon the 
Creation , and fet us this Glafs to fee himfelf , and 
much of our Duty in,& alfo that he huh given to the 
very nature of man a Capacity of perceiving what is 
thus revealed , and a difpofition efpecially to the Re- 
ception of the mot obvious Principles ; fo that by 
ordinary helps , they will be quickly known ; and 
the reft may be known if we be not wanting to our 

Thcf.. j<J # This Law of Naturt commandethtu much 
duty , to Go 'I dircttly y 1 our f elves ? to our Neigh- 
bours in their private and publike capacities. 

Thef. 37. The f urn of the dutie commanded towards 
God j is to love him with all our hearts : more par- 
ticularly it is y that we mo ft highly efteem y honour , 
reverence*) believe and trutt him , and adhere to him 
in love , and feekjnm , defend upon and ferve him 
Tfith all our powers and faculties : ivorjhipping him 
according to hh nature andrevt aled wiH , and nfing 


of the Umzerfal Kingdom 5 1 

honourably his Name y and dtvoting to his [fecial 
worjhip a fit proportion of our time, 

Thef. 38. Our duty towards our felves y is an ordinate 
Love of our [elves , and care n [ our bodies ^ but espe- 
cially of our foals y for the great ends of our Qrcati- 
on and Redemption. 

There was the lefs faid of this in Scripture ? and the 
Decalogue, becaufc it is written fo deep in nature, 
and hath fo great advantage in our natural defire to 
be happy. 

Thef. 5 p. Our duty towards our Neighbour as fuch 3 
is to love him as our [elves y that is, to love him with 
an Impartial I Love , not drawing from him to our 

, felves y by an inordinate [clfifhnefs : which mufi be 
expreffed about his Life y Chaftitjy Eft ate , Honour , 
and any thing that is his : Godlinefs y Sobemefs , 
and Righteoufnefs , are the general Titles of all thefe 

Thef. 40. Rejides thefe Natural laws which are 
promulgate to all , God hath a Larw of Grace y and 
hath many Tofitive Laws ; and both forts are con* 
tained in the holy Scriptures. 

Thef.. 41 . God hath appointed an orderly cenrfebj the 
miffion of fit pcrfons as his CMejJengers to promul- 
gate y preachy and explain thefe Laws , both of Na- 
turall and fupewaturaf Revelation to the World; and 
to command their obedience y and exhort them there* 
*xto : and it U the duty of the hearers to learn , and 
E z ebey 


5 2 Of the Adminiftration 

obey , yea , and the duty of thofe that have not the 
G off el , to enquire after it, and feek^ it , according 
to themtafure of that light thsy have y which giveth 
them intimation of its being. 

Thef. 42. God hath appointed both in Nature and 
Scripture , that the world be divided into Tylers 
and Ruled , Officers and mecre SttbjeEls ; and that 
the Officers Govern under him , by ^Authority deri- 
ved from him \ and the people obey them as his Offi- 
cers. And he hath not left it to the choice of tht 
Nations whether t he j will have Government 01 

Thofe Politicians therefore that fay a Common- 
wealth in its own nature doth not participate of mo- 
ral good or evil>but is a thing neither commanded noi 
forbidden ,doe fundamentally errcin their Politicks, 
It is poffible for one or few perfons in extraordinary 
cafes to be dilbbliged from living under any Govern- 
ment. ( But the Cafes are fo rare , that it is not 
cneof many millions of perfons that is ordinarily in 
that cafe.) But to man-kind in common ,it is made a 
duty to live in this order of Government , where h 
may be had. He therefore thatfhould think he u 
born a Freeman , and therefore will maintain his li- 
berty , and be Governed by none , ( being not a Go- 
vernor himfelf ) doth fin againft God , in violating 
his Order , as Souldiers fhould do in an Army thtt 
would have no Officers , nor be commanded by any 
but the General. This is eafily proved , for, 

1. Nature immediately makes an inequality in 
our procreation and birth, and fubjc&cth children 


of the Kniverfal Kingdom. 5 3 

to their Parents as their undoubtedly ri^hrful Go- 

2. Nature doth make fuoh inequality of perfons in 
point of fufficiency and endowments > as necef- 
iitateth Government , while fome arc unable or un- 
apt to fubfift comfortably without the Government 
of others : And therefore even in ttate of marriage 
Nature fubje&eth the weaker fexe to the Go- 
vernment of the ftronger. And irs natural for 
perfons of weak underftandings , and other endow- 
ments to have fome that arc wife and able to Govern 
them , left they be deftitute of help and left to 

3. Nature hath made man a fociable cre'ature,borh 
by Necejfity y and lnclin*tion\ and therefore muft be 
in ordered f ocieties. 

4. Nature hath made man a lover of man , and fo 
far as he is good, fo far to be Communicative : and 
therefore the wifdom and ftrength that any doe exccll 
in , is for the good of others ; and all things muft be 
fo ordered that the whole may be the better for the 
gifts of the feveral parts, and the weak for rhe ftrongj 
and therefore there muft be G overned focieties. 

4-Providence kcepeth fome in iuch neceflitie of 
others, as requirerh their relief and protection , and 
Government. Some by paucity are infuffi cient for 
their own defence : fome by the proximity of potent 
Enemies and Thieves: fome by the fcituaticn of their 
Countries,and fome by warit. 

5. The vitioufnefs of men hath made Govern- 
ment now of double neceflitie, to what it would be if 
man wetc innocent , when men are Wolves to one 
another-, and the weaker can keep nothing that the 

E 5 ftronger 

5 4 Of the Adminiftr alien 

ftronger hath a mindc to ,and no mans life can be fafc 
from cruelty and revenge ; when there is fo much 
backwardness to vertuc and well doing , and fo much 
vice to be reftrained , it is now no more queftion 
whether Government be naturally ncceflary, and fub- 
jeftion a duty ; then v hether Phyfitians be neceflary 
in a rageing plague , or food in a famine. 

6. Experience tells us that Gods work,or our prefer* 
vation cannot be well carried on without it ; without 
it the wo. Li would be a confufed crowd. It would 
dishonour the Soveraign Ruler , if his Kingdom were 
turned into a tumultuous rabble , God doth not im- 
mediately , that is without futable means , exercifc 
his Government by himfelf. He could have eafily 
done it: but it is the beauty and perfection of his 
Kingdom that there be diverfity of Orders, He could 
lighten the world without the Sun : but he hath cho- 
fen rather to communicate fo much of his Splendor 
to a Creature : He will have men like our felves to 
b^ his Officers among men , as fitted for our familiar 
converfe. An d What would a Nation be without 
Government >but a company of miferable men, rob- 
bing and killing one another, what would an Army 
be without Commanders ? and how would they de- 
fend themfclvesagainfl the enemies. 

7 # The Law of Nature requireth Jafticc; that it 
may goe well with the 6 ood , and ill with the evill ; 
and that vertue be encouraged ,and wickednefs pu- 
niflied . therefore it q:ireth that there be a courfc 
of Government in the \ r >orldto this end. 

8. There isCovemment among the very Angels 
and Divtls : therefore it i$ not to be avoided 
or thought a thing inuifferent amoog men. 


of the Univerfd Kingdom. 55 

All places have fome Order, 

9. The Analoycall government in the Micro- 
cofmc, man, doth prove a Natural need and excel- 
lency of Government. The Inteleft in man is 
made to guide,and the Will to Commnand, & all the 
inferiour faculties to obey : fliewing us that in foci- 
ctics the wife (hould^«/^,the Good fhould command, 
and the Strong and all the reft fhould execute and o- 
bey. An ungovcrned man is a mad man , or a bad 

1 o. The great difparity that is among all Creatures 
in the frame of Nature, intimaceth the beauty of Or- 
derly Political difparity. Look but to the San and 
Moon, and Stars, and fee their inequality 2nd Order. 
Bcafts differ in ftrength , and the very (tones of the 
field are not of equal bignefs and fhape. The fil- 
ly Ants have an Order among them , and a Hive of 
Bees are a Natural Common-wealth. 

Thef. 43. As the difference of mr faculties , «ni 
onr ferfonal ftlf Government y fo a/fo Domefiical , 
Political y and Ecclefiaftical Order of Government 
andftibjettion) are the Inftltmions of God y command* 
ed in hisLnws. 

1. The well governing of a mans felfe ( which is 
taught by Theological Ethicks ) is both nectary to 
his own felicity y and a principal requinte to the fafe- 
ty, beauty, and felicity of the focieties, that confift of 
individual pcrfons. 

2. Domeftical Order is commanded of God , part* 
•1y ia nature direftly , as the Rule of Parents , a*id o- 
iediencc of Children : partly by the intervention of 

E 4 con* 

5 6 Of the Administration 

contra&s for the application of the Law to the indi- 
vidual perfons > as in the Relations of Husband and 
Wife , of Matter and fervant , where note , that in 
the firft , it is one thing for Nature to yve the Law , 
and another thing for Nature to produce the perfon: 
Nature as procreative brings forth the Childe ? from 
whence the mutual Relations refult : but it is Nature 
partly as Indicative of Gods will , and partly as en- 
dowing us with Principles or Difpofitions of Mora- 
lity ( that is , as a Law ) that obliged Children to o- 
bey , as Parents to Govern : fo alio the Law of Na- 
ture and Scripture is it that impofeth on wives and 
Servants the duty of obeying , as on Husbands and 
Matters the care and duty of Governing ; but it is 
Choice that determineth of the Pfrfons that are to 
Rule and to obey , that this or that fhall be the manoi 
the woman that jfhall be a Husband or Wife is of 
choice : and that this or that fhall be the Mafttr or 
Servant , and alfo ( thefe being free Relations ) it is 
here of choice, whether they will be Married or not , 
and fervants or not. ( To the world in general > the 
Relations are neceffary , but not to every individual 
perfon. ) But whether the Husband (hall govern>and 
the wife obey 5 and whether the Matter fhall govern , 
and the fervant obey , this is not of choice : fo that 
if they (Kould by Contrail agree , that the wife fliall 
not be fubje& to the Husband ,it were iffofatto null , 
as being contraty to the divine Inftitutibn or Law. 

3. As many Families cohabiting without Political 
or Civil Government , would want that which is 
is neceiTary to their own Wel-fars and the Com- 
mon good. As an Empire is divided into feverat 
Provinces ,or Principalities > fo God hath made it 


of the Umverfal Kingdom* 5 7 

nccefifary that the world be diftributed into many 
particular Common- wealths. An Univerfal humane 
Monarchy is impoffible, it being beyond the Gapaci-' 
ty of any one io to govern ; (the more to blame the 
Pope for pretending to it,) God only can govern all 
the world. But men as his Officers have their feve- 
ral Provinces , which in due fubordination to him 
and his Laws, muft be governed by them. 

4. Becaufe men have immortal fouls to fave, and 
an everlafting life of happinefle to attain , or mifery 
to fuffer , and God himfelf hath a final Judgment to 
pafs on all according to his Laws , and becaufe men 
are rational free Agents that muftby knowledge and 
choice be brought incba fitnefsforfeliciry , and be 
kept in acceptable obedience to their Soveraign ; 
therefore hath he appointed Pallors to teach and 
guide the people in the way of life , and to acquaint 
them with his Laws , and his future Judgement, and 
in free ordered Churches to lead them in the publick 
Worlhip of GocL, and exercife that fpirituall Go- 
vernment by his Word, which fliall prefervc the ho- 
nor of his holineffc in the world , and difference be- 
tween his fervants and the rebellious > and lead his 
people towards pcrfc&ion. 


5 8 Of afukordintie Commonwealth in General. 

Thef .44. As God is the univerfal King , and hath a 
univerfal Kingdom and Law^fo doth he in this life 
extrcife him] elf fome pan of his executive power ; 
in protecting his faithful I Subjects , encouraging the 
goody and punifhing offenders by himflf, and by the 
Miniftry of Angels : hut his full tlmvcrfal J :<re~ 
mcntvfiillh* .fur this worlyvhenall (hall be finally 
fentenced by him to ever la ft in? Joy or Mfery. fo 


Chap. V, 

Of a fubordiaate Common-wealth in 

HAving fpoken of Gods Univerfal Kingdom , 
I am next to fpeak of the diftinit, fubordinate 
Common-wealth which God hath by inftitution 
made the parts of it. And here firft I fliall fpeak of 
thtT^ATUREoiz Common-wealth in general ; 
and then of thofe Modal differences which have ob- 
tained the name of the divers f pedes of Common- 
wealths: and that, 1. As the difference is in the 
number and Quality of perfons that have the Sove- 
raknty. And, 2. As it is in the gradually or modally 
cfiverfified Matter, or Obje& of their power. And 
having fpoken of the Conftitutive Caufes , I fliall 
fpeak of the Efficient. 


Of a ftbord'rr.Ate Common-wealth in General. %9 


Thef. 45. *A Common-wealth is fomnime taken for 
the f octet j Governed, fometime for the Government 
of that f octet) ; fometimc ip is taken properly in the 
fir ft Jigmfication , and {onetime analogically , for 
that which is a Commonwealth , but ofyih imperftEt 
kind ,or only fecundum quid. 

Thef. 46. -A Common-wealth properly fo called, is 
[ Afocietjof Cjods Subjects ordered into the Rela- 
tions of Soveraign and SnbjeUs for the common goody 
and thef leafing of God their Abfolute Soveraign m \ 
Or , [ it is the Government of a fociety of Gods 
Subjects by a Soveraign fubordinate to God , for the 
common food , and the Glory , and vleajing of God. ] 
Or it is £ The order of a Civil body , conjiftitg in 
the Authority of the Magiftrate , efpecially thefu- 
pream, and thefubjettion of the peoplc,forthe common 
good, and thepleajing of God. 

Many Definitions you may find in politicks,a!moft 
each one having one of his own, though moft of them 
to the fame fence. And therefore if I ufe not any 
of theirs in all the terms, I am as excufable as they. 

Thef. 47. A Common-Wealth fecundum quid , or A- 
nalogicaHy fo called, is Q The order of a Civil body y 
confifting of Governours and Subjetts intended for 
their corf oral Wel-fare , bm acknowledging not Gods 
Sovereignty \ nor intendingfpirhual and cverlafti*£ 
r oody nor tht flctfog or honour of <jod. ~ 


6o Of afukrdinate Commonwealth in General . 
As the bcft anions of Atheifts , or any men thac 
have hoc juft Principles or ends, arenotfimply or 
properly Morally-good , but only fecmdumqiiUi and 
lAnoUgicaliy , lo is it vvirh their Politicks and Com- 
mon-wealths. The abfence of any one of thefe 
JEflential Ingredients , makes their Government ano- 
ther thing. If it want either Moral-dependance up- 
on God as abfolute Soveraign , or the acknowledge- 
ment of his great Univerfal Laws which muft be the 
Fundamentals to their own , or if they intend not 
any fpiritual and everlafling good to the focieties , or 
intend not the honour and pleafing of God,but begin 
and end their Government with their carnal felves> 
this is not fimply or properly a Common-wealth , 
butfeemtdtim qmd^ and Analogically ; even no more 
then an Ideot is a reafonable man. Its agreed on by 
Politicians, that a Company of Robbers that choofe 
them a King, are no Common-wealth , becaufe they 
deviate from the Univerfal fundamental Laws; Much 
lefs is a Company of Rebels a Common-wealth that 
feek both the fubverfion of King and Kingdom: and 
fo want both the neceffary Beginning , Means and 
End. And a Juftice of Peace or Judge may as well 
Jiave Power, when they have renounced their Depen- 
dance on the Soveraign,and Loyalty to him,as a King 
or any other can have juft Power when they have re- 
nounced their Allegiance or fubje&ion to God. ( of 
which anon) 


Of s fubordinatc Comnum-Mtlth in (Jenertl. 6 1 

Thcf. 48 The form of a Commonwealth h the 
Relation of Soveralgn and. SubjeEls to each other ; 
The SubjeEl matter is a civil body , or Community of 
Gods Subjects : The Relate and Correlate are the 
Several* n and the Subjetts : The fundamentum being 
the chief controverted point fhall be [pokjn of by it 
[elf. The Terminus is actual order y and the 
common good , and the f leafing of Cjod thereby at- 
tained. % 

The Relate are Heteronym* : the Soveraign is the 
chief in Honour and Power , the Subje&s are the 
Chief in real worth , and finally preferred. The 
Aggregate matter muft be rational Creatures : for 
bruits are nor capable, and they muft be Gods Sub- 
jefts, and parts of the Univerfal Kingdom; as the 
Members of a Corporation in this Common-wealth , 
muft be members of the Common-wealth and Sub- 
jects of the Soveraign. How far they muft be fubjeifc 
to God (hall be fhewed after. The necreft Terminus 
or end is the good order of the body procured by the 
Adminiftration. By £ Order ] here I mean not the 
Relation it felfas I did in the definition , but the 
orderly ftate and behaviour of the fociety , which 
is the exercife of Government and fubje&ion , and 
the obedience to God , and juft behaviour unto men 
that is manifefted therein. This end is a means to the 
next end,which is the Common good, and thar to the 
ultimate end, which is the everlaftinghappinefsof 
man, and the fulfilling, or plcafing of the Will o£ 


6z Of a f dor din ate Commit- wealth in General. 

Thcf. 49 The Sovereign of one Common-wealth mufl 
be One , and but one {hi/ perfon , but one natu- 
ral perfon may be the Soveraign of many Common- 
wealths , and many , yea , many thoufand maypoffib- 
ly be the Soveraign of one. . 

There muft be one Head to every Civil governed 
body,and but one; that one Natural may be ten Civil 
perfons ,andfothe Head of ten Common-wealths 
is evident in that there is more necelfary to individu- 
ate Common-wealths , then the Unity of the Hesd ; 
and the Natural Unity of the Head is not necelfary. 
One natural Subjttf: may have many Relations : As 
the fame man may be a King, a Generall, a Husband , 
a Maikr , &c. fo he may be a King of many King- 
doms, The Kingdom of Scotland was not the fame 
with the Kingdom of England. Many Kingdoms 
may have different Conftitutions, one of them have 
an Emperor , another ^ limitted King , another a 
more Jimitted , and yet all have the fame man. And 
as he is the Emperor , Duke or Prince of one Com- 
mon wealth, he is not the fame Civil perfon, as he is y 
as King of another : And that many natural perfons 
may be one Civil perfon, fhall be further flicwed 
when we come to the fpecies of Government. 

Thef. 50. Though the Sovereign and fubjttts are 
always' civilly di ft intt ,yet the fame natural per- 
Jons that are Soveraigns in one refpefl; and degree r 
may be Subjects in another ^and i contra. 

But this belonging to the fpecies ,we flball fay more of 
it in the differences of GQYcrments. T6ef, 

Of a Subordinate Common-wetltb in <jener*l. 6$ 

Thef. 5 1 . The people as people are not the Soveraign 
Tower , neither a* natural ferfons aggregate , nor as 
having the chief Propriety andftrength y nor as any 
way endowed by God with governing Authority; And 
therefore the diftinttion of fome Politicians^ Papifts 
and Protefiants ) of Majeftas realis & perfonalis, 
and the Afjertion of the Popular , that the People 
are the real Sovereign y or have the Majeftatem 
Realcm , ( unlefs the conflitution of that individual 
Common-wealth fkdlgive it them)isfalfe y and not to 
be endured. 

If the people any otherwife then by particular 
Constitutions, ( by fundamental Ccntrafts) be the 
Soveraigns, or have any Governing civil power , it 
muft b^ either by nature , by accident , or by divine 
Inftitution: Butnoneofthcfe vvayes: therefore not 
at ail. 

That they have none by nature is plain, in that 
they are not by nacure a Community or Aggregate 
Body. And when chey are ib, they have naturally no 
Sovcraisnty, as I prove. 

i. Where there is no Common-wealth, there is 
no Soveraignty: but in a mee: Community or Aggreg- 
ation of men before any Contracts, or voluntary 
Conftitution,there is no Common-wealth : therefore 
there is no Soveraignty. 

2. if a meer Aggregation of natural men did make 
a Common- wealth and Soveraignty , then a Fare or 
Market might be a Commmon wcalth:6r a fhip laden 
with P affengers or a Prifon full of Captives , or an 
invading Army of enemies. But the Confequent is 
confefled ^ ftlfoood, therefore % &*. If 

^4 Of a, fubordinate Common- wedthin Generd. 

If meer nature make an Aggregate body of men 
to be a Common-wealth , or to have a real Majefty , 
( or Soveraignty jthen every aggregate Body of men 
are a Commonwealth, and have that Soveraignty, but 
the confequent is falfe : for there arc Schools , Col- 
leges , Societies of Merchants , and many other 
Corporations and Societies that are no Common- 
wealth ; therefore, &c. 

3. If nature make a meer Aggregation or Com- 
munity of men to be a Commonwealth , or to have 
Real Majefty, then men may be a Common-wealth , 
and havefuch Majefty without, yea, and againft their 
own confent : ( For there may be a Community of 
Men that confent not to be a Common- wealth. )But 
the Confequent is falfe , therefore fo is the Antece- 

4. It will follow alfo, that no "End intended by 
the people is neceflfary to the being of a Common- 
wealth ; ( For men may meet , or cohabit, or aflfoci- 
ate, and combine for feverall ends. ) But the Confe- 
quent is falfe againft the nature of all fuch Relations 
and AflTociations, therfore, &c. 

5. If nature make the people Soveraignes , then 
*/r^r all conjun£ly , or a M^or^te: But neither 
■alt i nor a Major Vote : therefore none. 

1, Not/4//: For , 1. Where there is no Subjeft, 
there is no Sovereign : But if all conjunctly arc 
feigned to be the -overaign , there would be no Sub- 
jedt : therefore , &c. The Relate cannot be with- 
out its Correlate. 2. If all muft be conjunct in the 
Soveraignty , no one would be punifhed , nor any 
righted : for every man would be judge in his own 
caufe, and every Delinquent would have a negative 

. voice 

Of dfubvrdinate Com mon-wealth in General. 6 % 

voice in his own fentencef and no Murderer would 
fuffer, till he , and all his friends confenr. 

2. If ic be the Ma^or Vote that is affirmed to have 
the Soveraignry ; Ianfvver, i. Nature givethno 
fuch Power: There is nothing in nature to tell us 
that i oo i fliould have Power of Governing ( and 
fo of the lives ) of 999. 2. Nature give th them 
not fo much as an aptitude , much lefs Authority 
and Right. 1 . The aptitude is in a Supercminency 
of Wifdem, Goidnefs and Power : but nature giveth 
none of thefe , much lefs all to the Major Vote*, 
therefore it gives not fo the Majtr Vote' to much as 
an Aptitude for Government. 1 . The world knows 
that knowledge followeth not the Major Vote. A 
few Learned experienced men, may be wifer then a 
thoufand times as many of the Vulgar. 2. Aad 
their Vertue will be defe&iveas Ifieir Wifdom is, 
3. And ( though Power 6e more for execution then 
for proper Government, yet ) it is known that ten 
ftrong men may beat twenty weak ones, and that 
an Army of 30000 doth often beat an Army of 

3. Yea, Nature ufuallydenyeth the Aptitude fo* 
Government to the Major Vote. For, 1. They 
are ordinarily moft imprudent , wanting the natural 
and acquired parts that others have. -i. They areu- 
ufally moft vicious: The moft are feldom the beft » 
in the Beft Countreys of the world. 5. They are 
commonly divided, and hardly kept in Unity among 
thcmfelvcs ; and therefore are unfit to be the Center 
of Unity co the reft. 

6. If Nature place the Soveraignty in as aggregate 

body of the people, then either in a certain number, 

F or 

66 Of afubordimte Common-wealth in General. 

or an uncertain. Not on a Certain Number: for 

nature limiteth it not to fuch a number,nor doth any 

affirm it : Not to an uncertaine number , for then 

every member that is added to. the Common- wealth 

may poffibly alter the bent oF the whole Soveraignty . 

E.G. If it be half Protectants, and half Papifts, and 

onePapiftbc admitted into the company, he will 

give the Papifts the Major Vote. ■ And thus thee- 

ncmies may at any time fubvert them , and the 

fociety will wheel about like the Weather-cock, one 

party making Laws , and the next Repealing them , 

as each can get the Major Vote. 

7. If Nature do make the people the real Ma- 
j e fty 5 or give them any Governing power, then it is 
either becaufe they are the b?//>A' , the heft ,> or the 
ftrovgeft : But it is by none ofthefe: For, 1. It is 
proved, that ordinarily they are void of the two firft 
and oft of the laft. 2. If not , yet they are bur an 
Aptitude, and not a Title. 3. Elfe if one Nation 
be wifer or better then the reft , all (hould be fubjeft 
to them ; or if an enemy ftronger then we fet foot- 
ing on our foil , tbey are naturally bur Governors. 
And 4. Then there can be no Injuftice , if ftrength 
or wit may carry it : for he chat cheats or beats ano- 
ther that hath Right to all he hath,or if any man can 
prove too bard for the Prince, his ftrength would be 
his Title, 

8. If Nature had given the chief Governing 
Power to the people , then God would not have 
£one contrary to this in the inftitution mentioned 
in his word : But he hath gone contrary to it , ( a* 
fball be {hewn) therefore, &c 

$< Nor would the commoncft Governments of 


Of a f ^ordinate Common-wealth in General. 6 J 

.: Nations of the earth be contrary to ic : for 
rhat which is of nature , is molt common to naturall 
men. Buc no men that I hear of , are Governed by 
the people as fet over them by mecr nature : And 
few take them, to have a naturall aptitude : and 
therefore moft places have Monarchy orArifto- 

io.The Power of Governing a Common-weal ch 
is not a natural thin ^but a Right that muft come by 
Commitfion from a Superior ; therefore it is nor di- 
reftly conveyed by mcer nature : therefore the mul- 
titude have it not by nature. 

2. And if they have it not by nature,then either 
by ibaie fupervenient Accident , or by Contract : 
If by Accident , either by Propriety in Riches, or by 
acquired Prudence or by Conqueft. But none of 
thcfe ways can it belong to the Community, or Ma- 
jor Vote , as fuch. 

For. i. A few men many be richer then many, and 
have Dominion of more Lands and Cattle. 2. And 
thisgiveth no man Right to be the Governour o£ 

2. Acquired Prudence is but an Aptitude , and not 
a Title ; and yet it is fuch as the multitude are void 

5. They cannot be faid to be Conquerors of them- 
felves, or of the minor part. 

3. Nothing therefore remaineth to be pleaded for 
the popular Soveraignty , but Contract , or Divine 
Jnftitmion. And if Contraft do. the deed, it is* 
either a Contraft about this very form and end in 
queftion , or about fome other. 1 . If about mot\yrr y 
ic cannot give them Power in this. If a fociety 

F 2 Cantrait 

68 Of afubordinate Common-wedtb in General. 

Contract about Merchandize , Phyficjc , Literature > 
or other fubje&s and ends , this makes them not a 
Common- wealth, a. And if it be a Contraft to 
thisfpecial End y then it is not by Nature JltA then it 
belpn^s not to a Major Vote as fuch , but followed* 
the confent of various Refublickj as each are confti- 
iHtcd by that confent. 

4. And immediate Divine Inftkution cannot be 
pretended for it, as fhall be fhewn. 

In all this difpute I mean by [Majefias realis ] 
what the Politicians themfelves profels to meane, 
whom I difpute againft , which is not a meer fplen- 
dor or honour , &c. but as they call it themfelves, 
Heal is Impcrij Majeflas , the chief radicall power of 
Government, by vertue of which they fay, that[Afo- 
jeflas perfondis a reali Majefiate jttdicari poteft~\and 
that L personalis Majeflas a re ah originem dncit] 
and that [ tibi contra leges fundament ales agit ide§ an* 
mhilatur & exfpirat , & realis vivificatur & In ean- 
dem armatur. ] There is not the leaft degree of Qo^ 
verning Power in the people as fuch/ This-Do- 
&rine hath been guilty of Rebellion and confufion in 
Church and State: it hath overthrown the very na- 
ture of Churches and Common-wealths; by turning 
the Governed into the Governours ; and confounding 
the Rulers and the Subjeas. It croffeth the Orders 
of Gods own Inftitution that require the Gover- 
nours to Rule well, and the Subjects to obey them 
ia the Lord, and not to be the Rulers of their Ru- 


Of a Subordinate Common-wealth in Cjcnertl. 6$ 

Thef. 52. 7 hough the people have not any Soveraignty 
or 9 werning Authority as people, yet have they a 
certain Right to that Common good which is the 
End of Government, and each man hath that pro- 
priety in bis life and faculties , and Children , and 
Eft ate , and Honour , that no Rulers may unjustly 
take the] r e from him ; which Right as it is fecured 
partly by the Law of Nature, partly by other Laws 
or lnftitutions of God , and partly by the jpecifying 
Fundamental Contracts rfthe Common-wealth , and 
commonly called[Thc Liberties of the People] and 
thejnfifecuritjofthefe Liberties, is it that fome 
tAuthours have miftakenfor a Majeftas Realis and 
% a popular Authority to Government 

Thef. 53. Ma} eft y or Sovereignty is the Higheft 
Tower of Governing the Common-wealth) and the 
Fountain of all inferiourPower. 

Thef. ?4» *As Power or Authority is Jus Regendi, 
a Right to Govern, fothe Sovereigns power in fpe- 
cial conjifleth in the Only Right of making the Uni- 
versal Laws of the Common-wealth, and conveying 
Authority to inferiour Governors , and having 
the Higheft Tower of Judgement from which there 
is no appeal to any but God. 

1 • Authority is oft taken in other fenfes: efpeci- 
allyforthceflfe&ivelntereft that any man hath in 
the efteetn of another, either for his Learning, Wit 
dom, Goodncfs , and Fidelity , Riches or Strength. 
And fo there is Authoritas Affirmant is, Docentis* 

F 3 "&**- 

70 Of a Subordinate Commok- wealth in Cjenerd. 

Suadentis , Tefiantis y CMinantis , Tromittentis , &c, 
according to mens feveral Interefts. And Power is 
oft taken for meere ftrength. But it is Civil Power 
of Authority that we are here tofpeakof, which is 
nothing elfe but {.Jus Regendi ] A %igh to Govern 
with an obligation thereto : ( except in God the Ab- 
solute Soverai<zn who can be obliged by none ) As 
Government is an Honour and Dignity, and de- 
manded! obedience from Iriferiours , fo it is [ *A 
'Rjght : 3 But as it is an aft of obedience it felf to a 
Superiour Power that commandeth it as his work , fo 
it is from an Obligation of that Superiour which is 

2. If any of the aforefaid Power of Legiflation and 
Judgement be referved to the people , they have it 
not as people j but as participating in the Suprema- 

And if the King ftiall by Law or Cuftome have the 
fole TitleornameofSoveraigneor Supream, and 
yet cither Lords , or Senate, or people jfhall partici- 
pate in the faid Legiflation , or Higheft Judgement, 
they fo far participate in the Soveraignty. For it is 
not the Honorary names' ', but the thing that we en- 
quire after. 

Yet quoad exewitium a Soveraigne may refufeto 
cxercife his higheft Judgement ? and caufe it con- 
ftantly to be done by Judges , and the people may 
limit him therein. Legiflation therefore is the chief- 
eft work of Soveraignty ; ( of which more a- 

When a Soveraign giveth power to Corporations to 
make Laws they are but By-Lavvs,fubordinate to the 
taws of the Common-wealth, & are about particular 


Of Subordinate Common-wealth in General. 71 

matters, and therefore are not Common- wealth 
Laws, but Corporation-Laws : And yet they are 
Originally the Soveraignes Laws , in that the Pow- 
er came from him,though Proximately they are their 
Laws that made them. But if he fhould Depute ano- 
ther to the power of making Common-wealth- 
Laws, he fhould depute him toanaftofSoveraign- 

Thef . 5 ^ . Sever aignes arefome perpetual, that is for 
life , andfome temporary , or for a limited time ; 
And therefore Politicians fhonldnot make it Ejfen- 
tiaho Sneraignty to ke perpetual. 

Time here cannot alter the general Nature of the 
Power. It is really the Right of Chief or Soveraign 
Rule , if it be but for a year or day. As the Major 
or Bayliff of a Corporation is truly a Magiftrate 
though but for a year , as well as thofe that have the 
place for life , fo is a Soveraign. The Duration is 
not effential to the Power. As he is a King that 
may be cut off by Death the next week after he is 
Crowned , fo is he that receivcth the Crown but for 
a limited time. If he take it for two hundred years, 
( which is above the ufual life of man) if he fhould (o 
long live,he is as truly King,as if no years were nam- 
ed. And if fojthen no man can fix a term between two 
hundred years , and two hundred dayes, or two days, 
which muft make our effential diffcrencc.And there- 
fore a Di&ator is a temporary Monarch. 

F4 Thef, 

72 Of afubordinate Common-wealth in General. 

Thcf. %6. The Soveraign is above all the Humane 
Laws of the Common- wealthy that is, he hath power 
to make Laws arid to repealethem , cornel them , 
adde to them , difpenfr with them , and pardon 
the breacty of them to particular perfons , and as a 
Soveraign is not bound to kjep them by obedience him~ 
fclf, nor tofuffer by them. 

The reafon of this > is evident from the nature of 
Sovereignty and of Laws. He that is hijseft hath no 
Higher to obey : Laws are but the fignifications of 
the Law-givers W//, and therefore can go no further 
then his will. He cofnmandeth others and not him- 
felfe. It is proper to a Subjeft to be obliged to o- 
bedience by a propet Law. ■ And therefore if King , 
Lords, and Commons that had the Reall Soveraign- 
ty here among us , had broken a Law that threatneth 
death, they had not forfeited their lives by it : nor is 
there any Superiour to be their Le^all Judge. 

Thef. 57. Tit is not the Soveraign free from the Obli- 
gation of the Laws pfGod y nor from the Obligation 
ef the Fundamental contracts of the Cowmen-wealthy 
vor of any of his publick^frtmifes : nor may he dif* 
penfe with his own Laws , (much lefs make Laws ) 
aaainfi Gods Laws or the Common-good. 

Btit for violating thefe,he hath none to judge him 
asGovernour but God; if the people qucftion him 
as violating the conftitution , and destroying the 
Common- health , it mull not be as Subjects, nor as 
his SovcraLn : For Subjects as fuck > muft obey 7 and 


Of subordinate Common-wealth in General. 75 
not Rule : and Sovereignty they have none. But if 
they do it , it muft be as Partus in the ComraEt y vin - 
dicating the violated Contrails upon natural felf pre 
fuming grounds, as men kill their Enemies in Wars 
or Duella, for their own defence : which is not as 
Rulers of the Enemies where they kill. But whether 
this may be done , or in what cafes , muft be fpoken 
of more diftin&ly by it felfe anon. 

thef. 5 8. But it is poffible {how fit 1 difpute not ) that 
the fame natural per fan that hath the chief part of 
the Soveraign Tower , may be both Soveraign and. 
fub'yeftinfeverallrtfpefts ^ and fa have fever al civil 
capacities^ and then ke may as fubjett be obliged by 
the fame Laws which as Soveraign he makes , and 
may be tunifhed accordingly ; that is , // bj 
the Conftttution and by his own confent ( m receiving 
a power on fach terms) he be thus fab jetted. 

A Prince may by the Conflitution be obliged to be 
refponfible in his Courts of Juftice , for Debts , or 
Wrongs, or Crimes and fubjefted to more or leflfe 
penalties. But he is not thus obliged to duty, or fuf- 
fttingas faveraign , but asfabjeft: and therefore it is 
fuppofed that he have notthctoulfoveraignty; but 
in point of Judgment^ fo much of it be committed to 
the higheft Judicature as /hall put them in a capacity 
to judge him. And if the fame perfon(natural)mighc 
not be fubje& that hath part in the Soveraignty,thcn 
in Ariftocracies and Democracies , many would be 
from under Lifts. But though this be pojJfible y yet is 
it unufaall and dangerous to the Common-wealth > 
that any Judicature ihould have power to behead the 


74 Of a fubordimte Common-wealth in General. 
Common-wealth, and that the Highest Judgtmentbz 
in the hands of any that have not the Highefi Le- 
gislative Power y and that to be exercifed on the Le- 
gvflators : and that a Subject ( in all other refpe&s ) 
iliould have power co judge his Soveraign to death; 
To be refponfible about matters of propriety is not fo 
unfit. But that the Honour or Life of the Sove- 
raign (whether a Angle Monarch, or a Senate,or both 
inmixt Governments) ftiould be in the power of 
inferiour Judges, is unmeet andunfafe to the Com- 
mon wealth. 

Thef. 59. The exifience of the Natural P erf on of the 
Soveraign is not necejfary to the exigence of a Com- 

And therefore its faid that Rex non rmritur. For 
when the perfon is dead , (e.g. in an Ele&ive 
Monarchy) the Species Jives in the Conftitution,and 
in the minds and wills of all the people , who there- 
fore will choofe a fucceffor. 

Thef. 60. But the natural exigence of Subjects is ne- 
cejfary to the exifience of a Common-wealth. JBe- 
caufe it is not a Body capable of living in a meere 
conftituiion^ or the rnindes of men ^ nor to be revived 
frefently by mans determinations. 

Thef. 6 j. Subjects are either Imperfect , and only 
fuch by Obligation and not confent, (as are Rebels) 
or plenary by confent. Obligation is for Duty : 
Confent is the condition of the bene ft , and the necef- 
f*ry c%u[e of Duty it felf. 


Of afubordimte Common-wealth in General 75 

Thef. 62. Confenting Sub] efts are either fuch as have 
only the benefits of Protection and Jufiicefor their 
Lives, Honour s,Eflates,&c. or fitch as alfo are 
Burgeffes of the Common-wealth, and, are capable of 
bearing Office, and choojing (joverneurs. 

The reafon of the difference is fometimes from 
the difference of expreffions of confent , but ufually 
from perfonall differences of Aptitude and Capacity: 
fome being children, Idiots, fervants , poor, and fo 
depending upon others, and unfit to have a hand ft 

Thef. 65. It is not the defeft of fecret intent ions of the 
Ends of Government , that can nullifie the being of 
a Common-wealth ; but if the Common good be not 
the prof effed end, it is null. 

Thef. 64. h is no further true government then it is 
a means to the Snds of Government , which are let- 
ter then the means ; nor may it be fet up againfb its 

1 Ends. 


*]$ Qftbtfeverd forts of Commm-mdths. 

Chap. VI. 

Of the feveral forts of Common- 

HAving fpoken of the Univcrfal Kingdom , and 
next in general of particular fubordinate Com- 
mon-wealths, that God hath by inftitution made the 
parts of it; I mutt Firft fpeak of the CON ST ITU- 
7 ION j and next of the ADMINISTRATION 
ofthefe. And about the Conjiitution I fliall firft 
fpcak of the MODES (or SPECIES as common- 
ly called ) and then of the Individuation. 

Thef. 65. God hath not in his llniverfal Lawes re* 
firained the Nations of the vu or Id to any one Mode 
or Species of Government , but left it as a variable 
thing to be determined according to the condition of 
each people , whether one or many {hall have the So- 
veraignty under him. 

There is a twofold diverfity of GovernmentsrOne 
is in the Verfont Ruling ; Another is in the Matter 
of Government : whether the former dodeferve the 
name of 'Specification or not, it hath by Cuftome ob- 
tained that name : And fo Monarchy , Arifiocracie y 
and Democracieizz called thediftinft Species of Go- 
vernmtnts or Common-wealths. In the Matter of 

' Govern- 

Of the feveral forts of Common-wealths. 77 

Government there is difference > in that feme have 
greater power , and fome have lefs : fome Soveraigns 
are limited to certain things , and degrees of power ; 
and fome are. unlimited : and fome limited more, 
and fome fefs. And otae would think this difference 
were a? great as the former. 

I know fome pretend to a Divine Inftitution for 
Monarchy , but they mean onely that it may from 
Scripture be proved to be bejt ; but not that no other 
but it, is Lawfnll. Thus Michael Hudfon and others 
affertittobe JurcDivino : As for their pretences, 
that would make Democracie the onely Government 
that hath the ftamp of God , I think them not worth 
the writing againft. 


Thif. 66* fhe true format nature of a C^ntmoH-weal 
ism every one of the Modes or Species hot* inquefli- 
on ; fo this it is ab[urd to appropriate the Title of a 
Common-wealth to any one of them alone . 

Yet fo do the new Popularifis among us , calling 
Democracie only [ a Common-wealth ] which they 
fliould rather call [a Common-government ] if it im- 
ply no contradiction. The Constituting UHatter of 
every Common-wealth is the Pars Imperans , and 
Pars fubdita : the Governours and Subje&s : and 
the forme is their Mutual Relation as refpc&ing the 
End: the nee reft End is Order,and the next the peo- 
ples fafety and welfare hereby maintained and pro- 
moted ; together with the Honour of the Governor: 
the more principal End is our prefcar plcafing of 
God and honouring him, and the ultimate end is our 
aorepcrfeftcvcrlafting plcafing him in our fruition 


j$ Of the fever d forts of Common-wealths. 
of him in glory. It is named Refpublica a Common- 
weal , partly from the matter , becaufe it is the 
publick Affaires that it is exercifed about: and partly 
fromthe end,becaufe it is the Common good that it 
is inttituted for , and is to be intended. A Vicinity 
oj Community, City or Society may be where there 
is no Common - wealth. Any Number of men 
incapacity are the remote fubjed of it . A City 
or Community drawn neerer by contracture ufually 
or oft the more neer iubjeft of it. For ufually fome 
Contract difpofeth them , and makes them a Com- 
munity , or City , before they become a Common- 
wealth, or foif may do at leaft. Though fome call it 
not a City till it be headed with a Governour , and 
foit is a Common-wealth. Its not the Attaining 
but the Intention or Ttndcncie of the Government to 
the C omm °v-g °d that is eflential to a Common- 
wealth. An accidentally unhappy Common-wealth 
hath yet the forme , and muft have the name. 

Thef. 6j. The reafon why God did not Uuiver felly by 
his Law tye all the World to One forme of G overn- 
mint , isbecanfeths difference offerfons^times^la-. 
cesy neighbours, &c* may make one forme be ft to one 
people > and at onetime , and place <>that is voorfb to 
another Monarchy is befl for fome y Arifiocracie 
to otters^ *nd Democracie to others. 

Some places may have fewer perfons fit, and fome 
more : fome places may lie under the advantages of 
one man, or of many y or of the multitude , fo as that 
they cannot live profperoufly. without pleafwg them* 

and fo fubffuttiog to them.In fome places the people 


Of the fever al fort s of Common- wealths. 79 
are much add idled to One way > and in fome to ano 
ther: fome Common-wealths do niort intend Pre- 
fervation , and other Incre.ife of Riches , or of 
Poffejfions by enlargement of their Territories. And 
Cuftom may do much. 

Thef.68. That U the be ft form of Government to this 
or that People , that all things confidered, doth moft 
fowerfuHy tend to their fplrltual and ever l aft ino wel- 
fare , and their Holinefs^ Obedience^ andpleaftng of 

Nothing more fure or clear,then that the ultimate 
end doth moft put the due eftimate on all the means. 
If Government be no means to this end, it is not 
good, defirablc , nor of God : for if it be not to and 
for God, it is not from him. There is nothing in all 
the world that can betheObjeS of a humane A#, 
but the ultimate end, and the meanes thereto. If 
Government be neither,we have nothing to do with 
it : But if it be one ( as certainly it is ) it cannot 
be the end;, and therefore mu(t be a means : and if 
fo , that is the beft means which moft tendeth to the 
attainment of the end. 

Objeft. Bnt the Common corporal Profperity is the 
near andproperend y and therefore that muft eftimate the 

AnfwJLvtik that nearer end is it felf but a means to 
. our ultimate end; nor to be any further valued or re- 
garded by a rational Creature, then it hath a tenden- 
cy thereto ; and therefore that which hath no value 
it felf y but what it hath as a means to the ultimate 
end , can convey no other to its fubordiaate means. 


80 Of the fever al forts of Common - wealths. 
Nothing more furc then that our ultimate end mtift 
turn thefcalesofour estimation of all means. A 
horfe may be ftronger then a man , and a dog 
founder, and a Tree live longer here. The Turkifti 
Dominion may have more riches , and Power , and 
larger Command then th^Englifli Common- wealth: 
Buc it is not therefore the happier : That which moil 
advaaceth the people ro falvation, and keeps out.fin, 
and keeps our holinefs and pleafeth God, is the beft 
Government. He that beleveth not this , is at the 
heart- ah Infidel. A prifon with holinefs and the 
favour of God , is better then all the Riches and 
Glory of the world without it: The com on caufe 
of the Damnation of all that perifti is the preferring 
of Riches, Honor, Pleafure, Liberty ,and fucb flefhly 
accommodation before God and Glory. No men 
on earth therefore can more promote the Devils 
work, and the perdition of fouls, then thefe that 
plead for corporall advantages in the framing of 
their Common-wealths againft Gods intereft,and the 
well-fare of mens fouls ! They too grofly play over 
again the game that the Devil playd with Chrill that 
foiled him , CMat.^. when he offered him all the 
Kingdoms and glory of the world , if he would wor* 
fiiip him. None but thofe that have forfakenGod 
fliall be fo far forlaken by him as to follow thefe im- 
pious Principles. We will not contrive our own 
adverfity , nor tefufeprofpericy when God affordeth 
it : But we muft eftimate all with refpc& to our ul- 
timate end , and prefer the flames before a Crown 
when it is againft this sad. 


Of the fever d forts of Common-wealths. 8 1 

Thef. ^9. That is the be Ft form of Government 
that moft condnceth to the common fafety o* the inte* 
reft of God y and the well-fare of his Univerfall 

The good of the world * and the whole body of 
Gods faithful Subjects is more to be look at , then 
the. good of a particular Common-wealth The 
fame Principles that prove it fordid and impious to 
value our private perfonal profperity before that of 
the Common-wealth > do prove it as bad to value 
the good of one Common-wealth before the Uni- 
verfal Kingdom of God on earth. If a people 
could live moft profperoufly to themfelves in the 
{late of fome petty Republicks and Free«Cities , but 
yet are thereby uncapable of doing much for the faf?- 
ty o^vel-fare of their brethren abroad , it is not the 
moft defirable Government. 

As that is properly a Domination , or */0- 
verninjr of fervants 7 which is principally for the Rk~ 

Thef. 70 

vernin^ . ............ 

Icrs benefit y and that is a Common-wealth which is 
principally for the Common-benefit ,fo the more any 
form of Government tendeth to the Common-weal 
or Good of all , the more defirable it is \ (fappofing 
the two fore-mentioned conditions.) 

This alfo is plain , becaufe the end ftill eftimates 
the means. And as Millions are better then one 
and Godsintercft more concerned in their wel-fare, 
fo their wel-fare is more the end of the Common- 
wealth then his. The Prince in this refped is for 
G the 

82 Of the feveral forts of Commonwealths. 
the people, more then they for him. 

Thef. 71. Tet is the Honour of the Prince , as he is 
Go ds Ojficer^and partlcipxtcth of Authority derived 
from him s onepart of the end of a Common-wealth , 
and not to be feparated from the peoples foneft;, in 
car intentions. 

Mr. M% Hudfon maintained that this Honor of 
the Soveraign is xhz nobler end , and to be preferred 
before the peoples good. I think they are fo ad- 
mirably linckt together, that we cannot fairly bring 
them into Competition or Diffention. Gods In- 
cereft in other reijpe&s is moft in the people: though 
it is only the Rulers that participate of his Govern- 
ing Power and Honor. Gods mcreft in the Magi-, 
firates Honor , is better then the Peoples profperlty as 
theirs : And Cjods Interesl in the Peoples Welfare , 
and the Worftiip and Obedience that he hath from 
them, is better then tht Maglfirates Honor as his own: 
And the peoples Wei-fare as their ownjis better then 
ihzM*glftrates honor as his own: There remains there- 
fore no queftion to be decided >but this jvhethcr Go Is 
Interesl: in the Idlers honor , or In ihe peoplesW.l-fare % 
nws~t be preferred.]VJh\ch needs no further decision, 
becaufe they are never to be feparated , but both to 
be ftill regarded. Honor is commanded us to our 
5uperiprs in the fifth Commandment, and if any 
fin of theirs do make them uncaple of their ovrn part 
in the honor, ftill Gods part muft be fecured, that is, 
when they are bad Rulers they muft have the Honor 
of Rulers , though not of good Rulers, and that re- 
fulteth unto God : and if they ceafe to be Rulers , 



Ofthefe veral forts of Common-wealths. 8 3 

Magiftracy ceafeth not ? and therefore it mutt (till 
6e honoured, and God in it. 

Thef. 72. That form of Government is not to be judg- 
ed moji for the common goody which giveth the great- 
eft Power to the multitude ^but that which provideth 
them with the great eft advantages toferve andpleafe 
God y and help theirBrethren. 

Lee Satans (laves think the Hlghefl are the 
H apple fi , who are animated with P ride, and take 
th& admiration , applaufe and fubmiilion of men to 
be their felicity : but none will think fo that are not 
blinded with ambition : The befooled Admirers of 
the glittering vain Glory , and pomp of worldly dig- 
nity and greatneffe, do think a trouble and grievous 
burden a defirable thing , and pare of their felicity. 
And therefore as every wicked , proud and fenfual 
man would fain be higheft , and the Ruler of all? fo 
when fuch proud and wicked men write Politicks,no 
wonder if they animate their Writings from their 
ownfpirits and principles , and make that the happi- 
eftftate to the people in which they may havemoft 
of Governing Dignity andpowsr which is far from 

Thef. 73 . The great burden and work, of the %ftler> 
is ths principal thing to be lookt at in his office ; and 
the Honor is but for the workfakej and for God that 
giveth him his Power} The people therefore are msre 
beholden f a faithful Governor fhen the Governor is 
to the people , and receive more from him > then he 

Ga Moft 

$4 Of the feveral forts of Commonwealths. 

Moft men belive not this , though it be moft evi- 
dent , becaufe Ambition and carnal Admiration of 
fecular pomp doth bind their minds. But confider, 
i. It is but one man, or a few that are the Receivers 
from the people , and it is the whole Community 
ihat receiveth from the Prince. 2, His cares and 
labors are far greater for them , then theirs for him 
or for the moft part for themfelves . He that never, 
was u Court, may eafily know , what a milerable 
life it is fas to private plcafure) to have the care of a 
Common-wealth, and to have fo many Expcthnts 
and Petitioners to fatisfie,and of fo contrary diipofi- 
tions,interefts & expe£tetions,wbere it is impoflible 
for the wifeft or richeft Prince to fatisfie or gratifie 
all 3 and unavoidably neceflfary to difpleafc many , 
& then to incur the paffionate cenfures of thofe that 
are difpleafed : To have fcarce time through multi- 
tude of bufineffe to look to the health of their own 
bodies; nor do fo much for theit fouls as they that 
are out of the crowd, and have opportunity of Re- 
tirements. 3. And their lives are more in danger by 
the Plots and PaflTions of enemies and diicontented 
men, then the Sub je&s are. 4. And worft of all,they 
ftand in the moft incommodious,dangerous ftation as * 
to their own falvation : The Pomp of the world is 
potent to deceive, and the gteatnefs and multitude 
of Bufinefs t o divert ; and the words of flatterers to 
pervert, and their applaufe topufteup; and carnal 
Inrereft to engage them againft the mortifying Do- 
ftrine and flefh difpleafing yvays of Chrift : fo t4iat 
few great, noble and mighty arc faved, and its won- 
drous heard for the rich and great to enter into hea- 
ven. So that { conclude, that for wicked men that 


Of the feveral forts of Common-wealths. 8 5 
believe not a life to come , and intend not the com- 
mon good, but their own advancement, to fcramble 
for a Crown, and clamber iuto honor, is no wonder, 
and accordingly they are like to ufe it. But if any 
good man, than knoweth what he doth, do accept of 
a Ration of fo great work, and fufferin.;, and danger* 
the people a:e~ more beholden to him , then he to 
them. Wife men know the weights of Crowns. 

Thef. 74. Of all the three ordinary forts of Go- 
vernment , Democracy is to mo ft people , and uf natty 
the worft. 

Let us firft know what the forts are out yve fpeak 
of, and then prove the Aflertion. And firft I will 
not meddie with Domination, which looketh princi- 
pally to the Princes ends, & but confequently at the 
common good, but only at the Monarchy thats cal- 
ls c ] A Kingdom. ] 

Thef. 75. r. tsf KivvdomA a Common-wealth 
that hath one perfon only forjTs Soveraign , the end 
of who_ e Constitution and Admmftration is the 
common good. 

The very Title of Rex, a King, is the moft modeft 
and convenient that a Soveraign can have : for ic 
fignifieth but one that rnlethj dlretteth or guideth T 
whereas Imperator , an Emperour , fignifyin ' a Com- 
mander , is fitted to the General of an Army, and of 
too high importance for him that Rulethoy Laws. 
And Domlnus a Lord, in its proper fignification , ir. 
higher then that*, and fignifieth one that hath a Pro- 

G 3 prlety 

8 6 Of the fever oil forts of Common-wealths. 

yriety and Power oiDifpoftng of y as well as Ruling 
the perions and things that are uqder his Govern- 
ment , and ordereth them for himlelf as his own.A 
Protestor is a n?me that I may not now defcant on ; 
but I may boldly lay, that a JC/Vg,and %Prince y Rex y & 
Princcps are lower as to pretenlioh,-nd have in them 
the kaR appearance of Arrogancy , or found of Arbi- 
trary Power , and are moft fuited to a moderate Go- 

Thef.76.7Ttf C orruption of Monarchy is commonly cei- 
led Tyranny -which is when theOnt that is appointed 
to rule for the Common-good y doth deftroy the Com- 
mon good y orfubjcliit to his private interefi. 

Some call him alfo a Tyrant that wants a juft Ti- 
tle; andfo diftinguifh the Tyrant that wanteth Title 
from him that abufeth it. But, 1. No man hath a 
Right to proper Tyranny 5 or to deftroy the common 
good. 2. The other is more ufually and fitly called 
an Invader , Immtkr y or Ufxrfer •> and folet him 
leep his name. 

Thef. 77. Arift acy is a Common-wealth that's 
Governed by fome of the i?efi for the Common- 

The Corruption of it is called Oligarcftie y wh\ch is 
the confufion of the Community , when forpe of 
the firongeA or rieheft,but not the beft to get poflef- 
fionof the fupream Government, and manage it 
for .heir; rwate Interefts, and not for the common 
gcod. li they be chofen by full Suffrage,yet it may 


Of the fever al forts of C°*nwon-wealths. 87 
be an Oligarchic , as well as by Invaiion : the per- 
fons and abufe may corrupt the form. 

Thcf. 78. Democracy is a Common-wealth where 
the Soveraign Fewer is in all , or the Ma)or Vote of 
tie people to be ewrcifdfor the C ommon -g*°A* 

Some popular forms admit all the multitude to 
vote in Government without diftin&ion: Mo(ft:e 
wif-r,and admit only perfons thus and thus qualified, 
ttat have fuch Eftates, or of fuch Ranks and Orders : 
fome give equal power to all that have Votes: fome 
limit the inferior fort,and give more power to thofe 
of greater riches, The Corruption of this is called 
Qchlocratie , which is the confufion of the Commu- 
nity, when the Rabble rout or multitude have the 
Rule , which they exercife to fatisfie thc:ir giddy hu- 
mors,or fome private Intereft againft the Common- 
well-fare : Scarce any Democracy efcapes this. 

Thef. 79. A mixt Common-wealth is that y in which 
either two, or all three of the fe forms are fo conjmttj 
that the Supremacy is divided among them i fome* 
time equally^ fomethne unequally m 

It hath been a Controverfie , to which of thefe 
forms our Englifh Common-wealth was , arid is to 
be reckoned : the uncertainty of this was one caufe 
of our Wars : Many thought it was a pure Kingdom 
or Monarchy , where the whole Soveraignty is in 
the Kin?. The Parliaments have affirmed it to be 
a mixt Common- wealth, yet denominated a Monar- 
chy or Kingdom from fome eminent Prerogatives of 
G 4 the 

88 Of the fever d forts of Common-wealths. 

the King : The Reafons given by them 1 ihall not 
ftand on,fave only this One. The Le iflacive power 
isapart , ifnoc theKigheftpartof the Soveraigrityi 
but much of the Legiflative Power is , and hath been 
in the Parliaments hands : therefore much Oi the So- 
veraignty is in their hands. 

But to put all out of Controverfic , the King him- 
felf in his Anfwer to the Nineteen Proportions of 
trcParliament , averres the fame himfelf. As to 
them that argue from the Oath of Supremacy , and 
theTirle given to the King, 1 refer them to Mr. 
Law Jons Anfwer to Hobbs Politicks, where he fhews 
that the Titb is oft given to the fingle perfon for 
the honour of the Common-wealth and his encou- 
ragement , becaufe he hath an eminent intereft, but 
will nor prove the whole Sovcraignty to be in him : 
and the Oath excludeth all others from without, and 
not them whofe intereft is implyedas conjunft with 
his. The Laws and Cnftoms of the Nation muft ex- 
pound fuch Names. The eminent Dignity and In- 
ter^! of the King above others, allowed the name 
of a Monarchy or Kingdom to the Common- 
wealth though indeed the Soveraignty was mixt. 
in .he hands of Lords and Commons. If in the 
mixture the intereft of the Prince had been leaft 
conficlerable , it fhould .not have been called a Mo- 
narchic or Kingdom, but an AriHocracy or Demo- 
cracy from the Party that had the moft eminent in- 
iyitereft. * 


§ <) Of the f ever al forts of Common-wealths. ° 


Thef . 80. whether the natural perfons that haze the 
Sovereignty be One, err*;/, or ten thoufand ^ yet 
they are all but one Civil fcrfon y called the Sove- 

IhzCMajeftashin one Civil perfon called the 
Head of the Common-wealth : and the Common- 
wealth is individuated by the Head or Soveraign : 
and therefore if there were more Soveraigns or 
' Heads then one , there would be more Common- 

Thef. 81. That Democracy or Popular Government 
is ordinarily the worfi > is proved by all thefc 
Arguments ; 1. Becaufe tt comes neareft to the utter 
confounding of the Governors and Governed: the 
Ranks that God hath feparated by his InfiitHtion. 

It is certain that God himfelf hath appointed that 
fome be Rulers ', and fomehz Subjects : Now to make 
the Rulers and the Subje&s the fame,and fo to make 
the people rule themfelves , is next to the utter con- 
founding of the common. wealth , and nullifying 
Government. And therefore it is faid four times 
overin the Judges. 17. 1 8,19* and 21. That [ In thofe 
days their was no King in ifrael: ] and twite its 
added ; [ But every man did that which was right 
In his own eyes y 1 as if there had been no Go- 
vernment at all. And all becaufe the temporary 
Monarch was interrupted , and the A ittocracy 
which continued began to grow weak,and favour too 
much of Democracy by the ufurpation or tumults 

of the people Thef. 

$> o Of the fever al forts of Common-wealths. 

Thef. 82. 2. Nothing more incident to corrupted na- 
ture then for f elf -love: to blind men y arid every man to 
be partial in his own caufe: Now it is th people that 
are to be Governed > judged , punijhed , &c. and 
therefore how likely are they by partiality to them- 
f elves to make the Government next y to none. 

Why elfe is every man excepted againft , accord- 
ing to all Laws of God and Man , from being a wit- 
nefs or judge in his own caufe ? And fhall we have 
the greater part of the people be the highdl Judges 
in their own caufe f 

Thef. 83. I . (jovernnent requireth natural ftrength 
of reajon , that the Governors may be prudent men : 
They are things oft-times of exceeding difficulty , 
and ufuaUy of very great weight that they have 
to judge of : But the multitude of the people are 
vfually of lamentable under]} findings , utterly unfit 
for fuch weighty thibgs. 

Multitudes in England , and more in Wales , Com* 
wall , Ireland , the High-lands , are fcarce able to 
talk reafon about common things ! And are thefe 
fit to have the Soveraign Power to Rule the Com- 
mon -wealth? I have been very feniible of this ac 
an Affize > when I have heard the Judge and Coun- 
fellers induftrioufly^ opening the cafe to the Jury, 
who flood by them as innocently as if they had heard 
nothing but Hebrew or Arabick all the while, and go 
their way , and bring in their Vcrdift, either as fome 
one cunninger then the reft , perfwades thcm,or elfe 


^i Ofthefeveralfortsof Common-wealths. 

at random or hap hazzard , fpeakin^ that which was 
next the tongues end , fo that I thought it much at 
one , as to throw the dice upon it , who fhould have 
the day. ButO! if our people came to the work 
of Law-making , and our Senate muft Rogare & 
Abrogare ^r obrogare & fttbrogare y and the people 
refolve alll&having the higheft Power ,' what work 
fhould we have ? and what a Herd would Govern us. 

Thef. 84. 4- The great and weighty work^ of Go- 
vernment reqxireth an anfwerable Education to pre- 
pare them for it : But the Ma'' or part of our people 
have nofach Education : therefore & c # 

Ifvve could poffefs them with the Holy Ghofl , as 
Chrirt did his Apoftles , we would call them from 
their fifhing and tent-making to be Preachers or Ru- 
lers , and from their Plows , and Carts , and Dung- 
hills to make Laws: But till then, tet us have the 
common Reafon to conceive, that as a man that hath 
ftudied Phyfick, Divinity, or any Art, or Science, or 
Dottrine , is liker to be skilled in it , then he that was 
never bred up to it : fo is it about the Government 
of Common-wealths alfo. 

Tkef. 85. 5. They that Are the chief Governors of 
a Common-wealth ^ have need to be wholly or mo ft ly 
vacant from all tAverfons for fo > great a work} But 
common people mt4Jl follow their "Flows and Trtttk* , 
and cannot be vacant for it : therefore t hey are unfit 
to 9 overn a Common-wealth* 

If any fay that their bare Ele&ion of Governors 


Of the [everd forts of Common-wealths. 92 
may ferve turn , I (hall lhew you anon char that is 
not Governing, nor any part of it. The wifeft men 
on earth will hnd that the Government of a com- 
mon-wealth will take up the whole man , and that 
they need no other Trade be/ides. We find in the 
Miniftry how intolerable another Calling is ; and 
why not here alfo? 

Thef. 66.6. They that (hall Govern a Common-wealth 
fhould be good as well as wife y that they may refifi 
temptations to partiality y and not prefer their private 
intereft. But the Major part arc not oxcly likely 
but certain to be bad , yea Enemies to the very prin- 
cipal ends of Government y in mofl places of the world: 
therefore they are utterly unfit for Sovereignty. 

It is the badnefs of men that caufeth the cor- 
ruption of alljthe forms oF Government before men- 
tioned , and fubje&eth the publick good to private; 
and certainly (however fome dream that their Laws 
and Engines can hamper any men ) the Devil would 
never Govern well by any Laws. And Scripture and 
all experience tells us that the moft are felfiih, fenfu - 
al, Worldlings haters of Godlinefte : An enmity be- 
ing put from the beginning between the feed of the 
woman and of the Serpent , all this ftir of the Re- 
publicans is but to make the feed of the Serpent to 
)ethe Soveraign Rulers of the earth : when God 
lath promifed that the Kingdoms of the world fhall 
become Chrifls Kingdoms > thefe men would have 
them the Babels of Satan, the feat of confufion , 
and the enemies of Chrift to raign through the earth. 
When Chrift told his Apoflles that he fent out them as 


23 Of the f ever d forts of Common-wealths. 
Lambs among Wolves , thefe men would have thefe 
Wolves to be the Governors of the world : even 
thofe that Chrift threatnech to flay : becaufe they 
would not have him to raign over th^m , muft be the 
men that muft every where raign themfelves , even 
thole that he threatneth to bruiieior their Rebellion 
with a Rod of Iron, and dafh them in pieces as 
a Potters veffell,P/*/»f.2. Luke 19. 27. Were not 
this multitude reftrained, they would prefently have 
the blood of the godly. Late experience hath told 
us fomewhat. Their hatred to piety is fo woncier- 
full and unreasonable, that I confefs it confirms me 
in my belief of that Word of God, that doth affirm ic 
of them. And if theie men had once the Soveraign- 
ty,what a cafe were the World in. 

But Infidels that take evil for good , may flatter 
thefe pcrfons , and make them believe that I unjuftly 
reproach them, and may tell them, that they are 
all honeft men , and k is but fome felf-conceited 
perfons that cenfure them : But this will not cure 
their fin, nor prevent their mifery, nor make them 
fit to govern us : Nor can they make us believe that 
Wolves are (hecp in the open day light. 

Nor can they pretend that their Laws fliall keep 
them from doing harm. For, 1 The Soveraign 
Power is the Law-giver , and therefore can change 
them at his pleafure : Our brutifli impious rout may 
at any time make Laws for "the banifhing of piety 
and Chriftanity : and for the worfhipping of Bac- 
chus ; and if they but hoot , that £ Great is Diana , ] 
it is a Law. They have npt the Soveraignty,ifthey 
cannot make and abrogate Laws. 2. And were they 
only inferior Governors , he is zfnngti$ y and not a 


2 4 Of thefeveral forts of Common -wealths. 
man that knoweth not by v experience how eafily bad 
men can make good Laws to be a noie of wax , and 
knock down their Adverfaries with the very Manicles 
that we put upon their hands . It was a Proverb ac 
Rome , that Vices had nailed the Laws to the Walls. 
Living Officers can eafily a bufc dead Laws. But of this 
mo:e anon. 

Thef. 87. 7. Though no contrivance of man can afcer~ 
tain a lotion of a fuccejjionof good and righteous 
Governors , yet that is the befi Government that 
giveth theftrongefl Probability of it ; and that the 
nor ft , that rnakcth itinipoflibleyr next to an impoj- 
fibility : But that the CM a] or Vote of the people 
fhonld ordinarily be jnft and good , is next to an im- 
pojfiblity : therefore y &c. 

We have fome Hopes of juft and honeft Gover- 
nors if we have Monarchy or Arirtocracy ; but we 
have fo little hopes , as is next to none,if the Popular 
Vote muft have the Soveraignty. For it is the whole 
humane nature that is corrupted , and is fallen into 
Rebellion againft God the abfolute Sovcraign; every 
man is by nature a Rebel againft Heaven , and at en- 
mity with God , and the matters of his own and 
others happinefs, which the true common good con- 
fiftethin. And Scripture and experience 2<Tu:es us 
that it is in almoft all places, the fmaller number that 
are converted to Loyalty and fubjeition to God, and 
by fandlification reconciled to him> and laid down 
their enmity : fo that ordinarily to plead for a De- 
mocracy , is to plead that the Soveraignty may be 
put into che hands of Rebels > and our welfare may 


Of the fever all forts of Common-wealths. 9 5 

be defperate , and the common good may be in the 
hand? of the enemies of ic, and that by a certain 

Thef.£8. 8. Democracy is furt heft from Unity y anA 
therefore fur theft from perfection' : and therefere-the 
ntoft impcrfett fort of Government. 

That Unity is the companion of perfeft ion , and 
Divifion departeth from it as it doth from Vnity , 
is commonly acknowledged : which caufed the Py- 
thagorans 'to CurCe the number of [ Two 7 ] be- 
cause it was the firft that prefumed to depart from 

Thef. 89. 9. That uthemoftimperfeSl Government 
which def arteth far theft from the Divine Umverfal 
form: But fo dothpopnlar Government therefore >&c. 

The Univerfal Kingdom hath one King r The Go- 
vernment of the world is Monarchial. I know that 
manis.uncapable of a full imitation of God : And to 
pretend to imitate him Politically where his naturall 
incapacity prohibits > it is foolifh Arro^ancy. But 
yet we muft not willfully depart from him beyond 
nccefflty : The fimilitude of God that man was made 
in , is judged to confift partly in this Dominion over 
other Creatures. Surely the further from God , and 
the more unlike him we are , the more imperfe&. y 

Thef. 90. 10. It Is crdinarlly the* mo ft ImpcrfeU 
form §f Government which is ftmheft from the 
AngcTtetl order: Bnt fuck is popular <jOvernm$#t. 
therefore*^ c. By 

Of the fever all forts of Common-wealths. 9 6 
By the mention that we find of Princes among the 
Devils, and of Angels that were princes of the King- 
doms of the earth' [ !>*». 10. 13, 20,21. err.] we 
may conclude that their order is Monarchical 
or at kail not this Major Vote : therefore 

Thef. 9l. xx.That Government is the worfi which de- 
parteth fun be ft from the frame of nature in the Go- 
vernment of individual t> men • But fo doth Popula- 

Art muft imitate Nature. Man hath not many In- 
teIIe&s,nor many wills to guide and Command with- 
in him , but One onely. Nor doth the Intellect fub- 
mit to the five fenfes becaufe they are the Major 
Vote. Nor doth th : will referre the management 
of our a&ions to the confutation or Command of all 
the inferiour faculties , Nor Hoth the eye or eare for- 
fake its office and refigne it to the Major Vote of the 

Thcf. 92^12. That is the worft Government of a Com- 
monwealth that u the worst in all other-Governed 
focieties : But fuch is Popular Government y t here fore 

It would make mad worke in a ftaip, if the Pilots or 
Captains power were committed to the Major Vote. 
And as mad worke would it make in an Army, if the 
fouldiers by Vote fhould have the cheif Command 
and mannage all the defignes of the Army , and rule 
their Commanders : And if Scholars rule their fyta- 


Of the feverdl forts ofCommon-jrealths. $ 7 

ftersandthemfelvesby Vore,it v\ould not do wed: 
And too many of Our Country confirt of Children 
in State affaires. And if a family be rukd by the 
Vote of the fervancs and Children it will not do we!; 
Ho.v then ihouid this do well in the Common- 

Thef. 95. 13. The Government that receleihfarthtft 
from that which Christ hath fettled in the Church ts 

• the mo ft imperfect and the worft. But fuch is popu- 
lar Government*, therefore , 

I know this age hath produced ( even good men) 
pretenders to a Popular Church forme as of Divine 
Inftitution; running roint blank againft the Scrip- 
tures. As Chrift himfclf is tbc Monarch or King of 
his Church , and the One bfcad of his Bodjyto&d he 
fettle in every particular Church thofe Bi*hops,Prcf- 
biters, orpaftors whom he hath commanded the 
people to obey as their Rulers , \_He:. 13.7, 17,24. 
t/*#T20. 28. iTim.^.i-j. i.Thef. ?. I 2, dv.] 
And its itrange if he fhould fet Rulers over the peo- 
ple and Command them to obey them y and at the 
fame time make the people Rulers, and Confequent- 
ly Command the Pallors to obey the Major Vote. 
Lee them think on'tagaine that owne fuch abfurdi- 

Thef. 94 . 1 4 . A fafe Government mufv have fecrecf 
that the Enemie may not be acquainted with their 
Connfels Hnfcafonably: But a, Popular Government is 
moftnncapmble of fxcbfecrccy in their defignsitherc- 
fore, &c. 

H What 

$ 8 Of the f ever al forts of Common wealths. 

What great advantage the Enemy hath by knowing 
the fecretsofaltate before hand both in the times 
of Peace and Warre; and alfo that Popular Govern- 
ment is lead able to keep their Counfels fecret , are 
both things fo evident as need no more words. 

Thef. p<j . I %.Thats the worft GGvernment(cxttris pa* 
libvs)thatgiveth the Enemy the great eft advantage 
to raife tumults , and mutinies^ or get a faction for 
him f elf toward his own deftgns among themiBttt 
fitch is the Popular Government: therefore. 

Its a moft eafie matter for masked Enemies to be 
members of a Democratical Body,and there in every 
cafe to make a party and trouble all things , and at 
lcaft hinder others and tye their hands , we have no 
Popular Government in England^ and yet it is fo ea- 
fie for masked Papilts , and Infidels, &c. to get in- 
to our Parliaments aad there make difturbance that 
we feel the evill of it, but feare much more, if not 

Thef. 96. 16. A fafe and good Government mufi be 
able jfeedily to determine and execute in cafes 
of great weight , that require hafe\ But theVopu* 
lar Government is delator) , and will let the 
Common-wealth he loft , while they Are deb*** 

Armies know,and wife Governours know the dif- 
ference between expedition and delays: while we de- 
Jay, our Counfels are opened : the enemy hath time I 
to prepare & prevent us. And amon? a Crowd where 

mul- i 

Of the fever d forts of Common-wealths. 99 1 
multitudes have to doe , and that perhaps by long 
winded fpeeches ; no wonder it Church and State 
be toft while we are consulting , and if Reformati- 
ons be yet in the birth that many years ago were rea- 
dy to be brought forth. There is fcarcc any iuch 
focieties but have fecret enemies among them that 
at lealt can finde them bones to picke on, andinge- 
nioufly divert them and frulirate their Confutations. 
If Rome could fay that \llnus homo nobis cmttanAo re- 
Jiitult rem ;] yet one Swallow makes no fummer > 
and extraordinary accidents are not the Rule of or- 
dinary Government, There are times to delay: But 
there arc alfo times for hafte. 

Thef. 97.17. That is the worfl Cj overnmsnt ( ceteris 
paribus) that is leafi agree! ^ or woft fubjett to Di- 
vijion w it felfe , and. to fall ions and ttimults in the 
Common-wealth : But fitch is Popular government 
therefor^ &c. 

Any man may know that thoufands are hardlyer a- 
greed , then a few or one. And long experience 
hath told the world that the Ocean is not more lya- 
ble to tempefts, and waves , then the people to tu- 
mults , factions, and f editions. The reading of thofe 
Romane hiftories , that draw fome into love with 
popular Government, doth make my ftojnack rife 
againft it. 

O what a mad and raging beaft is this that fome 
would commit the Sovereignty to f It Judgeth much 
byopini6n , but little by truth, faith Cicero pro 
Rofrio. [_N*lhtmf return ; mtllm Ettrifns tot nwttts 

H Z tamos 

ioo Of the fever al forts of Common-wealths. 

tantds ac tarn varias habet agitation? s fiuctuum^quan^ 
t as per curb at tones & quant os alius habet ratio commi- 
tiorum,~] faith he Pro Murt* Non Commitiis judicat 
femperpopulus y fcd movetur pform% gratia, ceditpre- 
abus ,facit eos a quibxs eft maxim: ambitus : denicfe Ji 
judicata non deldtualiquo^aut fapientia ducitur ad JH-* 
dicandum^fedimpetu nonnunquam, & quadametiam 
umeritate ; Non eft emm confilium in Vulgo^onratioy 
non dif crimen, non diligentia :femper^fapientes ea qua 
populusfecijfet, fcrenda,non femper laudanda duxerunt: 
Cicero pro Plauco. Shall we not believe the wifeft 
man that had the experience of the moftglorious>li- 
mited, regulated Democracy? 

Is Seneca more tob^ believed ?Hear his Judge- 
ment of the people. Epift. 39. [ Nunquam volui 
populo plaeere. I^am qu& ego jcio, non probat populus : 
cfuxfrobat populus , ege nejeio. Quis plaeere po- 
test popnlo cm placet virtus ? (N. 7?. This is not only 
the Puritans Cenfure^ nor only the ChritUans. ) 
Malis artibus popnlqris favor qu<eritur: fimiUm te UlU 

facias op'ortet; Nonprobabunt nifi agnoverint\ - 

Conoiliari nifi turpi ratione , amor tmpium non pot eft : 
Quid ergo ilia laudata & omnibus prdferenda aftibus 
rebuff Philofophiapr&ftabit I [cilicet , ut malis tibi 
plaeere quam pop ulo Hut aftimes judicia, nonnumeres ; 
ut fine mew Deorum, heminnmcfe vivas : ut aut vinfas 
mala , autfinias. C*terum fi te vidcro celtbrem fecun- 
disvocibus vulgi: fi intrante te clamor, plaufus & 
platonimica Ornamenta obfirepuerint fi tot a civitate 
tcfjLmin&puerify, laudaverint,quidniegotui miferear 
cumfciam qua, via ad iftum favorem ferat ^ 

Pepulusf<epe magis vo{untatem quam rationem Ah* 
cemfequitur, ] faith Gvicciard.li.y. 


Of the fever al forts ofConmon-weahks. I o I 

^Populns rcrtan gravier urn plane rudis & imperitusy 
4 V % ubl minus eft opus ftfenumzre prof tif us; ubi autem 
res ipfa Jargitatem pofclt yUtfe adeo tenax ut dum mi- 
nimis parcerevult y ln m-ixlmos fumptus gravljfimafy 
pencula incurrat. ] Idem li.2. 

Qui multltudlni plac?at , is faplentlbus dlfpllceat 
neceff.eefl ; Inqult Plutar. it Educ. lib. 

Tails eft qaalifotplcfo & turba y at facile fallatur y 
& adquodvis adducater : uzde ilia frequenter idem 
quodm^ri accidlt : Quewmadmodum enlm mare na- 
ture fua innexlum eft re tie utentlbus , & tutum yfiyc- 
ro violent I flatus in Iliad Irruerlnty tale redditur utenti- 
bus, qnalesfunt vent I a qtiibus clrcumquafa Impellltwr* 
it a vulgus, & c . Polyb. lib. 1 1 . 

A Hundred fuch Defcriptions of the people are 
given lis by fuch Writers. Go but to the Ele&ion 
of Knights for a fhire , or any fuch Concourfe, and 
compare it with a Governed Army , and fee the 
difference , and the worth of a Government over 
the multitude. 

Thef. 98. 18. That's the wor ft Government (cxtt- 
ris paribus) which Is exercifei by uxconftant fickle 
men : But fuch is popular Government : therefore it 
is the wjrft. 

The Inftability and Mutability of the people is 
known to the world: It hath been their Epithet 
in all ages , to be mutable and unliable. They may 
be in a good mood this year , and make good Laws, 
and deftroy all the next; faith Cicero, prtdo- 
mo fua y \_In imperita maltltuiine eft varietat 

H3 & 

io2 Of the fever al forts ofCommon-wdtbs. 

& tnconftamia^ & crefaa tanquam tcwfzflawm , ftc 
}enteniia,Yttm commutatio. ] 

Dies inter miff us anus 7 am nox inter po fit a f ape per- 
turbat omnia , &totam opimonem parva ncnnmqxam 
commmat aura rnmoris : f ape etiam fine ulla apert* 
caufafit almd , at oj 3 exifUmamus ; ut nonnunquam ita 
jaBum ejfe etiam populns admiretur ^quafi vero n*n 
ipfefecerit f] Id^mpro Murana. 

w^lhl eftfacilius quam in quern Hbet affeBum mo' 
verepopuhtm^ tnq'mt Qr;intil.De. It. 

S'napte naturae ft in or at us rerumj^ novarum cupidus 
p»pulus\ inquit Guicciard. Et inpopuli auxiho in re- 
bus mopinatis ac periculofts ob multitudims naturam 
frmumfundamentum jaci nonfoteft. Idem lib. if. 
This k the Vote of the Learned world concerning 
the world or multitude. And he never tryed them 
that knoweth it not by experience: how they will 
wheel about like the weather-Cock with the change 
of wind. 

Thef. pp. i p. That is the \vorft Government that 
will extrcife the great eft Cruelties * ef fecial ly a- 
gainSlthe be ft : But juch is popular Governments 

I know Monarchy or Ariftocracy , makes not 
bad men good, ( of themfelves) and therefore 
among them have been Cruelties : but nothing 
fo many as have been exerciied by the multitude 
when they do rife up, no cruelty feems too great 
to them in their tumults ; When the Roman foul- 


Of the fever d forts of Common-wealths. 103 
diery did but know their ftrength, how few of their 
Emperours died in their beds : what abundance 3 
both Heathen and Chriflian have been murdered 
by them ? Popular* multitudine nihil efi infipienti- 
as nefainfolentius. Itac^eos qui Tyranni infolent- 
am fugiunt y in plebis effren& infolentiam incidere; 
nequaquam tolerandum efl 9 T>{am Tyr annus fi quU 
facit intelligens facit , at plebi nulla ineft intelli- 
gentia : Unie enim ei intelligentia adfit , qui nee 
cdoUus efi , nee novit honeftum quicquam , ne in fua 
quidemfamilia y & qui ad res agendas fins confdio 
praceps ruit torrenti fimilis , ] inquit Herodotus, 
lib. 3. And Paufanias applauds one fpeech than 
faid , [_Hominem. nimis Reipublica, adminifiratieni 
deditttm \ & populari aura fiientem , baud nunquaxi 
feliciter diem extremum claudere?\ 

If God and our Governors did not bridle them 
the fober godly people in England would foone 
tafte of the Cruelty of the vulgar, before they come 
to the Supremacy. 

Thef. loo. 20. That Government -where the Ru- 
lers have all the forefaid Incapacity , Ignorance y 
Levity , Nanghtinefs , &c. and yet have the 
greatefi ftrength to do evilly and are leafi retain- 
able or reformable when they do mij carry , is y ceteris 
paribus, the worfi of Governments : Butfuch is the 
Popular Government : therefore it is the worfi. 

If one man turn Tyrant, otzfew be corrupt, 
they are eafilyer reftrained then the heady multi- 
tude. For if the greater part or main body of 
H 4 the 

104 Of the feveral forts of Commonwealths. 

the people do mifcarr y>there is none but God that is 
ordinarily able to correft them ', or fave the Com- 
mon-wealth from their rage ; for the lirength is 
theirs. A horfe may be mattered by a man , but not 
by nice: Hrengih ; Let him know his fkengch > and 
its hard to rule him : Nothing fo unfit tor Go- 
verning , as that which hath moft ftrengch with the 
Fraallelt wifdom and vertue. The Block was not 
ibbad a Kint, to the frogs as the Storck. A few 
may fear the ftrength of the multitude, and be more 
wary in their Government, becaufe of apoffibili- 
ty of fuffering : but the multitude are out of dan T 
ger of any , but God and their own fo'ly ; and 
therefore when they know their impunity , they 
will fear none, but be the more encouraged to in- 
jufiice and impiety. 

I conclude therefore that this ignorant, impious, 
mutable cruel , violent rout , fhall never have my 
content for the Soveraignty. Flebi non indicium , 
non Veritas , faith Tacitus , lib. i .Hi si. Vulgns & 
eft n ntabile fubitis , & taw pronnm in LMifere- 
cqrdiam qutm immodicnm f&vitia f Herat , Idem. i5. 
^Multitudo ex inctrtifjimo fumit animos'j faith Livy 
Dec ad l. lib. 6* Drfenfores [hos in prdcipttem fem- 
per locum favore tollit \ deinde in ipf* difcrimine 
peri cull deftituit. idem 1 6 . H&c natura multi- 
tudinis eft , ant fervit hnwilitr , am fuperbe 
domir.atur libertatemtfiiA media efl^nec pernere modi- 
ce , r.ec habere /aunt : & non fir me clefnnt irarttm 
indnlgentcs miniftri qui avidos at qwtemper antes 
ykbeiorum animos ad fangmnem & c#des imtent. ] 
Liv. Dec. 3. lib. 4. Multitulo omnis y ftc natwrk 

maris > 

• Differences of Government. I o 5 

maris , per fe immobilis .eft ,ut venti & anr& cient 
auttranquilliatit procellofi. "] Idem , Dec, 3. lib. 8. 
Nihil tarn inccrtum, nil tarn inejiimabile eft quam ani- 
mi multitHiinis. Hem Dec.4. lib. I . Valgus eft ad de- 
teriora promptum. Tacit Anal. lib. 15. 

Chriltians and Heathens have thought thus of the 
vulgar. Poly carp being required to defend himfelf be- 
fore the people, refufed, becaufe {Prindpibas & Ma- 
giftratibmhonoi d:betur , modo Deo nonfit contraries : 
populo atttcm fnrenti fatis facer e nemo /wj'^rEufeb.Hift. 
lib. 4. c. 1 ?. Vhocion feared not to tell the Athenians 
that he was the fingularift that their Oracle told them 
of, \Mihi enim ea omnia ilfplicent ejua, valgus ait ] 
And Demades told him, [Laniabit teplebs fipaulalnm 
jnfanierit. ] Pint, which made him ask, J%»idr Num 
malidixi imprtidens} What hurt have I fpoken? When 
he perceived all applauded his fpeecb. And Var.Hift. 
lib. 4. tells us of a piper that beat his boy for piping 
naught , becaufe the people applauded him. But I 
have faid enough in fo plaine a cafe. 


io 6 Of the ObjeBive or material 

Of the Obje&ive or Material Dif- 
ferences of Government. 

THef. i o i . Governors are feme limited , fome de 
fafto unlimited : Tht unlimited are Tyrants , 
and have no right to that unlimited Goverment. 

For they arc all Subjects themfelves , and under 
the Soveraignty and Laws of God. 

Thef. 102. Limited Governours are either limited 
from exerclfingfo much fower as God himfelfe hath 
appointed the fufreme Magi f rate to ufe t or elfe limited 
only in things that God katk left undetermined , as to 
any umverfall determination . The former limixa~ 
tlon is finfull in the Limiters y and yet may befubmit- I 
ted to in fome cafes by the Soveragn innocently : the 
latter may be I aw full in both. 

Inferior Magiftrates may be limited according to | 
the prudence of the Supreme ; and more Power may | 
be trufted to one , and lefs to another. But the Su- ! 
preame Ruier may not be limited contrary to Gods j 
Description or Inftitution of his Power ; yet he may 
be limited de facto , though not de jure primario ; 
and confequently de jure as to hmfclfe , that is , fo j 

far, i 

Differences of Government. 107 

Far. as that he (hall be juftifiable againft any accufa- 
:ion of Omiffion : but the people ftill are guilty for 
rettraining him. 

Thef.^o}. God him f elf by enaEling his own Uni- 
v erf all Laws , and infiituting Magiftracy for the 
Execution of them m fubordination to him y doth 
thereby plainly tell us , that the Soveraign powers 
in each Common- wealth are not to be retrained by 
the people from the Execution of any of his Laws+ 
which belong to them as Magiftrates to execute. 

For Rulers are but Gods Officers for the fobordi- 
tiate Government of men by his Laws , and fuch 
fubfervient Laws of their own as are meet to pro- 
mote the execution of his : For iiiftance y If the peo- 
pfe fhall reftrain the Soveraign Power form punifh- 
ing Idolatry, or Adultery , or Theft , or falfewit- 
nefs, &c % they hereby fin againft God , who hath 
appointed a Magiftracy under him for the punch- 
ing of thefc fins in the world. 

Thcf. 104. If tie peoples limitations would frujtrate 
the end of Government , the Prince ought not to con- 
fent , but rather to be no Governour : But if they on- 
ly hinder the melius efle Jm or higher perfection of 
the C°mmon-wealthyhs may receive ajinfully limit- 
ted power. 

As if he be forbidden or difabled from encouraging 
Honefty and Piety in the main , or fupprefling , or 
punching wickednefs in the main, or promoting the 


Io8 Of the ObjeRive or material 

to accept of fuch a Power; For this is not that Office 
that God hath inilituted , but another of mens devi- 
fing, md fet up by his enemies. But if the limitation 
be only in fome point that's integral, but not efl'enti- 
al to Honerty , Piety, or Common good, ( as fhe pu- 
nishment of Theft, or Fornication only, or with fuch 
a degree of punifament ) then he may afiume it ; 
but with a Proteftation that it is not his own doing , 
nor doth he own the a&ion of their reftraint. 

Thef. 105. The people can reftraine a Prince de-fa- 
Sto , becaufe they have thefirength , and he cannot 
govern them without their own confent , either 
in whole y or in fart : and therefore their dijfent doth 
make the exercife of a further Power impojfible to 
the Prince ( or other Soveraign) and confeqneutlj 
jtiflife hinu 

IfalJ the Army ftand up for the life of a Traitor 
or Mutineer, the General is not able to punifti him. 
If they refufexogo upon a particular defign, the 
General cannot force them . If the body of the peo- 
ple refolve that they will have no Law (ornotfe- 
verc enough) againft drunkennefs or fornication , 
the Prince cannot help it. So if he Govern Papifls , 
and they vyill not fuffer him to rcftrain them , (or a- 
ny the like unlawfull Se<& ) it is their fault , and not 
his. He is not bound to an impoflibility , nor 
bound tocaft off all the Government and do no 
good , becaufe he cannot do what he would : It is the 


Differences of Government. iop 

eople,and not he that gives liberty to the fin,(unlefs 
e confer^ to their fact, or his not rehgning keep out 
ne that could do more.) Their confent is Conditio 
ne qua non of his execution. 

"hef.ictf. Yet is this no aft &f Governing Authori- 
ty inth: people y nor doth it prove thsm to have the 
leafi meafure thereof : but it is only an exercife of 
their natural Rejolution upon the advantage of 
their Jlrength , and in unlavpfull cafes ; it is on- 
ly a mutinous dif obedience againfi God y which is far 
from ^Authority. 

And therefore the Diflent of one or two , or of 
6 few that can be well mattered > no nor of the 
vjajor part when they can be mattered , is no re- 
traint to the fupream Power from executing all the 
vill of God committed to him as his Rule ; nor will 
rtfcufe him for his omiflionSjOr his toleration of ini- 
quity. If my horle will go no further then his lift* > in 
ibllowcth not that he is a fharer in the right of Ru- 
ling hunfelf and me, becaufche is unruly. Limiting 
by dilTent is not Governing. 

Thcf. 107. Though the Prince may omit fome 
goodby re af on of the peoples Diffent and Limitati- 
ons f yet he may not commit any evil/ on any fuch 

Duty is not at all times Duty. Affirmatives 
bind noc ad femptr : but fin is never to be commit- 


1 1 o Of the bjeBive or material 

mited. If the people will have a Toleration of un- 
lawfull Se£ls, the Magillrate may yeild when he can- 
not help it , or if it were to attain a greater good for 
the Church of God : becaufe indeed it is but the Ne- 
gation of a Duty , (punifhing Offenders) or making 
Laws againft them) which at fuch a time and cafe is 
to him no duty. But if the people would force him 
to profefs any falie-opinion himfelf, or perform any 
falfe vvorfliip , he may not do it : Evil may not be 
done, when good may be omitted. 

Thef. 1 08. Though Cod have not in his Univ^rfall 
Laws determined of the Degree of Princes Power 
inallCircnmfiantials or variable matters , yet he 
hath given general Laws for regulating of fuch deter- 
minations as there {ball be caufe. 

The Material fpecies(zs fome call it of Power is not 
fully, but yet thus far determined of by God, and in- 
ftitutedin his Law. 1. He requircth that the fupreani 
Power be as his Authorized Officer, the Prefcrver 
of his own Univerfal Laws, and fee them executed, 
2. He rcftraineth him from doing anything againft 
thofe his Laws. 3 . He giveth him general Rules , 
according to which all humane Laws muft be made 
in undetermined cafes. 4. He rellraineth him from 
crofling thefe Rules in his Goverment. 



Differences of Government. 1 1 1 

Thef. 1 09. The Principal fundamental Rules for the 
Magistrates Government* are I. That he doe all 
in a due fubordination to God the fountains 
Authority : 2. That he frame all his Laws and 
execution fo as that they may be a means to the 
ends of (j over nm°nt \ viz. both the neereft endythe 
Order y peace y and happinefs y Corporall , andfpi- 
rituall of the Common-wealth ; and the ultimate 
end y the P leafing of God in our falvation for e- 

If any of the Lav^s of men be totally Crofs to 
the fountainc and the end , or make againft them in 
the maine ,they are Nullities and private prohibited 
a&s , of no authority : No forces , no advantages , 
no power 5 no engagement of men , can authorize 
any man againft God, or againft the falvation 
of our foules , and the Common fafety of the peo- 
ple. And this upon a twofold account : 1 . Be- 
caufe they are without Authority: 2. Becaufe they 
are againft the Chief Authority. , 

Thef, 1 10. sAnot her Divine limitation of the Sove- 
raignisy that he fit all his Laws to a due fubfervien- 
cj unto Gods univerfall Laws , and do nothing a- 
gam ft any of them. 

Thef. ill .Yet as Gods Laws are not all of ab feint c ne- 
ceffity to the being of a loyal fubjeil of his Kingdom, 
though all are obligatory y fo the Magiftrate 
that in point of Duty is bound to fubferve and ob- 
ferve all gods Lawes , yet nullifieth not his office. 

Hi Oft he objeBive or material 

or power by finning a vain ft thofethat are not of ab~ 
folutc neceffity as aforefaid* 

Every thing that is a fin deftroyeth not Chriftiani- 
ty in a Chriftian , or Magittracy in a Magiltrate : as 
fomc Laws and Duties, arc but for the bene vel melius 
effeoi our Chriftiantty, and Magift racy: fofome fins 
may tend eflfe&uallybut tc the dieaiing ot both. 

Thef. 1 1 z. The people ought not to reflraine the fo-. 
Vtraign Power from a ufefull Determination of 
things in themselves indifferent , according to the 
General! Rules of God , for the ends of Govern- 

Under pretence of Liberty , theyfhould not li- 
mit the Rulers from any Lavves or executions that 
are really for their own good ( which is the main Ge- 
nerall Ifyile next Gods will and honour, ) And if 
theydoi, the Ruler may innocently be reftrained 
but tfie people finfully reftraine him. They can- 
Dot be innocent in hindring their ownegood and the 
ends of Governments. 

Thef. 1 1 3. But in cafe that Tylers would, j. Have 
* power to trouble the Common-wealth with needlefs 
Lowes. 2. Or would determine Circumftances 
dangeroufly , fo that it may as probably x or more y 
doe hurt as good : 5. Or "would have fuch a power 
to do a Uffer good which he cannot have without 
the fewer of doing much more hurt: 4. Or would 
dkmllj da hurt to the Common-wealth , the re- 


Differences of Government. II | 

fir aim of the people (in the ConJfitution)is here in* 
nocent atidprndent. 

For ic is but fe!f-prefefvation,that nature teacb- 
eth man as man: but ftill it argueth not any mca- 
fure of Governing power in them; but a ftrength 
exerciied honeftly for felf-ptefervation, by refu- 
fing to be under fuch Laws or executions as would 
hazard, trouble or dcttroy them* 

Thef. 1 14. The Feople may have a trne Proprie- 
ty in thtireftates , though the) have r* Right of 
Governing : and therefore here they may more 
Capitulate with the f(n):rdigu and reftraine 
him from taking their Moneys , Goods , Lards , 
&c. Without their confent , or but on contracted 

If the Laws of the land or Cuftome reftraine the 
Prince from taking any mans money or goods 
without his confent, this is no proofe of any Go- 
verning authority in the people , for Propriety U 
not Government : Nor limiting a Ruler by hold- 
ing my own, is not Ruling. 

Dominion is in order of nature antecedent to 
Government^ may be out of a Common- wealth 
as truly as in it. The diftribution of Dominion or 
Propriety may be done by the ordinary Law o£ 
Nature conjun& with difpofing Providertce.Ocu- 
pation if it be agreeable to the Law of Nature 
[when men are under no otherLaw]that is,if it be 
not of another mans,nor of an undue proportion, 
Stc.may occafion a true Propriety .But if the occu- 
I past 

i J4 OftbtQbjeBiye or, mtcr\al 
Pant would feize upon a whole Country or more 
then Nature alloweth as a proportion for one 
man > and tendeth to the Common hurt of the 
Community, or mankind, here he hath no Title 
and may be qifpoffefl. But in Common-wealthsj 
Propriety is 'partly made fubjeft to the ends of 
the Common-wealth ; and therefore Governing 
Lavves may give propriety , though there be a 
propriety in order of nature fyefofe any Lawes,but 
chofe of Nature. 

Thef. 1 1 5 . It is pot fafe or Law full for the fee fie 
to I'imit or rfjlrain the foveralgn Power front <fyf~ 
p>fwg fo farrc of the e pates of ally as is ite- 
ceffary to tkefifety ofall>wbicb is the end of Qo- 

verxmeflt. . , 

It is not the whole of mens Propriety that is to 
be fubjefr to the, Governour but part ? and that 
Partis {ijbje$ for the prefervation of the whole 
remainder. Men. have the primary Propriety 
in thcmfelves , and the fecondary in their eftates: 
and as no Governor may takeaway the live* of 
all the people orl pretence of jufticeop necef- 
iity, but only fotfje on juft occafions, and that for 
the good of the reft, fono Governor may take 
away all theeftate? of the peoples % but only part 
to.preferve the. reft: Nor may he juftly taHc 
from them th^Prppriety , leaving the pofleffion. 
The King of ^;jik could not take the peoples 
Lands and Cattle j as Governor > but as Con- 
trafter, by Purchafe, when Jofeph fold them 
cprn , and the;y parted with a greaf part of their 


propriety to five' their lives. But to make Pro- 
priety dependant, and limited as a Tenants, may 
be lawftll , if not by injulUce nor unmercifubieis 

If the Ruler have not Power to preferve thfe 
Common- wealth , he is not capable of thp end<l, 
and fo not of the work of Government/ It is 
for the peoples good that part be ufed to. five the 
wbrtle and themfelves. But jftt if is jirft arid 
wifdom for the people in the conftitution to li- 
mit the Ruler by convenient cautions that he 
may not under pretence of preferving them haye 
advantage to opprefs them: and therefore it is 
unlit for the ordinary ftated Revenetos neceffa- 
ry to his perfonal or annual-public^ life, fliould 
depend upon their after-Confent ■, ( for fo Prin- 
ces would be brought into the cafe as thofe Mi- 
niftersthat live on the peoples voluntary con- 
tribution , and would find both murmuring and 
mutable Pay-mafters) yet in extraordinary Taxes 
it is fit the people lliould reftrain the Rulers from 
arbitrary feizures. And yet it is unfit that this 
reftraint fhould be exercifed by the people them- 1 
felves , but rather by lome prudent chofen per- 
rons, as it is in our Parliaments. For the multitude 
are covetous , tenacious , injudicious , and in- 
competent judges oftheneceflities or commo- 
dity of the Common-wealth: and will make a; 
fmali matter of their dingers ,,and publick com- 
modities, and a* great matter 6f their payments 1 , 
tilf'they ire undbnS ^iiflcf wifexoofatb : And al- 
moft all Contributions will becafiin feditions, 
tumuks, or anfettleftnef s in the Common-wealth 

Ii K 

ii6 _ OftheObjeBiVeor material 

If the people , or any as chofen by them to 
that end, have only fuch a limiting felf-prcfer- 
ving Power to thcmfelves referved, or a meer /#- 
dictum dlfcretionis about the necefluies of the 
Common-wealth ; this proveth not that they 
have any power in the Government , but if they 
have alfo a deliberating power about the com- 
mon dangers or difeafes , and a directing or dif- 
pofing Power about the Remedy (whether money 
arms , &c ) as a Remedy , then ir is a part in the 
Government that is referved to them. 

Thef. 1 16. The propriety of particular men is 
fub jetted to the Governor as a Governor t fofar as 
that he may judge in cafes of difference^ and ad- 
mini ft er Juflice in giving every man his 0wn , 
and may deprive men of part , or all that they 
pojfefs by way ofpmifhmcntfor their crimes. 

AGovernor hath nothing to do in Government, 
if he had nothing at all to do with mens proprie- 
ty: for as he decideth differences about it as Judge, 
and maketh Laws which fhall be the Rule of fuch 
decifions, fo he may take away all that a man 
hath as a penalty ,and make Laws which dial be the 
Rule of that Penaltie. What do penal Laws 
but deprive men (for the moft part) of their pro- 
priety , when they forfeit it by their crimes ? The 
Magiftrate may take away mens lives for their 
crimes ; therefore he may take away their money 
or Lands: for dicir lives are'^s. muc?h their own , 
and arc more precious to thcm^-And if he may not 
punifh Offenders, he is no Governor. 


Differences of Government. 117 

Thef. 1 1 7. Tet here alfo it is ft that the Conftitu- 
tion limit the Soveraign de modo, as God by his 
Univerfal Laws hath limited him in thefubftan- 
tials of Juftice. 

For if under pretence of Juftice every mans 
Life and Eftatc fhould be meerly at the mercy of 
of an Arbitrary unlimited Prince , it were as oad 
as to have all left to bis will,whcn he will pretend 
a neceflity for the publick fafety or commodity 
dire&ly. They may fee in the conftitution that 
verrues be notpuniftied as vices>nor the innocent 
(by a Law ) as if they were guilty : and thac 
none but well chofen able men be Judges, and 
thac they be rcfponfible to the Supream : and thac 
the penalties exceed not the crimes, nor the mat- 
ter of fed judged without fufficient witnefs; and 
iuch like reftri&ions they may put to efcape In- 
jufticc; but fuch difable not the Governor to do 
Juftice ordinarily. ^ 

Thef. 118. If the Soveraign be not limited in the 
conftitution , or by his own confine but only inge- 
ral terms emrufted with theSoveraignty y he may 
by venue of his Sovereignty diffofeef thcEftates 
of the Subjects in order to the ends of Government* 
Bpt though there be no exprefs rcftrainc upon him 
in the conftitution , yet can he do nothing again ft 
the Laws ofGod y or the ends of Government. 

It is implyed in the conftitution of every Go- 
vernment , that it ctnnoi be ufed againft its fupe- 
I 3 rior 

1 1 8 Of the OkjeStive of material 

riorPo\ver,orits end.ThisGod hath obliged them 
to already , and therefore it is firm , thoijgh men 
fay nothing. Ami therefore a Governor as he is a 
fubordinatc Officer of God, is retrained from 
Injuftice,and fofrom feifing on the Eliates of 
others,for hifnfelf or his Favorites,or without the 
demand of Juftice , or the publick g<?od. But in 
jhefe cafes his office allowethj^yea, and bindeth 
him to do it , if not reftrained notoriotifly by the 
conftitution. And he would be anenemy^to the 
Common-wealth , if Ije fuflfer it to perith ijn ten- 
dernefs of mens private good. 

Thef. 1 1 9. Itfeems to many a very difficult S^Cr- 
ftion y Whether a Sovereign fyottldfaye the Com- 
mon-wealth when the limitations in the cofcftitu- 
tion difable him} But the Anfwer is ea^fif,. If the 
danger be not certain or very great, , he is to l^eep 
his bounds .and Covenant : and if\ mifchieffallon 
the common-wealthy the people fy their fbolify li- 
mitations were guilt} y and its they that muft bear 
the main lofs. But if the danger be great , and 
the people exprefs not their diffentjhe Spverairn 
may trangrefs his Unfits to fave the Common- 
wealth, becaufe the conftitution being for th^com- 
monfafety , it is to befuppofed that the Authors 
. of it di^yntend the end y before they chofe the 
means 1 and therefore did mean , that if the li- 
mitations fbpuU fall out to be invonfiftent with the 
end y they jhould be nuL 

Nature alloweth us t# fuppofe th*tno man 
would deaftroy himfclf >-txJLI pe arc, able to prove 


Differences of G6Ver)fment. 1 1> 

the contrary. And when we can prove it , we 
thereby prove him a mad-man, or6f ft> depraved 
an Intellect, as that. he is not fit to be covenant- 
ed with : much lefs then \ may we fuppofe that* 
Nation or Society of men intend their own de- 
flation: Nor that they intended rather to perifh, 
the#their limitations fliould be pbferved. But 
if a Soveraign break his bdunds without fuch dan- 
ger as is either notorious before hand y or he cah 
ifterward make notorious to the people for his 
Tuftification , he will incur cenfures and hazard* 
. o himfelfe and the Common-wealth . 

Ale!. 120. But if ferns a harder Qxeflion what 
the Soveraign fhould do in cafe rhe people not only 

- limit him by Covenants y hut ^finally deftre we 
, way that would defiroy them y and dijfetit from 

- his pref owing them , whit hern? ay he fave tht 
common-wealth avainfi the peoples wills? The 

'Anfwer is tafi^i that he may doit\ both as he is 
*{£jove*nor r artdf6 an Officer of GtA for the ends 
of Government, , and therefore, cannot lawfully 
be refhrainedby the people from preferving them* 
, becanfe they have no P ower above Gcdiakdalh 
3 as a private mart ex charttate, he is bottn&to 
fave a Nation if he can y though without Autho- 
rity \ as we mutt fave a man from drowning or 
hanging himfelf y or quench the fire whichhe kjnd- 
leth inhis own thatch. And because it is fill I to 
be (*pJ>ofed that the people defire their own pre- 
fervaiion y and therefore miftakjngly rejifi the 
means 7 rrbich elfe they would confent to. 


j j o Of the QhjeBive or material 

This caufe may fall out, though to fome it mi 
feem i npoflible* .efpecialiy in times of War ; and 
efpecialiy in the Army ic ielf , when the fouldiers 
by thei; ignorance and temerity may prefently caft 
themielves away , if they be not tiindred. And 
the people by the power of deceits , or fear , may 
fobjugate themfelves to barbarous deftroycrs.'BuC I 
ypt it is no ordinary cafe as t6 the temporal good j 
of the people : and when it doth fall out , it rare- 
%f fal Js out , that the Soveraign is able to deliver 
ihem. It ofter falls out , about the peoples fpi- 
ritual and eternal good , and Gods honour : and 
how far the Governor may here prefcrve them 
(by a minor part, or by forreign ftrength) againft 
the wills of the Major part, I (hall (Tiew anon. 

^any things that are commonly debated by Po- 
liticians about the Jura Regalia y vel M*jeftatis y 
I fhall pafs by both, becaufe 1 intend but fome A- 
fhmfrns fuitcd to the demands and doubts of thefc 
time? , & becaufe the Generals fufikiently declai e 
them as to my ends : and becaufe I {hall have fit- 
ter occafion to fpeak of the chief of them, amon* 
the Works ofSoveralgmy towards the end , I ftiaft 
next(bqfore I compare the forts of Government, 
andfhew which is the beft ) fpeak of the efficient 
c aufes or foundation of Power. 



Of the Foundation efficient and con- 
veying caufes of Power, 

THef. 12 i. There Is no Governing Power 
but what is from God the Abftlme Universal 
Lord and Sovereign. 

i. All Beings befides rhe firft , muft have a foun« 
tain and beginning : and therefore fo muft Power. 
But it can have no Beginning but from God ; nor 
can any other be the fountain , or firft caufe, 
therefore it is from God, Man is not the firft 
caufe of \fls own being : therefore not of his 
♦ Po.ver. 

2. Moreover we have no natural Power , called 
Strength , but from God; therefore we can have no 
Civil Power, called Authority ,or Right of Gorer- 
ning , but from God : Eor we can no more have 
one without him , then the other, 

3 . To afcribe Power to any other as the firft 
efficient caufe, then God , is to make more Gods 
then one ; for that which hath a independent 
underived Power * and is the firft caufe, is God. 
And if this be afcribed to any creature, it is an Ido- 
latrous deifying of that Creature. 

4. It belongcth to the abfolute Lord and Sove- 
raign to be the fountain of all inferiour Power : 
But God is thp abfolute Universal I-ord and So- 
yeraignjthercforejtfv, 5, The 

J i Vx Of the Foundations > efficient 

5. The Holy Scripture feconds the Light and 
L*w o£nature in this and tells us * that l„.Xhere 
is no Power but of Geyi^ the ( . Powers that be ->are 
ordained of God : whojoever therefore rejifieth the 
Pbtotr y refifieth t6S Ordinance of God , . Rom. 1 3. 
1, 2. And verfe 4. [] H* /j-;/?* Mini ttersf God 

to thee for good^ He is the Afinifier ofGod y 

a %evenger , t$ execute wrath upon him that doth, 
evil. ] It is Authority , that *£*<"* which is Jfis 
regendiy that theApoltle here fpeaketh of , arid 
not meer ftrength. 

. It is therfore Treafon againft the God of hea- 
ven/or any man or Angel to pretend to a Power 
thtt is not derived from him, who is the Cayfe of 
Caufes^and Original of Power. 

Thcf. 1 22. Every earthly Soveraign therefore is 
an Officer of God \\ receiving his power from him 
as his high ft Sovereign ,, and being obliged "to 
nfeitforhim^ being himfelf but a fubordinate 

Sovereign of .'a part of the ttniverfal Kingdom. 

In the fore- cited 'X&x. <>tht Roma* Emperors 
( as its commonly judged by Commentate^ ) arc 
called [TheMiwprsofGod. ] Alt higher 
Powers are fo called ,1 am fure. And he that is 
es? Jitmlt 5 and appointed to attend on this very 
work , is douhtfefs an Officer of God , and as fuch 

2. They th$t deny the prince to be Cods Of- 
ficer, rob himtrf t&it Beam of divine Excellency, 
which is the ^igheft^part of ^all his Dignity ,from 
whence Princes have been called .Metaphorically 

''■-"' ' fl: -'"Gods{ 

and comxfwg CfMfcs ofPowfr. 1 2 .3 

ods. The leall beam of Majejfty derived from 
od,h<uh greater fplendor then all the world as 
omit felf is able to communicate. To m$e a 
:ee-man a flave , is not fo great an abatement , as 
.make a Prince that is an Officer of God , to-be 
ee*]y a terreftrlal Animal. 
3i They that deny Princes to be Gods Officers., 
x tempt th^m robe Traitors, both in denying the. 
triyation of their Power from their Soveraign>and 
denying to ufe it to his fervice and honour. The 
id 'muft be no higher then the beginning : If God 
;,Hpt the efficientjhe need not be made the end, o£ 
[agiftratesPower :By which you may ffe^hat there 
nnot be a more unreafonable , impibus, and trai- 
rous Opinion diyulged among the fons of mexi > 
en that Magiftrates have not their Power frpm 
od,as his Officersrfor it is to deny God to be God. 

4. Moreover, if this Opinion were true^henpeo- 
e need not obey theifMagiftratd asGods Officers, 
id fo would abate the cbeif part of their Reve- 
:nce to them, and $ejr Qbediepce would be but 
ecrly humane , and noD particip^tivdy divine. 

5. And thence ik would follow , that no punifh- 
eht is due from God to the pifobeyers of Magi- 
rates: For if God appoint them riot, he will riot 
mifti us for not obeying them : for bis San&ion is 
Exed to his own Law*. But we are commanded to 
X7 thei^not onely for wrath >but for confeience 

btt .123 JThe fifths owmAndment Is therefore placed 
as between thefirft andfecondTable y as being partly 
AJC?**wand.of oqr Duty to Cod in his Officers , and 


124 Of the Foundation) efficient 

partly the fir ft Command of our Duty to men, ev 
to the men that are mo ft highly dignified by t t 
Communication of that beam of Authority from Go t 

We commonly place the fifth Commandme nt: 
the fecond Table:but fome of the antient Do&o 
of the Church did place it in the firtt, ascommanc 
ing our Duty to Rulers> not as men , tut as the Oi 
ficers of God:and fo eachTable had five Commanc 
ments.Me thinks it is according to the infinite Wil 
dom of God, ? placed fo between both , as that i 
ftiould'be left dubious to us,which of them it belong 
to, as participating of both in its nature. And fome 
think,that part of it was written on the firft Table o 
flone,and part on the fecond. But certainly Powe 
is a Ray fro :n God. 

Tfief. I24. Our principal fearch then muft be to fine 
out the line of Derivation , how, and by what me am 
this Power is conveyed" from God. And to that end, 
roe muft enquire what he hath done himfelf as part of 
his Univerfal ftanding Law, and what he hath left 
to be done , with variations according to the diffe* 
rence of times, and pi aces, and perfons. 

Thef.1 2 ?. And firft, It is mo ft certain that God hath 
himfelf determined in the Law of nature,^ of Scrip* 
ture,that there ft all be Governors and fubjtBs, Rule 
find Obedience in the world ; and hath not left the 
-world to lib.rty , whether they will have Governors 
or rot 

This is proved before. If all te world agreed to 


and conveying Caufes of Toner. 125 

Idepofe their Rulers, or live without,i§ would not 
[become lawful by the agreement,but an aft of difo- 
[bedience againft God. This therefore is not left to 
[mans decifion,but they are prevented byGock Law. 

[Thcfl26. Secondly y God hath been p leafed in his 
Univerfal Lapps of nature andScriptnre to determine 
of the ends of Government ; that his Pleafure , and 
Honor*) and the common-rood , and. order as neceffary 
thereto^ (hall be the end: this thsrefore is not left r# 
the decijion of man. 

So that if all men ihould agree that Magiftrates 
/hall not refpeft the honor or pleafing of God , or 
the common good, it were but treachery and folly, 
and an agreement of no validity at all. The end 
being effentiall to the Relation here, it followeth , 
that whoever is a Magiftrate, muft ufe his power to 
thefe eads, though all men fliould gain fay it. 

Thef. 1 27. Thirdly > God hath himfelf made certain 
Univerfal fiated Laws 9 which all Princes and States 
ptnfi promote and execute as his Officers ; and no 
man on earth have Power to null them> cr difpenfe 
with them : It Is not therefore left to mans decijion 
- whether thy will obfervt thefe Laws of God^or not m 

All the Laws of men are in two refpe&s different 
from thefe of God. Firft, Gods Laws arc Univerfal 
for all the world;but maus are patticular,or limited 
for their feveral Common-wealths. As theSovc- 
raign Powers makeUniverfal Laws for thcCommon- 
wealth y but may give a Corporation power to make 
by laws for that Corporation about inferior things. 


I i 6 Of the Foundation Efficient 

And fecondly, Gods Laws'are fuperior fixed Laws, 
above the higheft Prince on earth,whicfabind thcfrj. 
as Siibjefts toGod, & they cannot difpetffe tfith#2 
therefore they are limited by tbim vk their ownLe- 
giflatjops and Jurifdiftion, yea all that they do mutt 
fubfcrve them, whereas Princes,OF others that have 
SoveraignPovver are above their own Laws asftuch. 
He jthat is bound by a Law, is fo far fubjed::He that 
is a Subjcft,isa Subjeft to fome SuperiorrSove- 
raigns have no earthly Superiors; but Dheyare as 
much fubjeft to God as others.- As nojuftice of 
Peacehath any power againft theLaws of theCom- 
ifioh-wealth , fo neither have Kings againft Ihe 
Laws of God. 

Thef. i 2.8 .Gad hath defer ibed in his word (andmvzh 
in ths Law of nature), the Rulers, that'fbaU receive 
.Authority from him as his Officers: fo that it iswft 
left to. the liberty of any people whom they mllchoofei 
bat this description containethfom? qualifications ne- 
ceffary tothe being' of an Officer of Goi^ndfome that 
arrneceffary but to the well-being: therefore if the 
latter be violated by she C hoofers, h is a fin*b*t not a 
JVallityiif the former be violated, it is a Nullity as 
well as a fin. 

• The King or State may give Power to a Corpo- 
ration to choofe their Major or Bayliffe , but the 
Charter exprefly or implicitely limiteth them what 
men to chufe.If they chufe a- Drunkard or a Swear- 
er, it is not aNullity, though a fault :but if they chofe 
an open out-lawdRebel,ic is aNuliity : or if rheirGo- 
vernor after he is chofen , renounce the Soveraign 
Power, he £ullifieth his own Authorky.Wb at are a 

and conveying Caufes of Power. 127 
Rulers neceffary qualifications, I flialli touch anon. 

Thef. 129. All thefe things being determined already 
by God himjelfjt is certain that wit hen Peoples- E- 
leftion , no? conquest can be the fpwtaine or proper 
caufe of any of thef e : burst mnfl befomewhat low- 
er that thef h&e to do. 

That which is done alrea^byi^e greatLaw-giver 
bf the world, cannot be left to the will of men, nor 
become their works : but its their work to obey the 

Thef. 13 o. That which God hath left undetermined 
in his Univerfal Laws, is j. whether it fhall b* one, 
or two. y ' fewer or more that fhall have the Sove- 
raign Power under him in particular Common- 

1 wealth*. z.And-who (hall be the individual perjons. 
tAnd 3 . Much of the matter of their Laws, which 

1 is to be varied agreeably to times andperfons . 

Though Monarchy , Ariftocracy and Democracy 
are commonly called the <kl\\n& fpeeies of Com- 
mon-wealths and Governments, yet it is indeed no 
more then to determine who {hall be the perfons 
Governing : The Ele&ifljM[ individuals doth it as 
to the individual perfonsRibd the conftitution doth 
it fimul & femel as to Succeflors, determining alfp 
of the number.So that the fubftance of the Office is 
all predeterminsd'of by God in his own Laws ; and 
tkhfp'cificatiopznd choice of indnridualsdo butde* 
telmine of the. perfons. The Reafon why God hath 
ik* himfelf in his ftandingUniverfal Laws determine 
ed of either ofthefe,is,bscaufe they yferc nor capa- 

128 Of the Foundation^ Efficient 

of fuch a determination : For the Individuals were 
not exittent,when God made his Laws : the names 
of C*far> ^Alexander*, A/pkonfus, &c. were not to 
be inferted into thofe Laws,they being unborn when 
the Law of nature was made , and are of flnort con- 
tinuancejand muft prefently re%n t heir Crown to 
their Succe(Tors:& if all that ever (hould Govern in 
the world had been forenamed by God in his Laws, 
it would have brought as great inconveniences on 
the world, as if every man before hand fliould be 
cold how long he /hall live and whether he flull be 
rich or poor. God is not to be taught by man ho w i 
to govern the world. 


The.1 31. The ejfent iall Qualifications of 4 Governouf f 
or that Difpofitio matcrix that is ofmceffty ad re- 
ceptionem & rctentionem formx, ( and not only 
ad melius eflfe ) arc thofe without which the per- 
ons are not capable of performing the effential works s 

Government in the exercife hath fomewhat effen- 
tial, or of abfolute neceflity , and fomewhat that is 
but for the melius efje^ and therefore Governing 
Power hath fo too ; and what the latter is mutt be 
known, by knowing whwhc former (the neceffary 
exercifc is)for the Power #for the ufe 8c exercife. 

Thef. i % t.The end tf Government will beft determine 
What is effentiatl to Government in exercife. In a 

' proper Common-wealth that is fftbyft to God the 
1ln\vtrf*lf<xveraign+tis effentiaHj neceffary that the 
Government befo4xercifed^A$ that theBeivg of the 
Common-wealth may bepreferved, 2.Andfo much of 

4 the 

andtomeyin& C^fe of Popper. I *9 

the well being or Common-good at hat the efta:e of 
the £omn<on-weal[h be better ib.. the eft axe of the 
people would be if they hadno Government, ^Jl'hat 
jujtice fa more prevalent in ) hsbent of Government 
then injustice, and the Rulers in the maine be not a 
terror to good ivorkj but to evilly And that theti" 
mverjall Soveraign be acknowledged and honoured. 

x. If the Being of the Commgn-wealth be not 
preferved, the Government it felf will ceafe. 2. As 
it is eflenual to the Relation , that the Common- 
good be the end profeiledly intended by the Confli- 
tutors, and which the Adminiftrators are obliged to 
intend, fo in the exercife that it be a&ually fought in 
the degree here mentioned is neceflary ; For if the 
end be wholly overthrown, the means is no means, 
and the Relation ceafeth. They that are in a worfc 
conditioner as bad as if they hid no Government, 
indeed,have fconeronly here note,to avoid miftakes, 
I. That this is fpoken of the body of the people,zndnot 
of a few particular ferfow.fcz if uniuftly they be fo 
ufed as to be worfe then without Government, yet 
that diffolveth not the Common-wealth. 2 .True r his 
is fpoken of thzftatedcafe of a people, znd not whac 
cafe they may be in , in fome fudden or fhort ftraic , 
which as Phyfick may tend to a ftate of health^.That 
therefore as the Bonn publicum hath many degrees, 
it doth not diflblve the Government, if only fuch 
and fuch higher Degrees of the Gommon-~oodbe 
croffed or overthrown;for no Prince is perfe&, and 
therefore none can perfe&ly feek the Commoa- 
good,& while men have fin they will do fome hurr, 
or negted fome good. But whe^ they do more Hurt 
K tkth 

130 Of the Found At ion > efficient 

thengood-, they arc no true means to the common 
good:And there is no fuch thing as Government of 
Gols allowance , which is not a means to the common 

3. lilfijufticebz predominant in the Stated ex-> 
ere if e of Government , it is but a Combination of 
Robbers or Deceivers : But if in the main ccurfe of 
Government juftice be carried on, it is not Injuftice 
to zfw that will null the Government. 

4.K the Vniverfal Soveralgn be denyed,or ftated- 
ly oppofed,the body dyeth as being cut oflf from the 
head,& the power ceafeth in man,becau(c the con- 
veyance ceafeth from God. A Traitor that openly 
renounceth his Soveraign ,doth thereby renounce 
his own Authority effectively. But becaufe many 
objeftions lie againft this iaft,I defire the Reader to 
fufpend them , till I come anon to open it more 

As a man dnnot be a Phyfitian that is unable 
wholly, or in the main for a Phyfitians work, nor a 
Lawyer that knoweth not the Law , nor a Preacher 
that cannot preach, nor a Paftor that cannot do the 
effential works of a Paftors office , nor a Pilot that 
cannot guide the flhip, nor an Artificer that cannot 
( as to skill ) do the works of his art at all : fo he 
cannot be at that time a Ruler y that cannot do the 
effential parts of a Rulers work. 

TheC IJ ?. The three qualifications #/ neceffity to the 
Beingof the power in that fub] eft , *re> 1. So much 
Underftanding.z.And Will or Goodnefs in himfelf. 
3. Andfo muchftrength or executive Power by his 
Inter eft in the people , or others^ as tre neceffwy to 
the faid ends of Government. As 

and conveying Cwfes tfPonw. 131 

As VnAer ft aiding JVill^ and executive Tower are 
the grand Pri main ies fas CampaHella calls them} 
in nature , which are tranfcendently , eminently , 
neceflarily , originally in God > and derivatively 
in the rarional creature in his kind and measure ; 
and as Wifdom andGoodn^is are the perfections 
ofthelntelled and Will , zp-1 in God are the 
tranfcendent fupereminent fountain of all the 
Wifdom and moral goodnefs in the Creatures ; fo 
are thefe three the Primaiitics of Government, , 
and of necefHty in the degree aforef?id to its be- 
ing in that fubjeft. As it is no eurr pnt coin that 
is made of lead , though it have the Soveraigqs 
Image , when be hath made the matter neceflary 
as well as the form; fo here, Ex quovts ligno nonftt 

1. Without the forefaid degree of Reafon and 
Wifdom , there is not materia dilfofit* & ctpax , 
becaufe the.perfons. are uncapable of the worko , 
and fo of the end , and fo of the Power : And 
therefore Ideots, Fools ahd Infants cannot be the 
aduaj Soveraigns, that is > in statu & relation be 
the prefent Governors. Indeed they may have 
the name of Soveraignty , while others have the 
Exercife and Power of that Exercife , and they 
may be in a diftant capacity , or the way to a ca- 
pacity ,and may have fome foundations laid by the 
conftitution , that the a&ual Government fliall be 
by them , when tlicy are a&ually capable : which 
fome call a Jh* a^ rtm^ but is but an Hypothetical 
Right to a future aSual Hight : if they live to the 
ufe of tleafon , and to be of capacity ; they fliali 
have a&ual Right to Govern: or if you will call 
K a the 

1 3 2 Of the Foundation , efficient 

the one[ A right to govern when they are capable. ] 
and the other, £ A %ight to prefect Government.] 
For the peace and fafety of the Common-wealth y 
thetonftitution may determine, that all Govern- 
ment (Ml be exercifed in the name of an Infant 
and-Ideot Pance, and fo they may , if they pleafe, 
decree , that after the death of an elective King , 
till another be elected , the Admjniftration {hall 
be in the name of him that's dead : But neither 
will make theramcto be the Thing. We fpeak 
of. the total Soverai 5 nty. If in a mixt Common- 
wealth a Prince be an Infant, the Senate or who- 
ever hath the other part of the Soveraignty , may 
have the exercife of the whole duricg his Infancy: 
But if Senate , and all be Infants, they are no 
a&ual Governors : When a Counfell , or other 
Adminiftrators appointed by the conttitution > do 
exercife the whole Sovereign Power or part, they 
■ have Power fo to exercife it; : And if they have 
Pawer&nd Exercife, they are really pro tempore 
the Soveraign^hough the right oiprefent^nomlnal^ 
And ftttHre real Soveraignty may be in an Infant 

2. If the perfons be wife, and yet not good 
fo far as is neceffary to the forefaid degree of the 
ends of Government , they are uncapable of the 
Form ox Being : for he that isfo wlckjd as to pro- 
fefs or pra6Ufe the common rttin , cannot be the 
common Father and Preferver : And he that hath 
not will or goodnefs enough to make him feek the 
common good in the main , cannot be in that office 
or power, which efential/y is for the feeing of it. 
An open enemy of the people may be their Op- 


and conveying Caufes of Popper. 133 
preffor , but not their Govemour. He may be a 
Tyrant that ruleth for himfelf , but not a lawful 
Ruler y if he Rule not for them. 

5. Another neceffary Dlfpojitio materia is execu- 
tive Power, .For he that hath not Power(by which I 
here mean that called Jtirequ/^or natural ftrength)is 
not capable ofProte&ing the innocent , or the 
Common-wealth, or of executing Juftice on Of- 
fenders, but his own Laws will be ridiculous Scar- 
crows, without Execution, and a company of 
thieves wiilcombine,and forbid Judgement.-yea, 
as long as there is in depraved nature a defire of 
Superiority and Ruling thofe that are ftronger 
then he, will put him, and keep him out of pof- 
feflion, and rule themfelves : and decide the Con- 
troveriie: fo that itismoft evident, that hs 
that is utterly impotent, is uncapabie of Govern- 
ment. But then note , that though the Skjll 
and J%M muft in a tolerable me afar e be in him* 
felfj yet it is the people or his Armies ,hac are 
his Executive Power : for thefe hav^ the natu- 
ral ftrengthy and are as the inferior faculties, 
that are to obey and execute the Commands of 
the Will ; But as the natural Powers that obey 
the mil muft be our own , that they may be un- 
der its Command , fo there muft be an Inte*eft 
of the Soveraign in thofe others thatax his 
/?ra«rr/?,which may tie them to himfelf fo far that 
the may fubierve him. And thus it is evi- 
dent exnaturarei , that whofoever hath not 
(the forefaid meafure of Wifdom , Goodnefe , 
(in hintfelf ) and Strength , or Executiv: Vower , 
by his Intefeft in others ) as is neccflfary to 
K3 the 

1 34 ' Of the foundations efficient 
r heends ofGovernmen:>is CMaterla Indifpojita 
& tncafaX- forma , and therefore no Soveraign , 
( if ftatediy as afore laid , and as we ihall further 

Thef. i^q.As Gods Uulverfal Law hath lnffituted y 
limited and regulated the Office , and deferred 
the Officers-) fo his effective Providence doth qua- 
life or iUfpofe the particular Subjects and make 
them capable, and partly maks-, and partly permit 
an incapacity in others', and thus it doth ft or unft 
- men as to the form* 

Great Difputes there are , whether Dominium 
fMndatur In (jratia, vdln provident \a^ or in what ? 
Things that are co-ordinate or fubordina te, 
are faigned to be contraries , or inconfirtent 
in caulality or intereft: and in that way ment, 
may quarrel as long as they live about any dning , 
where they would have wife men fee their 
weaknefs. As the earth and the Creatures in 
it are refcued-by Chrift from that higher mea- 
fureofcurfe then is executed, and our penalty 
abated , and we and the Creatures reprieved 
by the Interpofirion of the Mediator , fo far 
Common Grace doth found the common dominion : 
And as the Providence that layeth the foundation 
or rather the occafon of Propriety , i? an Aft o£ 
Common mercy In God y fo Grace ("even fuch a Com- 
mon Grace ) is the Caufe or Occafon of Propriety , 
( For by Dominion I flill mean Propriety ) And 
as Sped all Grace beftowet h ^Propriety , ( though 
in it felf a common Mercy ) with an intention 


and conveying Caufes of Tower 135 

to ufc it for fome fpecial good , fo Propriety 
is caufcd or occasioned by chat SpeciaU Grace 
( I take Grace here a&ively , and not paffive- 
ly , or for the Gratia operant , not the operata. ) 
But the immediate proper Foundation of Pro- 
priety is the Law y or Gift of God , that gi- 
veth all the Creatures on fuch and fuch terms, 
directing men to the juft meanes of acquiring 
and poflefling : And the Canfafine qua non of 
Propriety is various : fometime Occupancy , and 
fomtime Contrail , or other juft Alienation 
from others , and Conveyance unto us. Where 
no one hath a Ttyht before the Occupant , the 
Generall Donation , by which God gives the 
earth to the fons of men , is enough to make 
it ours : and there the gift is the Fundamen- 
tnm y and the Occupancy is the Copula , or 
Caufa^ne qua non , or appropriating meanes: 
But where another hath Right before us> there 
the Gift of God ftil is the proper Fundament 
turn Juris : But another man quitting of his 
Right j or fome juft alienation is prerequiiite, 
and then the meanes of conveying it rather to 
us then to another , is the Caufa fine qua non 
of our Right ; and in foro humano may be cal- 
led our Title or Fundamentum J*>ris it felf; 
many have a Title , which is , 1. Good in 
foro humano- 2. And which in foro divino , 
will difable another from difpottefTtng them 
3. And yet in foro divino will not warrant 
their own poffeflion. 4. And fome that are 
warranted as to the bare Po/fejfion , have yet 
no Tkight coram Deo to the benefits which the 
K 4 things 

1 1 6 Of the Foundation ^efficient 

things pofiuud in tkt\ ifelyes nave a ten- 
dency to : This is the true deciiion of the 
cafe , ubi fundamr D». minm > ( vvbich is di- 
redUy in Gods Cjifc , orL-ivv 7 an^ o~afionally 
in gracious providence > common or fpeciall* 
and fomethie in judicial .Providence ) and 
Whether mckjd men have Propriety or are U- 
furpers ( <\ho have Right In fro h^mano , and 
if lawfully got , coram Deo , as to bare PolTeifi- 
on, but not as to the final goo J or benefit ac- 
cruing from the thing poikfled ) But all this 
is but briefly touched , becaufe it is but on the 

But I have mentioned the intereft of Provi- 
dence in Dominion , becaufe it tendeth to illu- 
ftrare the point of the intereft of Providence 
in Authority^ ( or Right to Government) 
which is the cafe in hand. Many hot Difputes 
there have been , Whether Providence convey 
Rlolnof Government ornot : and fome fay, it 
doth, and fome fay y that it doth not ; and fome 
have the wit to diflinguifo y and fhew how far 
it may conduce to it , and yet doth not effed it. 
I think not that vvifdom. or neceflity > or any 
thing elfe oblige me, ro take all , or any of thefe 
men to task , and confote their Rei;onings: it is 
more finable to my e nds tocontem my felf with 
a nake^ delivery of what I take to be the truth , 
and a fufficient proof of it. 

Thef. 155. if hen Providence depr heth a man 
of his Under fiamiing and intelUttual Capacity 
and that fatedly , or as to his ordinary teptper , 


and conveying Caufes of Power 137 
it makjth him materiam indifpofitam , and 
uncapable of Government! though not of the name. 

This is the firft way by which Providence dif- 
potfefleth. Nebuchadnezzar was thus difpof- 
feflfed : but retaining his remote conditional 
Right was reftored when his underftanding was 
reitored. But the Sovcraign Power and Ex- 
ercife was the mean while in others. And thus 
Providence working upon nature can dethrone 

Thef. 156. JfGodpermit Princes to turn fo wic- 
ked as to be incapable of Governing , fo as is 
confident with the ends of Government , he per- 
mitsthem to depofe themf elves. 

As I before fliewed that fo much Moral 
and CiviJl Goodnefs is neceffary to Govern- 
ment , fo now I (hew you , how men are dif- 
poffeft, and become un capable. Though all vice 
or wickednefs make not a Prince uncapable * yet 
to fay that none doth , is to flatter them 
againftGod ,and Reafon , and the common 
Wel-fare of the world. He that turneth ene- 
my to the people , and feeks their mine , is un- 
capable of Governing them. But the great 
cafes I will referve till I come to fpeak of 2^- 

Thef. 137. If Providence ftatedly difable 
him thai was the Sovcraign from the execu- 
ting of Laws, Protecting the jufi , and other 


1 38 Of the Foundation, Efficient 

ends of government , It maketh him an un- 
eatable Subject of the Power , and f» dlfpofeth 

For a Governor fo Impotent , is none. A Ca- 
pacity for the work and end is neceffary in the 
perfon : and when that ceafeth , the Power 
ceafeth. Not by fuch a Ceffation alwayes as 
leaveth the people innocent; for its pollible, 
and likely that the guilt is , or may be theirs, 
who have difabled their. Ruler by deferring 
him: But , 1. If they doit finfully, yet he 
isdiflfmiffed and difobliged from the charge of 
Government, 2. And particular innocent 
Members are difobliged from being Governed by 
him , though through the fin of others. But 
it is not every a&ual temporary difpoffeffion 
that difobligcth ftatedly , as I fhall fhew more 

Thef. 138. When Providence thus maketh any 
uneatable or indlfpofed , it deftroyeth the 
power at in fuch : but yet when it dlfpofeth any 
for the Government , it doth not thereby imme- 
diately (rive him pojfejfion or Title to the Go- 

For Bonnm *& ex Cm fit interris : There 
muft be matter and form to conftitute the 
Being: and after the matter rs in it felfex. 
ifteM > there muft be fomewhat more to in- 
troduce the form ( in moft cafes. ) But the 
deftruftion of either of them deftroyes the^Be- 

and conveying Caufes of Power* 1 3 p 

ing. And therefore Death is the ftroak of 
Providence , extingu:ftiing with the life the 
Power of the Prince , and fo is Infatuation 
habitual ( with the exceptions abovefaid ) and 
fo is the Permijfion of the fore-mentioned 
Impiety, or Enmity , and Imfotency of the 
Prince. If a Prince be ftatedly made a Beg- 
gar , or forfakeh, or ejeftea by a Conqueror ^ 
and fo uncapable of Governing, if Ic be but 
pro tempore , the Subje&s for that time ( that 
have no oportunity to reftore him ) are dis- 
obliged from his aftual Government ( except 
fuch as can go with him ) But if it be his fix- 
ed ftated cafe the Subje&s are ftatedly difob- 
liged : for he cannot be obeyed that governeth 

Thef. 159. his theworl^ of Providence to give 
men, i. An Eminency of fVifdom. 2 m Andof 
Goodnefs. 3. ±And by lnterett in others y /suf- 
ficient Strength for Magljfracy. 

And fo as the Law defcribeth the SubjeFt of 
Power, fo Providence alveth the defer ibed quali- 
fications. So that by \.aw and Providence con- 
junct , God taketh down one , and fetteth up 
another, Tfalm 75.7. And the Alteration pro- 
ceeds from Providence : the Lav* changeth 
not y but according to itsfirft fenfe hath a vari- 
ous afpeft upon various perfons, places, times, 
as providence doth diverfifie them. And 
doubtlefs it is notably the works of Providence 
that are meant in thofc Scriptures which fore- 

140 Of the foundation^ efficient 

tell of the Changes in Kingdoms and Powers, 
that God will make in the world. Dan 2. 
44. The God of Heaven jhall fet up a Kingdom 
that (hall never be deftroyed. ] And how if , 
not by Providence , fthough here withall is in- 
tended the New Law ) Dan 4. 17* [To the in- 
tent that the living may k^now that the mofi high 
rnleth in the Kingdom of men , andgivethit to 
Tvhcmfoever he will , and fetteth tip over it the 
bafeft^ofmen^] And Verfe 25. \They (hall drive 
thee from men y and thy dwelling (hall be with the 
be a ft s till thou know that the mo ft Highruleth in 
the Kingdom of men 1 and giveth it to whomfo- 
ever he wilt. ] And how ? but by difpofing 
Providence? fo again, Dan. 5. 20, 21. [ Bm 
-when his heart was lifted up , and his minde har- 
dened in pride , he was depofed from his Kingly 
Throne^ and they to«ke his Glory from him , » 

till he knew that the mo ft High ruled in the king- 
dom of men y and t hat he appoint eth over it whom- 
soever he will. Dan. 2.37. [ Thou O King y 
art a King of Kivgs : for the God of Hea- 
ven gave thee a Kingdom y Power y Strength and 
Glory. ] thaj: is , by difpoftng Providence. 
verfe 38. He hath given them into thy hani , 
and made thee Ruler over them all.'] Jer. 27. f . [/ 
have made the earthy the man and the beaft y ~ 
and have given it unto whom it feemed meet unto 
me.~] And now? but by over-ruling difpoftng Provi- 
dence* Dan. 5.2S. Thy Kingdom is divided y 
*nd given to the Medes and Perfians. ] which 
proveth not that they juftly feized on it, nor 
that God gave it othervvife then by difpaftug 


and conveying CanJVs of <Power. 141 

rovid(nce % Dan.7.6. \_7he halt had four heads , 
td Dominion was given to it. ] Many fucb places 
iew that Providence giveth K ingdoms , *»4 is the 
: an gin I caufe. 

'hef. 140. his not the giving of either Wifdome , 
or Goodnefs , or ftrength alone that makjth 
men capable of governing ^Authority y but 
it muft be AllJ in the fore-defcribsd meafure.) 

The fubtileft Politician may be uncapahle 
through wickednefs* and the wifeft and beft 
man may be uncap able ( of full Right and ex- 
ercife) through weakpefs : and if a man have all 
three y (W if dom , Goodn^fs^ and ftrength) he hath 
not therefore Authority , but only an Aptitude 

thef. 141. Though it be a duty for a very weak. 
( though tolerable ) governor for the common 
good to reftgn his place to one that is every way 
more fit and likjr ( confideratis confideran-^ 
dis ) to attain the ends of Government in a 
more excellent degree , yet is it not law full for 
any other to depofe him > and ufurpe the place* 
becaufe he is more toifly or good y or power full: 
nor for the people to do it , contrary to the con- 

Where another hath Right already , it is not 
in higher degree of Aptitude that can vvarant 
my to afpire to the Throne. If I know a man, 
that is fitter then my felf for my Paftoral charge. 
all things confidered, it is my duty to relign it 
to him/* procure his joynt power and afliftance , 



14* f the Foundation > efficient 
( becaufe the good of fouls requireth it ) But n 
man may upon the preemption of fuch a ciiffe 
rence feek to difpoffefs me againfl my Will. 

Thef. 142. Meer Pojfefsion of the feat of Towe 1 
in It f elf confidered, is not a Title, nor willjufli 
fie the PoJ[etfor> nor warrant the people to confer 


A man may have Poffeflion of the feat an 
landy and not of the Government ': for he Po 
feifeth not that till he exercife it , and he can, 
not exercife it, but upon a confenting people . Th< 
people may choofe to live in flavery , orbedc 
ftroyed in a ftate of Hoftility , if they pleafe 
rather then to fubmit to the Ufurper. And h 
thefe cafes it is meet that they fhould dofo. Thi 
firft is , if he would force them elfe to violate 
their Covenants to God or man , or to commi 
any fin againft God : fo that confenting to hi 
Government muft contain a confent to fin : Th< 
fecond is , if his Government will do more hur 
then our refufinghimor periling would do ? t< 
that nation . Or thirdly , if confenting migh 
be better to that Nation , yet if it be mon 
injurious to the common good of the worlds or th< 
common Intereft of God, then our diffent. 

But I will fay no more of this > becaufe Mr. 
Edward <jee hath in two books faid fomuch 
whofe Arguments againft the meer PolfeffoK 
claim are thus far good. 


Thef. 143. C°*q H cfi ™ %lt f e tf is no found Titl A 
tQ tkt Gwemmw of a people. If 

and convey ing Caufes of Tower. 143 

[f the war was unjust* then the conqueft is but the 
iiccefs or Robbery and murder, and therefore can 
>ive no Title. If the war were juft againft the 
Prince only,and not againft the people, there is no 
tppearance of a Title to %hU them from the fuc- 
:cfs. If the war was juft againft Trlnce mdpeople 9 
jet as is faid,they may in fome cafes choofe to die, 
3: be ufed 2s the Conqueror pleafe , and continue 
:faeir hoftility with unconqnered minds. "And if fo, 
ill they yield to be his Subjects, he is not their So- 
^eraign , though Conqueror. 

rhef. 144. Ifthcperfon difpojfefi be one that we are 
by Covenant oblige d,not onely tofubmhto^ obej y 
but alfo to defend y & be not made uncapable of the 
Government, we ought to defend hlm^and endeavor 
his refiitution according to the tenor ofonr Cove- 
nants , as far as may (land with the common good, 
the end of Government. Yea , though we makje no 
fuch Promife , our Relation , and the Law of God 
ebligeth as to defend our Governors. 

This was the cafe of David and the people,vvhen 
'sfbfolonhzd got poffeflion of the City , and his 
loufes , and many of the people , it was the duty 
till of the people to reftore him : For, 1. The 
>o(Tefeion of Abfolon was but of the Place , and * 
arty, aodfo but a military ftate : David having 
n Army and a Party too,2 . David was the perfon 
3 whom they were by Gods Eteaion and their 
Covenants obliged: and therefore while there was 
ope , they were to profecute it for his reftitution. 
^nd if half prove folfc to him > it difpbJUgeth not 
bereft. D Thef. 

1 44 Of the Foundation > efficient 

Thef. 145. But if the per f on dlfpoffest be jnftly difr 
fotfeft^as by a I aw full War , in -which he lofeth his 
Right , efpecially if he violate the C*nttitution, 
and enter into a military ft ate againft the people 
themfelves^and by them be conquered \t hey are not 

, obliged to reft ere him , unlefs there befome other 
f pedal obligation upon them y k 'fide their Alleeiance. 

Thisfhall be anon more fully manifefted when 
we fpeak of the Diffolution of Government. 

Thef. 146. If the per [on dtfpojfeft, though it were 
mjuftly , do afterward become uncapable of Go- 
vernment, it is not the duty of his Subjects toftek^ 
his Reftltut'ion. 

I have before intimated by what wayes men be- 
come incapable : As by lofs of Underftanding , by 
becoming an Enemy to the common good , or to 
God, and by lofs of Power for the ends of Govern- 
ment, which they are unable to reftore him to. An 
Incapacity alfo may be accidental, as if he cannot 
be reftored but by the Arms of the enemies ofGod, 
or the Common-wealtbjwho will afterwards have 
thePower of difpoling of him & the Government, 
fo that the Common- wealth hath no fecurety but 
the word of enemies : or if a fa£Hori of enemies 
within muft needs be (or apparantly will be ) the 
Mailers of all when heis reftored. He that is in- 
capable of promoting of rbeCommongood,is un- 
capableof ( )Overnim*,(which way ever it come to 
pafs.*>nd he that is become uncapable of Govern- 
ing jought not to be reftored, unlefs wc can reftore 
his capacity. Thef.147 * 

Conveying Caufes of Power. 1 6 1 

Thcf. 147. If an Army (of Neighbours, or inhabi m 
tants, or whoever ) do (though injuriouflj) expel the ScT 
verasgn^andrefolve to ruine the Common-wealth, rat her 
then he fhxll be reflored^andifthe gammon-wealth maj 
proffer without his reftauratien, it u the duty of fuch an 
injured Prince, for the common good to reftgn hu Govern- 
ment . and if he will not, the people ought to judge him as 
made uncapable bj providence, and not to feel^ his refii- 
tution y to the apparent ruine of the (fommon-wealth. 

Thereafonis,becaofeit iseffential to Government 
to be for the common good •, and he is for the people 
finally, rather then they for him : And Government 
ceafech to be juft Government, when itceaferh £0 be 
a means ?o its end : much more when it is dcftru&ivc 
to it. Thejturegendi is not like meer Dominion (I 
mean Propriety ,) which is bat a power or right to 
ufe and difpofe of things as our own^nd for ourf elves. 
But it is like the office of a Phrjitian , Scheol-mafter, 
Pilot, &c. who are principally for the good of others , 
and but fecondarilj for their $^n reward and honour* 
And therefore no man on earth can pretend propriety 
in his Kingdom, or Government , againft the common 
good, and ends of that Government. For that is to 
change the nature of the thing, and then plead an in- 
terest in it, as Government, when they have made ic 
no ( juft j Government at all. 

Thcf. 148. That Man that will rather fee the blood 
of many thousands Spiit , and the (fommon wealth ha- 
z>ardedjbenhewill give up that Government which he 
received for the common good,when he maj know that his 
refignstion would be for the common good $ and hts war 

M againft 

i6i Of the Foundation, Efficient and 

dgainfi it, doth thereby declare that he fecks not the com* 
mongood, but himfelf. 

Tbefc five or fix laft propofitions I have taken in on 
the by, but to prepare for thofe that follow ,by remo- 
ving objedions that (land in the way. 

Thef. 149. It is not lawful for a people to ehufe,m- 
thfr to have no Governour, then not to have htm that is 
their rightful Prince : for that there (hall be Govern- 
ment and fubjeftion, is the ft at ed Law of Godjowhicb 
tht right choife of perfons u butfubordinate : // there- 
fore the rightful G&vernour be fo long difpejfeft that the 
Common-wealth can no longer be without Government f 
but to the apparent hazard of its ruine , we ought to 
jttJge that providence hath dijpojfeft the former ^and pre- 
fently to confent to another. 

1. The right of perfons is in fubferviency to the 
Government it fclf and the ends of it : and therefore 
if any man will fet the means againft tbc end, or a cir- 
cumftancc of humane determination againft a Law of 
God, and fay, Becaufe we cannot have fuch a man,we 
will have none, but be ungoverntd ; this it to break 
ancxprefscommandmenr, and to caft off the order 
and ordinance of God, for a perfons fake. 

2. If people have no Government, vice will reign,' 
and every mans eftate and life will be at the mercy of 
his enemy, or him that hath a mind to it, and is che 
ftronger: And therefore no people can long fiibfift 
without Government. 

Thef. 150. When a people are without a Governor, it ! 
may be the duty of fuch as have moftftringth^Xihitl- ' 
late, to protett the reft from injury. " L Thii j 

Conveying Caufes of Power. 1 6 ; 

this is a truth known by the light of nature : no 
man that is afTiuIted by a robber, bat would have bis 
neighbour help him : And he that will pafs by him , 
and not faccour him if he can, doth not do a neigh- 
boars part : He tlm feech his brother ij) ne ed,dangcr, 
ar diftrefs, and fhucceth up the boweli of his compac- 
tions from bicn, howdwelletb the Love of God in 
him ? Duties of charity % efpecially to a Nation % are 

Tbef. 151. Providence by conqttejt and ether means 
loth ufe fo to qualifie feme perfins above others for the 
jtvernment when the place Pi void , thtt m ether per- 
MsJbaBbe capable competitor /, and the perfonsfhallbc 
u go$d as named by Providence , whim the people are 
nund by God to choofe or confent to -^ fit bit thej are ufu- 
illy brought under a Divine obligation to fnbnAt to fuck 
^fuch^and take them for their Governours, before thifc 
vtrfons have an aTtnal right to govern. 

A people without a particular Soveraign , ace flili 
Darts of Gods univerfal Kingdom, and from him they 
•re to receive their officers, if he appoint them ; for 
Jill they arc under the obligation of bis Laws.Thongb 
be peoples confent ( explicate or implicice ) be ne~ 
.effary to the Soveraigns aftual Government , an j 
:onfequently to his right of governing them , by 
.vbichbemuft himfelfbe warranted and juftificd 5 
ret are the people ofually under \ previous obligation 
Vara the Lord , whom they (hail confent to i and 
vhomnot. And Con que ft is the moft ufual means of 
lie determination : noc by giving Right to govern , 
m by making thcConquerour maiiriam iiffofitam . 

M 2 life 

i^4 Of the Foundation \ Efficient and 

the only capable fubjeft of that right, and objeft c 
the peoples choice. The fame may be faid of any othi 
poffeffion of fuch power as the Conqaerour batl 
Ordinarily did the Roman Eroperours (formerly i 
Rome, and dncQUConfiantinople) die orfuffcr d< 
pofition,by an U fur per-, and yet the (ubjeftsobeyc 
ihellfurper, and the CbriftianBilhopstook it tot 
their duty fo to do. If his Conqueft or Occupatic 
be finful , yet if he thereby become the only capab 
perfon to Govern, the people are to confent (fa- 
pofing no fpecial impediment to forbid it.) If the 
be ( though through another* fin ) difobliged fro 
their former Governour, (by his death, incapacity 
&c.) they are bound by God to confent co fuch 
iare raoft capable. 

TheT. 152. 7>uttfmen have hjCenqueft cr otl\ 
means become the ftrongeji^that yet are uncafabtc , jj 
-want of Neceffary wifdom, or Goodnefs , the peom 
mayfabmh tofuffzrwg> bnt not confent that fuch Jhosi 
govern them. 

Becaufe being fuppofed uncapable of Governij 
them, their Government would be as hurtful as to] 
without a Government. And if Gods honour a I 
foveraignry muft be traiteroufly defpifed , and c| 
common good deftroyed , it is better that it be do| 
without the peoples confent, then with it. 

Tbef. 153. v4»j thing that is a fufficient pgn </J 
wilt of God, ihzt this is the ferfen^ bj whom we mttfiX 
Governed \ is enough (asjojnedtoGods Laws) to cbi\ 
us to confent, andtbej him, as our Governour. 


Convejtng Caufes of Power. 1 65 

God being the choofer of his own Officers ,and the 
jjiiverfal King, who bindcth us to obey his choice , 
th make known his will ro man by fignt : For we 
nnot immediately fee his eflence, and therefore not 
s will. All his Laws that oblige us, are but fo many 
ns of his will : and he may choofe his fign. 

Thef. 154. It being already fynificA in the Law of 

\od, that a people tic at are without a Ruler ft) all confent 

\fuch ds are fitte/i for them , and the qualifications of 

i tcb being there expreft, thertfi of Qods mil to be ftgni- 

[i ?d to the peeple , te bring them undtr the particular 

rx'ligation^ is but for the dx (cover y of the perfons thus 

;i Vdlified : fo that Law and providence concurring, are 

) ads nomination of his Officers, whom the people by him 

re bound fir ft to confent to be fub'yM to, and then fa 

I Here are feveral ads of Gods Law, and feveral 
Jftsof Providence, necefTiry in concurrence, to con- 
litote a Sover^gn. 1 . There is prefuppofed tlie ge- 
neral Law, for Government and obedience, dillribut- 
ingthefubje&s of Gods Kingdom , into particular 
ubordinatc Sover?ign?,and their S jbjefts. 2. There is 
uppofed Gods Laws, that cat them out their princi- 
pal work, and defer ibe the fubllacce of the office, and 
imittbem. ?. The Law of God defcribctb the per- 
ons, in the points neceflfary to the Being^nd the well 
>eingof their Government. 4. The fame Law ob- 
igetb the people to confent to fuch, ( in cafe they arc 
-ailed to fuch a work , as choofing or confenting. ) 
Thus far the Law goetb. 
And then Providence , 1 . Doth qualifie the per- 

M 3 for, 

1 66 Of the Foundations Zfficknt and 

fon, i. With tolerable wifdocn. 2. And Goodnn 
( (o far as to be a capable Inftrurnent for the End* I 
Government. J 3* And with Power to defend t] 
p.ople and execute Laws. And many afti of Proi 
dence may concur to this : efpecially it is by gavinj 
manfuchlntcreft in the Affe&ions of the ltrong 
part , tbu by them he may be pat into a capacit 
2. And when he is qualified, to bring bim upon t 
ltage to the people! obfervation , that they mayo 
ferve his Qualifications, is an Ad of Providence f 
the difcovery of Gods Will-, andfo to bring the pe 
pie under an Obligation to confent. 3. And wbi 
they are fo obliged , the bringing of their hearts 
confent and accept bim, is another A61 of Providen 
antecedent to his Poffeffion, and ordinarily to fut 
a Title as will juflifie his Governmenr. 

So (hat the peoples Obligation is thus inferred ar 
induced by God. 

whomfoever I thus and thus Qualify , and dec la 
to be the fit t eft perfon^ you /hall confent to. 

Bat this man (or tbefe men) I have fo qualified at. 
declared : therefore U them you fbzll confent. 

The y^/orisinGods Law (of Nature and Scr 
pture, moft exprefs.J The Minor is the voice of Pre 
vidence ( taking the word for Adual dtfpofal 
Events ) and both together infer the conclufion , an 
induce the Obligation, but with the difference follow 

Thef. 155. Hence it is plain that this Bifpofal t 
*P rovideuce, is not in/lead of a Law, or fyeaketh not d 
debiro, hat dc fado, and therefore doth net it felf ej\ 
fclentlj oblige : but it only defigneth the perfon , and no 


Conveying Caufes of Power. 1 6j 

:v mnateth him, to whom wefhallby the Law be obliged to 
- 1 confenu 


*f t For Providence faith but £ This is the qualified per- 
$/>*] which words bavenot the nature ofaLaw, nor 
"ft do tbemfelves oblige •, but of a Nomination : fo that it 
QJ is the uniterfal Law that doth oblige , though not 

! without the Nomination of Providence. 
Thcf. 156. when the Nomination is referred to 4 
Jj Zit>tbdt Lot determintth but in this way of Providence, 
■ nominating theperfen^ leaving the Obligation fii/tto the 
1 Law. 

What a Lit may do, another Providence may do - y 
hut the lot may determine of the perfons : therefore 
i fo may other Providence. God hath many wayes of 
fignify ing his mind to us, and nominating the pcrfont t 
and hath not tyed himfelf to any one - nor mull we 
limit him. 

Thcf. 157. Where Gob dooh not notably declare any 
ferfon qualified above others, nor cne y tyeo y or any certain 
Number to be moft fit for the SwerAgnt) of that peo- 
ple, fo that the cafe it not Notorious but Controvcr- 
i\b\t, there the people mufl judge as well as they are able, 
wording to gods General Rules , or elfe refer it to * 

This is counted the freeft Cboyce, when people are 
cot plainly pre- obliged : bui indeed there is no more 
dtfirabie freedom , but oft-times left, in this Cafe 
then the o:her. If God do for our good fo plainly 

1A 4 qualific 

1 68 of the Foundation efficient and 

qu? !ifie and declare oar Governours at to leave it out 
of doubt to us, and fo to pre-oblige \xs y it is a mere/, j 
and not a depriving us of any defirable liberty : And 
if there be none of fuch Eminency , but that we are 
Jefc roacboyceoutof many equal?, ic doth but make ! 
us the more work. 

Thef. 158. A free people fhould have a free Con- 
ftnt^as from men f though they way be f re-obliged to 
ctnfixi by Cjod. 

Cor querours or men of ftrengtb may not obtrude 
rherafelves on a free people, how fit foever they are , 
but muftjeave them as free-men, to a free confenr. 

TheC 159. All people have not right tofuch free- 
dom • Sometime whole Nation^ bnt commonly a part of 
ever y Nation^ fljoaldfa denied the liberty of choofing 
their Governonrs , and be compelled to confent : and to 
make all C hoofers is injurious and dejiruftive to the' 
Common wealth. 

The firft branch ( which denyeth freedom of 
choice to fome whole Nation* ) is all that is lyable to 
contro verfie , which yet is fo plain, that it needs not 
many words. 

1. Sometime* divers Nations may conftitutc One 
Common-wealth. And then there is as much reafon 
why a whole Narton, a? a mixed part s fhould be 
thought Capable of forfeiting their liberties. 

2. Sometimes diners Nations may be under the 
fame Princes Government. And th^n if he can for- 
ku hi» Crown as 10 them > by any Ccvenanc-break- 

Conveying Caufes of Power. 1 69 

ng on his part, no doubt: but part of them may for- 
mic their Liberty, by Trcafon and Covenant-break- 
ng on theirs, and he may Rule them by the power of 
bis other Kingdoms ; As the Romans did many of 
the Nations that they Conquered. 

3 . Sometime the Neighbourhood of on juft , im- 
placable enemies, is not to be tolerated, without the 
mine of the Righteous Nations round about them, 
unlefs they be kept under by raeer force •, and (0 felf- 
jrefervation may warrant it. Men that choofe to 
ive as enemies in war with us, muft be ufed upon mi- 
itary terms. Till they (tew themfelves worthy of 

Truft, they are not to be ufed as (ree Sub jedts. 

4. Sometimes men may forfeit their Liberties to 
God and men fo notoriously , that the Law of Na- 
ture and Nations warranteth Neighbour Princes to 
fubduethera, and govern them by force. As 1. In 
Cafe they fhould turn Atheifts, and defie the univer- 
fal King, and feek to poyfon the Neighbour Nations 
with this Treafon againft God. 2. In Cafe they live 
as Caoibai*, that eat mans fle(h,and are as wi!d beafts, 
that hunt tor men to devour them , whether it be 
their fellow-nacivc? , or the Neighbour Nations. 3 . In 
Cafe they profeffecly defign the'Conqueft of all 
others about them , and will live upon no other 
terms in peace , but as Conquerers or Tonqucred. 
4. Spec; lly in Cafe they claim aright to the King- 
doms about them, and f peciaiiy a Divine Right ; rhae 
al Princes (hould obey them, and make it their unal- 
te abl^ Religion, as the Pope doth. He that t us 
cUimsa Rght to difpofe of Crowns andKingdc* s, 
though bur inordi»e ad Spirit adiia, proclaimed war 
Wiwh ail the World •, and warranteth any Prince that 


1 70 Of the FenndrnQft) Efficient and 
is within his danger to make war againft him. 

5. The Law of Nature may bind a Chriftian Na- 
tion in Chancy to Rule fome Nations by force. If a 
poor barbarous Indian Nuion , Ike tbcCanibais, 
would not confent to hear the Gofpel, or fuffer Prea- 
chers to come among them , and fpeak to a minor 
pare that would hear, lam fare it hath an apparent 
tendency to their falvation to mailer them, and force 
them to admit the Preachers , and to reftrain them 
from murdering the Chrifttans among them that had 
received the Gofpel : And as long as we did them 
no hurt, but govern them, and did not deprive them 
of their PofTeffions, I know not what fhould ex 
empc us from the Obligation to this as a work of 
Charity. Doubtlefs a roeer Neighbour, by the Law 
of Charity , is bound to hold a mans hands that 
would, kill hijnfelf, or pull him out of the water that 
would drown bimfelf, and to quench bis houfe 
though againft his will, which he fees on fire , and to 
fave bis Children, or Neighbours perfons or hou r e« 
from his fury, in cafe of the like attempts : And why 
then a work of ten thoufand times greater benefit, 
(horrid not on the fame grounds be done, I know not* 
If the Prince and major part of the people, in a neigh- 
bour petty Common-wealth would put to death the 
minor part, becaufe they are Chriftians, and a Potent 
neighbour Prince were eafily able to reftrain them, 
I doubt not but he would be guilty of the murder 
and extirpation of Chriftianity,ifbedonot: And if 
be cannot continue their preservation , without a 
continued reftraint, or fubsuing the malignant par- 
ty, the Laws x>f Neighbourhood, and Charity, and 
|bc Common good of mankind, and the Ends of the 


Ccnvejing Caufes of Tower. 171 

Univerfal Government require him to do it. 

If any fay thai upon fuch pretences Atheifts and 
Heathens that are the ftronger part , may invade a 
weaker Cbriftian State to force them to deny God, or 
Chrift,or acknowledge Idols, &c I anfwer, 1 . Con- 
found not the Jus and the fattum : the natural and 
the legal Power. They may do it de fa fto per potentiate 
Naturalem,wh\zh is nothing to the ca(c,but they may 
not do (ode jure per potentiamLegalem, becaufe God 
hath given tbem no fuch Power. 

Objcd. But jou will give tbem occafion to pretend 
Authority ^ and if thej an the ftronger p*rtj, they mil 
be the fudges. Anfv. No doty can be done, from 
whence the wicked cannot fetch pretences for their 
fin. If a righteous Judge (hall hang Murderers or 
Thieves, he is not therefore to be blamed, becaufe 
an unrighteous Judge may take occafion by it to hang 
the innocent as guilty of their crimes. If our Ar- 
mies may deftroy the plundering Enemies, and refcue 
theopprefledCountrey men, and the Enemies Ar- 
mies may thence fetch a pretence to deftroy ours as 
guilty of that crime , though they be innocent , we 
muft not therefore ncg'ed the defence of the op- 
preffed. Malignant enemies will rot be reduced to 
reafon, if wefhouldfiegre&ourdutyforit; but the 
wicked will do wickedly : fome inconveniences will 
ftili attend the irr perfections of humane Adminiftra- 
tions. But the final Judgement will kt all (trait. 
Let us do our Duty, and ftay till God do Juft ice up- 
on thofc that by Power are out of the reach of Juftice, 
from the hand of nan. 

But that which near tier concemeth us (and as near 

as any thing in our frame of Government) is the 

% latter 


172 Of the ToundittMyEfficient and 

latter part of theTftefi- ; that all the people in the 
fan.e Common-wealth (hould not have the freedom 
of choofing Governours, which I (hall therefore 
©o:e diian&iy handle. 

Thef. 160. It u commonly granted that nature and 
want of competent wealth may deprive the mofi innocent 
ef a capacity of tht4 freedom, Much mere will a mans 
wilful crimes deprive hirk of it, 

I grant that all thefemay be Subje&s : and fur- 
ther then by courf? of Jaftice they are deprived of 
them, let them enjoy their PcfTeffions as mcch as 
arv other SubjeSs , allowing for the fecuring of 
them, he fame Tributes and Taxes as all others. But 
it is BuKgefblp } <r r reedom of (joverning^ or choofing 
any Governours^ Parliament- men > ] ufiices , &c. that 
we f peak of. 

Naru'ernaketh Infants and Idectt uncapable : and 
women chook not menibu c t i J <uliament. 

Servants are commonly judged uncap^ble, and fo 
are the poor : not only becaufe they have not thofc 
faculties recefftry to fupport the Government , but 
principally becaufe neceffity maker h them defendant 
upon others -, and then roreit is fuppofed that they 
arenot free in their E;eclions. How far the reafon 
reache h to Tenants , the Law givers, though they 
are Land -Lords, feemnottobe lnlenfible, when all 
that have not Lcafes for life are excluded Itpm the 
number of free* holders. 

But tnat multitudes of wicked criminous perfoni, 
how richfoever, fhouid much rather be excluded 
then honeft beggars, and that thit, thi>^ thu, is the 
great point that the welfare of moft Common- 

\ wtahhs 

Conveying Caufes of Pmtr. 175 

weahbs doth depend oponj (hall now make manifeG-. 

Argum. 1. If many Vices make per font lefs fit to go- 
vernor choofe Gnvernonrs % then poverty doth, conjoyned 
Tvithkoneftj, then fhiuld fuch vicious per fons , rather be 
excluded from both : But the Antecedent is moji cer~ 
tain: Ergo. 

Argum . 2. If men fboulb lofe their lives or eftate* by 
way of Punifhment for fome crime, then /bo Id thty 
lofe their liberty of Governing and choffing Gov rnours 
by -way of purifhment for thofe *r of her crimes to which 
fuch punifhment is proportionable (tor there is a parity 
of Reafon.) Bat the Antecedent is prattically confeft • 
Ergo, &c. 

Argum. 3 . // confeffedly crimes fhould deprive men 
of a capacity to (govern, fo alfo they mufi do of a capaci- 
ty of c hoofing Governours : (for there is a pantv of 
Reafon inordinary cares, though not in all) But the 
Antecedent is granted by our Parliament sjn\\o fenrencc 
fome as difabled to be members any more : £rgo K Scc. 

Argum. 4. That courfe which equaSeth the wcrft 
with the be ft in the Triviledges of freemen , is notjuft i 
Butfo doth the equal admitting the innocent and the cri- 
minous togoveru and choofe Governors :1z gc Sa. Ver- 
tae is better then wealth & Vice worfe then Poverty. 

Argum. 5. That courfe that tendeth to t^e di /honour 
of Princes, Parliaments y or oth?r Magi fir ate s under them 
that are Elettive, & not to bt maintained. But fuch is 
the liberty of the criminous to EleEb them : Fpr nothing 
more natural tbcu for rreemen to choofe fuch as are 
agreeable to their wills and wayes : and if they be 
not free, they fhould not choofe. It will therefore 
raifc /ufpitions on our Parliaments and Magiftrates, 
that they are friends at lead to wicked men and 


1 74 Of the FdundattM, Efficient and 

wayes, when they arc ordinarily and freely choferi 
by fiich men: efpecially if it be by their own Laws 
and defires, that fuch (hall be the Choofcn. 

Argura. 6. Thofc that are kpown enemies to the com- 
mon good in the cheift ft parts of it, are unmeet to Go- 
vernor choofe G over mars : ( elfe give us up to our 
enemies, or to Satan:) But fuch are multitudes of 
ungodly vicious men* Ergo, 

He that thinketh that wealth is the only common 
good, or a greater part of it then Vertue, Piety, and 
raensfalvation- and that Rulers have nothing to do 
with the latter, but with mens Bodily profperity on- 
ly, is fitter to be a member of a Herd then a Repub- 
Hke, and to be dimitted with Nebuchadnezzar into a 
company fnitable to his judgement : yea and to be 
ufed as a Traytor of the higheft and moft odious 
ftrain, that deftroycth and brutifieth the very office 
of every Prince and Magiftrate, and caltcth the© 
into the dirt. 

And that ungodly vicious men^re Enemies to the 
greateft pirtof the common good dire&ly , and to 
the reft indire&ly, is known to every wife andfober 
honeft man. i. They hace Godlinefs, which is the 
trueft Honeft j ^and Holinefs,without which none (hill 
fee God ; and therefore if they can, will choofe fuch 
as bate it. 2. They hue good Lam, which would 
encourage the Piety and Vercue which they hate, 
and punifh the Vices Which they love. 3 . They hate 
good Magiftrates, and therefore are unlike, if they 
be free, to choofe them. 4. And they are all men of 
Private (pirits , and value their private Interefts be- 
fore the Publike Good, and would fell the chief feli- 
city of the Comraon-weakh for a little money , if 


Convtjing Csnftt pf Imtr. 1 75 

I hey ctn fcape tbemfclves. 5. They arc ready to 
>eiray the Common- wealth to a forraign enemy, in 
jneer malignity , to have their wills : As the Tapifts 
:hat Joyned with Stanley in 88 . and the PewAer-pht- 
\ers *fter , and fo in many Countries elfe. Are the 
[ri(h fit to govern or chodfe Governours ? If not ; 
ind if experience forceth us to exclude the main 
body of the Natives there, we have reafon to exclude 
fuch here as forfeit their Liberties. We do them nei- 
ther wrong nor hurt , but preferve our (elves ftiom 
mine, and them from greater guilt. To govern us, 
docs them no good. 

Arg. 7. Suchai God commanded to he put to death, 
•r cut off from the C^nfmon-wealth of Ifraeljjbouldmt 
he Governours or Choofers of f*ch^ in any Cimftiun 
Common-wealth ((uppofing an equality in guilt.) But 
fuch are many vicious ungodly per fens among us. There* 

I fpeak not of them that broke fome ceremonial 
abrogated Law, further then the Reafon of the Law 
remaining may direft us to judge of crimes among 
our felves. But I fpeak of fuch as for the like fads arc 
now as culpable as they. And in general I may lay ibis 
ground, that the more abundant light of the Gofpcl, 
and^be greater helps and grace, and the greater Ho- 
lincfs now required , do all (hew that the fame fins 
(cater U paribus) are much more hay nous now then 
they were then. But becaufe the point is fundamen- 
tal, and all our peace lyech mup h upon,I (ha il proceed 
to Inftanccs. 

Thef. 161 . A Bla/phemerwai to be put U death by 
the Law of God , and thtn fore fiould not govern, cr 


1 7 6 Of the Found Miw^Efficient and 
choofe any Parliament men or Governours with tit. 

Lcvir. 24. 1 1 , 1 5 , 1 6, 2 3 . The fon of an lfraeliiiji 
7»&mananda man of lfrael ftriv? together in the camp 
and the Ifraelitijh womans Son Blafphemed the Name 
the Lord and cur fed — And the L$rd [pake unto Mofc 
faying, Bring forth him that hath cuffed without tk 
camp, and let all that heard him lay their hands on hi 
head^ and let all the Congregation ft one him. And thn 
/halt fpeak^ unto the Children of I frael, faying^ vohofo- 
ez\ / t urfeth hii God, Jhall bear his fin : and he th*\ 
BUjphemeth the Name of the Lord,he (hallftirelj bepm 
to death and 11 the Congregation jhall certainly fiom 
him ; as &ell the fir anger, as he that is horn in the Land, 
when he hlaffhemeth the Name of the Lord, fb*ll he pm 
to death. 

Thef. 162. If any one, though a Prophet, or a Bro- 
ther , or Son, or 'Daughter, ortVife, or de&reft friend en* 
tifed them to go after other Gods, andferve them , the) 
were to be,put to d^th, yea and a whole City , if the) 
y elided to fuch feducers : Therefore fuch jhould not G$\ 
vern or choofe Govtrmurs with us. 

Deut .13. Wholly proves the poin t cxprefly. 

Tbef. 163. He that facrificed unto any God bmthe 
Lord only^was utterly to he deftroyed,as is expreft,Exod. 
22. 20. Therefore fuch fhonld be no free men among 

Thef. 1 64. The worfhippers of fuch Imager, as thc\ 
molten (falf , Baal , &c. were to be put to death A 


Conveying Caufes of Power. lyj 

Exol 32. 26,27,28. iKing. 18.40. 2King. 10. 
21, 22. to 29. and 23.15. 19,20. 

Thef. 165. The) that rwotldmt feel^the LwdQod 
of Ifrael, were put to death, whether gnat or fmdljnan 
or wwan. 

So that Godlinefs it felf in Piofcffion was here ex- 
a&ed of ail, by a folemn oath and covenant, between 
the Lord, the King and the people, as you may read at 
large. 2 Chron. 15. 11 , 12. 1 3, 14, 15. Therefore 
thofe that will not feek the Lord, fhould not be free 
men in a ChritHan ftate : which Law muft be execu- 
ted, before we fhall be well. 

Thef. 166. He that fmote or curfed his Father or 
Mother , jhotild be put to death, Exod 21. 15. 

Thef. 167. He thatforfaketh Ged, health his Co- 
venant , andworjhippeth Sun } or Ado$n, or any of the hoji 
of Heaven which (jod hath not commanded, was to be 
ftoned to death ,Dtnt.i7. 2,3, &c. 

Thef. 168. Murderers^ Manftealers , Incejiuous 
ferfons, Sodomites, Adulterers, and infome cafes Form- 
catours, Wiz,z*rd r , falfe Prophets, &c. were to be put 
to death, fc&od. 2i.Levit. 20. Dear. 13.20. Tea and 
thofe that turn after jyi wards, Lev. 206. N^nefsicH 
therefore fiotild be freemen- Jxre. 

Thef. 169. Jfamanhadafttdbcrto and rebellions 
Son, that was a Glutton, Drunkard, or the like , and 
wdhld not obey the voyce of his Father i ar of his Mother A 

1 78 Of the Foundation^ Efficient and 

and that when they have chaflenei him^would not bearing 
en to them, he was tobeput to death. ReadDeui.21. j8 
19 20,21. Therefore ftich fould not choofe Parlia 
mint men, nor be Burgejfes with us. 

Thef. 170. The man that would ioprefumptmufiy\ 
And would not hearten to the Priefl, that flanieih t\ 
JMinifltr there before the Lord, or to the Judge^was U b\ 
put to death , Deut. 17. 12. Therefore prefnmptuou* 
tranfgre ffours againfl the publike warning of Magi' 
ftrates and Paftvurs fvould not be freemen of our Com\ 
wm-wealths. SeealfoDzuz. 29. 19,20. 

Thef, 171. Every one that defiled \the Sabbath , ant 
doth einj workj hereon, was to be put to death, and cut oft 
from among ft hi* people, Exod. 31. 14, 15. Therefon 
though the Sabbath at fewifb be taken down ; yet bj pa- 
rity of Reafen y he that de(pifeth the publicly worfhip oj\ 
theGefpel y andthe Lords Day, fhould be m Choofer oft 
Rulers for the Common-wealth. 

Thef. 172, whether the utter cutting off thefeuA 
that did ought pre[umptumftj, as a reproacher of th$\ 
Lord,andaAe(pifercfhisword, (Numb. 15. 30,31.) 
do not import thatprefnmptuousreproachers of the L§rd t \ 
and defpifers of his Word, fhould be no Burgfffes with us ; 
and whether the cutting off then threatned for Ceremo-\ 
nial undeannrjfes (asEzod. 12. 15,19- and 3 IX 4* 
and 30. 33, 38. Lev. 7.20,21, 25, 27. and 17.4 9. 
and 19 13. Num. 9. 13. and 19. 20. ) import not A 
that notorious ungodly perfons flyiuld mt be freemen^ 
where it can be avoided \ I leave to prudent confidsra- 


Cenvtjivg Canf<s of fawtr. 1 79 

In all thefe Colle&ions I mention 10 great an in- 

equality of punifhroent, that no adverfary can mo- 

deftly quarrel with my confcq jence. Cutting off, 

jaod putting to death is another kind of punifhraent 

hen depriving men of the liberty of governing or 

hoofing Governoors, which addeth to their cafe, 

nd diniinifbeth not their wealth, but is a neceffary 

neans to the common peace and welfare. Thofe that 

jGods Law put to death , fhouid be no Cboofcrs of 

MUiors.BayliffsjParliaTienr&c. with ui, efpecially 

when the (in is greater now. Thofe that would fetch 

the form of Government from tbelfraelites , above 

ill men, can have no reafon to contradict any of 


I conclude therefore, that all that are fit to be fub- 
je&s, are not fit tobe BurgefTe*, and to govern or 
cboofe Govcrnours, though they may keep their 
jofleffions, and be fecured in them. 

Thtf. 173. If a people confent to hit Government 
that procured hi* capacity jn point of ftrmgtkjj wicked 
means, itfo/loweth not that thej confent to thofe meant $ 
ir are guilt j of his fin . 

If Phocas e.g. kill his Soveraign, and become Em* 
pcrour, it followeth not that its a fin in all the people 
that afterward confent ^ nor in Gregory Mag. that 
Ipeaketh fo refpe&fully to him. A people that dcuft 
and are innocent of the Treafon, pcrfidioufnefc, hy- 
pocrifie, &c. of an ufurper, may after become obliged 
to obey hira, and take him for the Governoor whom 
:he people of the Common wealth are bound co 

N 1 Thcf, 

i So Of t be Foundation y Efficient and 


Thef. 1 74.1fthe Progenitors Confent to an eft*blif%t\ 
form of Government ; and the way of fucceffion^whethh 
Hereditary jr by Elections of each Governourjheir Co; 
fent etligeth their ?t ogeny^ fo long y till either a mutu\ 
Confent of Cover* ours and people again difcblige theni 
or the Rulers difoblige them by defirojing the Form \ 
End of the Government , or God by providence di\ 
oblige them. 

-. If Pofterity were not obliged by thcirProgenito j 
Acts,aII Common-wealths would be (horc-Iived. AnJ 
frequent mutations would keep up continual diftn 
dions and confufions. And though the Maxime (I 
fome is, that Parents can oblige their Poftcrity, wb<] 
the Covenant is for their good only, and not to the 
lofs and hurt ^ yecthefe confutations muft be bei] 
admitted for the due application of ir. i . In a mutuj 
Covenant or Contrad, it is fuppofed that the wej 
fare of both Parties h taken in. And as the peop 
receive marc from the Soveraign then he from then! 
and therefore are more beholden to him • fo his Corf 
trad fuppofeth fometfaing on his own fide to l\ 
thereby fecured, as well as on theirs. 2.Anditisn<| 
every tolerable incommodity that difobligeth Poft* 
rity from the Covenants of their Anceftors -, bi 
fucb as makes them worfe then to be without the G<1 
vernour,and that over wcigheth the Benefits that bl 
his Government they receive. No wife man would I 
the Ruler offuch a people that are able and willin 
tocaii him off, whenever they conceive they incui 
any incommodity by his Government. 


'he great fin of kim that forceth it (jet not alwaies) it 
lcverthelefs oblige 

Conveying Caufes of P ewer. 1 8 1 

Thef. 175. Though a forced C 'en ft nt be ufxa/Iy from 
t fin of kim that forceth it (j 
iefs obligeth the Confenters. 

Deny this, and yon overthrow a!l humane con- 
terfe. for if men may go from their Covenants on 
•his pretence , then on many the like, and the pre- 
sence will be common. -Man is a free Agent , and his 
iVill cannot properly be compelled ; If you threaten 
Jim with death, he may AifiFcr it: It is fuppofed 
hereforc that whoever he promifeth \ he freely pro- 
riifech. We ufe to fay , a man is forced, when fear 
noveth him to confenr ; But this is not a proper 
r orce : It taketh no: awav theLberty of the Will. 
rle that confenteth , dcth it to avoid fome greater 
ivil, which he thinks would elfe have befaln him ; 
ind it is his own Good that moveth him to it ; [He 
"hat fweareth to his own hurt, and changeth nof] is the 
xrfon that is ^cepted of God, Pfalm. 1 5.4. ir every 
ncommodicy would warrant men to break Cove- 
lanes , ro man would truft each o:her , and Cove- 
nants would fefe their force. 

Objeft. But Divines determine //, that if a Thief 
'ompel me to conceal him^ I am not therefore to conceal 
Vm^ therefore thej thinl^a forced Oath iindeth not. i 
Anfro. 1. They truly judge that if you proraife 
1 Thief to bring him fo much money fuch a day , to 
ave your Iife,you are bound to perform it. 1 add,un- 
efsthecafebefuch (which is poffiblej that to pub- 
ick ufe the money is of more worth then my life* 
ind then as it was unlawful to promife, fo is it to per- 
orm : Buc a hi: you may lawfnily promif , you auy 

N 3 2nd 

\ % % of the Fwvdttiofl) Efficient and 
and mutt perform. 2 If the concealing of che Thie 
will do more hurt co the Common wealth, and 
wrong co God, then the yeilding up of my life, I may 
not promifeic : and if Ipromifeir, I may not per 
form ic,becaufeitiscvil, and not in my power ^ But 
if it bcotherwifej may promifeor perform it. So that 
it is not force that difobhgech a man from his Cove 

Thef. 1 76. The commontft waj of Con(l tinting forms 
of Government is by aj creed confent, {as it is common 
I) called) •, when a Conquerottr^ or a perfon of grew eft 
firength doth conflrain the weaker to confent 3 to efcape a 
greater mi/chief. 

Thus war ufe h to prepare for change of Govern- 
ments. And if allfuch contra&sfhouldbenull, moft 
Common- wealths on earth were null, and the fub- 
je&s difobiiged, and warranted to rebel. 


Thef. 177. The trut Fundamental Laws of every 
Common-Wealth , areihe Laws of God the Vniverful 

For, 1 . Thefe are they that lay the foundation of 
Governments is before more folly opened. 2.Thefc 
are they that Princes are bound by , and none can 
change. 3 • Thefe are chey that limit all the Laws of 
men, and nuHiHe fach as contraditf them. Properly 
therefore thefe are the true (if not only) Fundamen- 
tal laws of Common- wealths, 


Thef, 178. The ConJikutionofCcmmon[wealths by 

Conveying Canfes of Power . 1 8 J 

man, as to that modal difference of Governments , -which 
is in their Tower , is the tffttl of Contract, Explicit e or 
Implicite, and not of Law. So that there are no Humane 
Cenftitutive y Fundamental LxVes. 

Proved, i . Ali Laws properly fo ca!!cd,arc the ads 
of fach a* have Governing power, obliging the fab- 
jefts: Bat no fuchA&scio conftitute a Common- 
wealth ( befides Gods Laws : ) therefore no Laws 
conftitute a Common- wealth (but GodsLawsJ 

The Msjor Propoficion is pafl doubt. Ljcurgus or 
any that are commonly caled Legifittors , may call 
their Models and Pre pofals by che name of Laws, be- 
fore they are enaSed: But they are indeed no more 
fo, then ray words arc Laws, till they (hall become 
the afts of Authority. Thofe Models commonly hive 
two parts ^ the firft for confirming the Soveraigntj • 
and the fecond fixing form immutable determinations 
for regulating his Government, which he may not change ■ 
But full, the conftitutingot the Soveraign is an ad: 
ofContraft, and not of Law: And fecondiy fo are 
the limitations of hi* Power and Rule, which are part 
oftbeConftku;ion, and the terms on which he doth 
receive it. It is no Law, til! ic become the Rulers a#, 
as fuch. 

The Minor is plain. For before the Soveraignty is 
conftitutedj there is no Soveraign: For what need 
wc make that which is already made ? And where 
there is no Soveraign , there is no Ads of Sove- 
raignty : that is, no Law*. 

drgu. 2. Leg flation isa proper part of Govern- 
ment : therefore it fuppofeth the Governour coniL- 

N 4 No:c f 

i £4 of the Foundation JZffcient and 

Not, 1. That we take Laws here in the ftri&anc 
proper fenfe,asdiitin& from Covenants : For impro 
perly, as a mans Covenants oblige hirufelf, hemaybt 
f»id toimpofeaLaw upon himfelf. 

2 That weitiilhere feparate the Divine Govern 
merit from mans. Gods Authority is before anc 
without mans confent; and be maketh by bis Laws 
fubordmate Governours over men when he pleafes. 
obliging 'hem to confent beforehand , bein£ hmfeti 
the UniverfaiSoveraign, neither by Law nor Con- 
tract. But it i« only fomuchof the Cenftitution as 
is ieft to man, that I fpeak of. 

Thef. 1 79. An Implicit C n r c*t of the people may be\ 
obligatory ^and prove tbspmcr ts be fnch a* is to be gwhA 
td a>id obeyed. j 

If they that have iheftrtntth, do not rcfift and c&& 
off their pretender,- it is to be fuppofed to be becaufe 
they do confent : For be ; ng not from dif%bilitj to re- 
j ft him, it is to be judged to be from unwillingn<fs. 
A*;d if there were fome baza d of a battle in the 
way, yet they that confent to lope a danger, do yet 
Content: But itis not ail filenceand non- re finance 
tha: may be called £an implicit content.] A non- 
refidance forced by a Colenie or forreign Power, is no 
figmfication of confent. A non-refiftancc forced by 
Mtrctwj Natives that are fouldiers, is no fignifica- 
tion of confent. A non- refill? nee forced by Servtnts 
pr others rhat are not Borgefles or Civet in the Com- 
mon-weal h, is no figuration of confent. A non- 
refrtance forced by a Kindred tr Faflion , ir confider- 
abU com pa 1 anvc;y for in ereil: or number, but that's 


Conveying Caufes of Power. 185 

rengby an accidental advantage, is no fignification 
>f confent. But yet it is not the confent of the 
xholt people that is nccefTary ; nor alwaies cf a m*jor 
>jtrt : Common wealths are not alwaies tofollowa 
Via jor Popular Vote. Otherwifeinmoft cafes there 
*ou!d be much uncertainty , which way the Major 
Vote inclineth. And when moft are worft ,and of the 
weaker fort, the wifer and the better will think there 
is no Law that fub.je&eth tbtm to a Vote that's car- 
ried by an inconfiderab ! e parr. If a people were with- 
out a Prince, and a Major Vote cboofe a perfon to- 
lerable, but yet fo weak and bad as might much laz- 
zardtbe Common-wealth ; andrhewifer, ftronger, 
ba Minor part, do cboofe a wifer, better man, there 
apresreth no reafen why the choice of the firlt only 
(h ^uid be valid. ( We are fpeaking all this while of the 
Confiitutisn of a Common- wealth , where the waj of 
Eltclion is not yet Conflicted by Agredrcnt.) 
1. The fmaller number are oft of greaer Intereil 
and Poffeffion. An hundred Lords may have more to 
fave oriole then a thoufand Peafant?. 2. Nature, 
faith the Philosopher , m \dc the wife ro Govern the 
uowife • that is, They are moft apt : But the fmaller 
number are oft the wifcr. 3 . And the fmaller num- 
ber is oft the better , and true to the common good. 
4. And alfo they aie oft the ftrongcr. Tenthoufand 
prudent valiant men, efpecially that are animated by 
the greateft intereft, are ufually too hard for twenty 
thoufand fiily Pcafants. And I fee no Reafon but the 
Part that is both Wifeft, Beft, and Strongeft , (hould 
be accounted the People of that Nation. Nature va- 
lucth not parrs by bulk or number,but by Worth and 
life : One Heart, one Storaake, one Liver, is 
• rnor* 

1 86 Of the Foundation, Efficient and 


more to be regarded then ten toes or fingers. I 
Objeft. But whdjball be Judge which pur* v$ Beft ( 
€ nee you forfakjt a Major Vote > when every p#rt thi 
themfelvcs the beft? 

tsinfw. The Qf eft on is either of the Jus or F 
Uum : Who Onght to Judge,or who will Judge ? In 
company that hwth no Legal Judged wife ft ,thou| 
ihe Weukeft t ought to Judge : For Natural Aptitude 
there initead or office , and the ignorant are oblige 
by God to regard his gifts in others , and to hearke 
totbzmfe: And if thepe3p!er;/*/f , thatprovet 
not that they juftly do rcfufe. But theftrongeft afuall 
will Judge, though tbe wifeft fbould Judge ^ an 

therefore Voting oft determmeth it, becaufe the moil . ' 
areiuppofedtobeftrongeft, and to have moft wil 

and Intereft among them: But when it is not (o 9 ( a 
eft it is not ) the Reafon of the Voting Prevalcnq 
ceafe^( except in fucb cafes where it is mecrly fo 
UnUy and Concord ) and no fuchftrefsis laid upor 
the Vote, but that the wife for Peace may fafely yield 
to the unwife. When the Beft by Prudence and ad 
vantage have the greareft ftrengtb , and by Valour 
over- top a greater number of the bad and foolilh > ( 
inownot why they (hould give op their welfare to 
their Ek ft ions. In a Ship full of Mariners and Paf- 
fengers that have loft their pilot and Commanders , 
tbe valiant and skilful will be loth to commit their 
lives to the major vote of ignorant and cowardly 
men, tha? would deliver the V^Hel to the enemy, or 
the Rocks, or Sands. 

If in facb a cafe (when there is no preobligation 
by Law or Coniraft) a Prince be chofen by the Minor 
Better part, ( not Mercenary Souldiers, notaFafti- 

* on 


) Conveying Canfes of Power. 1 87 

jd animated by a private Imereft , nor as before ex- 
eptcd) ard that Parr be ftrong enough by the advan- 
age of their nobler Education, Prudence and Valour 
o enable him to Defend the Nation, arid execute his 
.aws, sgainft any oppofition that the Rabble or rude 
Majority can make, I know not , ( c&ttrU faribtt* ) 
wtthat he hath a better Call , then if he had bsen 
:alled by the reft thai were more in number. 

When we fpeak of an Implicit Confent, complying 
withcuftom, we ufe an improper phrafe, it being a 
f tfs~exprefs Confent that is meant by it : For if it be 
n no degree exprtfled, it falls not under humane cog- 

As we confiantly determine againft tbc ?eparMti(t< x 
that fuck an Implicit Confent of the people, as is fig- 
nifiedonly byadualfubmijfion to Mnifterial Offi- 
ces, is all that is necefTiry ( herein) to prove the 
Being of a Church: So the Reafon will do as much 
and more as to the Common-wealth -, the peoples 
Confent being more neceflary in Church matters, 
then in the other, becaufe Church- Government is 
exercifed only on Conftntcru And *she may be a Pa- 
ftorthac hath but fuch an Implicit Confent - 5 fo n^ay 
be be a Prince that hath no more. When the Body of 
the people fubraii to the Government in its exerci r e, 
feeking for Juftice to the Officers of him thac is in 
Poffeffion, and a&ually obeying his sdminift ations f 
it importeth in foro extcriort a £onfent ^ at leaft for the 
avoiding of greater evil s and if this be ftated or in 
the ordinary Current as Governours are obeyed , ic 
fufficeth to fatisfie particular perfons that they are 
obliged to obey. 


1 8 8 of the VotindAthn^ Efficient and 

Thef. 180. But if the Rcprefentative Body of a iV< 
Uon % enabled thereto, fballexprefly conftnt \andcovcna, 
rsitb a Sovereign t the real Bodj fubmis ting to thed 
vernment • andmt by anj common proteftation di/oM*} 
ing tt ^ it i* thefttlkfti mofi regular y obliging ackyon 
ledgtrnent, to fatufie the particular Subjells of the 
duty, that ordinarily can be expected. 

For it cannot he expe&cd that all the Real Bod 
fhould be called to Vote,and the Major Voce be wcl 
jdtfeemed , unlefs the difproportion be very gteat JJ 
Their Number, their difperfednefs, and their incapa a 
cities fhew them very unfit to manage fuch a bufinef 
by tbemfelves : Their welfare required that it be ra 
ther managed by Prudent Reprefcnters chofen tc 
fuch Endf. And then as All are Reprefented , fo Al^ 
are obliged by the confent of their Reprcfenter?. 

Thef. 181. If aptcpktbatby Oath and Duty are 
obliged tea Soveraign^ fhzllfwfully difp^jfefs him, andV 
contrary to their Covenants , choofe and covenant with 
another - 9 they may be obliged by their latter covenants , 
notwithstanding the formtr ; and particular Sub'yMs 
that confented not with them in the breaking of their 
formr Covenants^ may yet be obliged by occafion of their 
latter choice, to the perfon whom they choofc. 

i. A? to themfelves, if former violated Proroi- 
fes excufe men from latter , then might men by 
one tin ta free from the incommodities of an hun- 
dred after : for fuch a man that hath broke a former 
prorqifc, might make an hundred irconfiftent ones 


ConveyingCAufes of Fewer. i ?9 

j forward without being obliged by them: But no 
1 ian is to have benefit by his crimes. The firft Cove- 
?ant and the fecond may be impoflible to be both 
Performed. But yet its poffible they may both cb- 
*ige. A man by contrary Covenants and Vows may 
'Wi^himfclf to Irapoffibilitics , though he cannoc 
Perform them. He that makes an hundred covenants 
nconfiftent with one another in the performance, 
inneth as a Covenant-breaker in not performing 
ill : though he fhould fin in other refpeds if he did 
perform many of them that are poffible : Promifes 
>biige whether juft or un juft ; But if they be un juft, 
:hey frequently caft men into a neceffity of finning ^ 
V.g m he that promifeth to give away an Orphans Por- 
tion committed to his Tutelage, finnethif he do ir,' 
igdnft the Law of fidelity and mercy •, and he fianeth 
if he do it not as a Covenant- breaker. But when men 
Bavei>y contrary Covenants, caft themfelves into 
fuch a Neceffity of finning,k may be a duty to choofe 
the lcifTer fin, or rather to avoid the greater : And 
which chat is, the circumftances of the Cafe mud 

2. And as to others, it Is moft evident, that if I be 
innocent of the violation of a Covenant to a former 
Governour ^ then the peoples Engagement to a lat- 
ter, may make him the juft Governour, and fo I may 
b>c obliged to obey him. Otherwife , i. Few Princes 
3n earth fhould be acknowledged, or people obliged 
:o them. For the original of the fuccefsion of rooft 
)r very many, was a confent that was forced from 
:hem by Power, when they were engaged to another 
by a former Confent. And if this obliged not the 
Contends to obey the prcfcnt Prince , it could not 





ipo 0/ the Foundation, Efficient and 

oblige their progeny , nor convey any Title to fat 
ceffive Princes. 2. If the latter Covenant bind th 
guilty, it may draw an obligation on the innocent 
that have a neceifity of abiding in the fame Common 
wealth. He that cannot quit the Common- wealth 
nuift obey the Powers that are finfully chofen bj 
others, as well as if they were lawfully chofeo, it be 
ingnoc his fin. 

That man that will conclude that the Peoples con 
fent is neceffary to the Princes Title,and that no con- 
lent of a people pre-engaged is valid, (hall null the 
Title of moil fucceffivc Governours fatleaft )on 
earth,and ravel the ftate of mofl Common- wealths to 
thei c ofufion, contrary to all Reafon. 

Nero and other Roman^myztoxirs, that the Apo- 
ftles and other ancient Teachers of the Church obey- 
ed, and commanded others to obey ( with that ftrift. . 
nefs as we find in Rom. 1 3 ,) were fomc of them cho- 
fen but after poffeffion by a party,fome bat implicitc- 
ly by that party • none of them more fully then fuch 
at I have here ddcribed -and few of them by a people 
that were no: pre-esgaged. 

Thef.182. W ten the frctftjepfle choofe a Prince? 
they d& not property and efficiently give him hU Power t 
as conveying it from them to him , but are only a caufa 
fire qua noa, and denominate or defigntht pirfon that 
/hall from Qed^ and not from them receive it. 

It is the groundlefs confounding principle of Le- 
vellers in the State, and ( as Mr. Cawdrey notes ) of 
the Church- Levellers or ^eparatills, thac Power of 
Government is originally in the people , and from 


Conveying Caujes of Power. I p i 

d by them mnft be conveyed to the Ruler*. An opi- 
3n againft Nature and Scripture , againft the very 
fence of a Republike, that diftinftly containeth So- 
raign and Sub je&s. I have (efficiently confuted (his 
fore by many Arguments 5 and (hewed that the 
ople as fucb, have no Power of Government. And 
en now I (hewed you, that we difcern our Ruler by 
ch a fyllogifm • That perfon Vrho u mofi agreeable 
the defcription, andfo u the mil of God, mvft be wa- 
nted to as Soveraign : But tbisu that per/ex. Ergo, 
c . 

So that the L* w leaveth nothing bat the determln - 
g of the perfon here undone. And therefore the 
•ople certainly doing no more but to determine of 
ie perfon, do convey no power , but only do tbst 
ithom which it will not be conveyed ^ fome call 
»em Jnflmments ; properly they are not fo much , 
lough we need not contend about the Notion^when 
lis Corporation choofe their Bayliff, they give 
im not a jot of Power : They are but the Caufa 
ne qua nsn : the Charter is the Inflrnmental cattfe ^ 
id the Soveraign is the principal efficient caufe (under 

The people cannot give what they never received, nor 
ad : Bnt they never received nor had a power of Go- 
trninga Common-wealth ^therefore thejeannet give it. 
hat it is not contained in each mans felf- govern ng 
ower, I have before (hewed- As when a man is 
lofen in marriapeby a woman , (hegivetb him not 
ie Power of an Hu$band,but only choofetb the per- 
3n who (hall from the Law of God receive it ; to is 
: between Prince and people. God hath faid in his 
.aw, The Hnsbandfhall Rnle the Wife j The woman 


1 92 Of the Foundation^Efpctent and 

only adds the Minor , TbU man (hall be mj Husband, 
So that (he gives him not the Ru e , but by chooling 
him to be the man, is k Cau/4 fine qua mn. And if (he 
fhould agree with him not to Rule her • it were ipft 
fatto null, as being ag^inft the Law that fpecifieth the 
Relations : which fheweth that (he givethhim not the 
power;, otherwife (he might rcftrain ic or hmit it. Yet 
here is this difference from o#r prefent cafe - that a 
woman may choofe whether (he will have a Hasband 
or none : bitf fo cannot a man choofe whether he 
will be a member of a Common- wealth or nor, except 
in fome rare extraordinary cafe, that befalletb not a 
man among many millions. 

Objed:. Bm a fervant may give h's JWafter power 
over him, and whtt degree he pleafe ^ therefore a people 
way give a Prince poWer over them : And any man may 
oblige himfelf , and thereby give another power over 

Anfa. i. The cafes are much different. Govern- 
ment is founded in the Law of Nature. Angels have 
fuch Order, that have no (in: Razfervitude is a penal 
fruit of (in : and no man is to choofe a punifhrnenc 
to himfelf that may well avoid it : He th.u may be 
free, fhould choofe and keep his freedom. So that the 
Relation of a fervant is fuch, that a man may avoid 
if he can and will ; and when he is neceffitated to 
fubrait to if, he may limit his Matter in the governing 
of him as far as he can and will in the matter of fer- 
vitude: And therefore here is a greater appearance 
(atleaft) of mans giving another the power over 
him, then in Political Relations conftituted by God 
himfelf : And yet indeed, the rmtcer here muft more 
diftinftly be confidcred .A fervant is confidered partly 


Conveying Caufes of Power. 19 1 

*$ one obliged to Worl^for another y and partly as the 
inferiour orfftbjeft in a family to be Governed bj another 
in order to the enis of Family Government , which is the 
good order of the Family, for its own , and fpecially 
the Governors welfare, and the Pieafing of God tha: 
bath appointed that Order. Thefetwo aVeofc fepa- 
rated, and ever diftind : Some fcrvantsare but d%y- 
labsurers, and no members of the Family, and fome 
are members of if. Every man having a certain Pow<er 
of himfelf and his own Lab ours , ijiay alienate what 
be bath to another, and fo by Concrad: fell his labour 
to his Matter. But as he is a member of a Family fuh- 
jed: to a Matter in point of Morality, bound to obey 
him in points of duty to God and man, of the firfl: Ta- 
ble and fecond,and the due circumftantiating of tbefe 
duties, fo thefervantsconfent is no proper efficient 
caufe or giver of the Matters power,but only maketh 
himfelf the objed: of it : So that it comes £ immedi- 
ately] from God, as (^immediately 3 excludeth an 
intervening fecond efficient taufe, but not £ immedi- 
ately ] as the word excludeth all kind of Means for 
determination of the Objed, without which the 
Power would not be in that perfon over that other 

So in point of Political Government, if there be. a 
Domination con junft , and the fubjeds fubmit tbem- 
felves to a ftrvitnde , that indeed may be their own 
felf-refignation, difpofal or felling themfelves fo far 
to another, which is when the Governours Benefit 
is the principal end : ( For we are not born for him, ) 
And therefore Tyrannic and Diminution of Princes 
are penal to the fobje&s , and they may efcape them 
if they can. But proper Political Government , tbaS 

O i* 

194 °f *&* Foundation, Efficient and 
is exercifed over meer Tub jefts for the publick orde 
and Good - 5 and the pleating of God by Governin 
Juftice, is Gods own Ordinance 5 and the Powe 
wholly flows from him as the univerlal Soveraign. 

So that if it -would hold true that from the felf-in 
tereft and fdf-governing power that each individua 
hath by refigningall to one , he may efficiently b< 
made a Prince or Ruler over them ( which yet woulc 
befalfe,as I have fhewed, if God were not fuppDfec 
that way to convey the power , which he hath not 
done; Political Power being totaJpeciediRind: frotr 
that of felf-interell:, and felf- Government ) yet God 
hath lefc no room for this imagination and difputc ; 
becaufehe hath as univerfal King, bimfelf inftituted 
the Offices that (hill be under bim f leaving only the 
modifying and limiting of Circumstantials f and the 
determination of the perfons to the Will of rain. And 
as it would be but a foolifh or Tray terous arguing for 
a Corporation to fiy , [_ Every man hath a felf-pro* 
pricey or intereft , and a felf Governing Power , 
which refigned to another msketh him a Governour 
by conveying the Power from us to him: therefore 
our Major or Biyliffwhora we elc&,doth thus receive 
his Authority from our gift or authoriz ng A'ft] 
(. they having nothing left to them but the nominati- 
on of the man that fhall receive the Authority from 
the Princes Law or Charter ;) Even fok would be 
no better in any that fhould argue thus in the other 
cafe. If nofuperiour Power had gone before tbern 
by his Laws , but a City were all free from Soveraign- 
ty, then indeed they might make to themfelves a 
Prince, without the offending of any higher. And 
fo if there were no .God, (ard yet man could be 

£- ©an ) 

Conveying Caufes of Power. 19$ 

fcan ) and if the world bad no uniyerfal King , thac 
bid inftitated offices under him by Law \ and diftin- 
guiihed the world into Rulers and Subj^fts - then in- 
deed the people might precend to give the poweras 
far as they have it to give, and be the Original of if : 
But when God bath given it already by a (tared Liw, 
to thofe tbac (hall be lawfully nomin&:ed, the peoples 
claim comes in too lace. 

Thcf. 183. As the Con{tittition of frmmen -wealths 
is only by Gods Laws, and mens fundamental (fontra£ls % 
and not by any Fundamental LAVJ'of men : So it fol- 
ioweth that it is cnlj God by way 0/ Authority, and the 
parties contra&ing by way of Content, that can alter 
the Conflitution or any fart ofit^ and there is no Autbo* 
xity of man that can alter it. 

I . That the Conflitution is not by humane Funda- 
mental Laws, but by Contratts between Prince and 
People ( explicit or implicit ) I (hewed before- and 
its plain in the nature of the thing. If a meer Con- 
qoerour (hould fay , [ I claim the Empire* andCcm- 
mandyou a* SubjeElt to acknowledge me~\ yet this were 
no Law, becaufe proceeding from no Authority ; and 
the peoples Acknowledgment, though forced by fuch 
words,would be but a forced Contrafl.Saon the other 
fide, if a people (hould make a pretended Law, thac 
fuch a manor company of men {hall Govern rif/fc.itwerfe* 
indeed no L*w,becaufc from no Authority : For be- 
fore the Conflitution there is no Ltgiflative Pcwer , 
Cither in Prince or People : Nor in the Prince ,* for he 
is then no Prince - 7 not in the People, for they are then 
tuGovernours, and therefore no Legiflttors : What 
have they to do to coomand any mafl 10 iomthphd 

£ f&cftr 

\g6 Of the Foundation - 5 Efficient and 

them, or Govern thera againft bis will ? He is as free 
by nature as they , and cannot juftly be compelled ; 
(much lefs by a Law when there are no Law- 
givers. ) 

2. It is a known Rule, that Obligations are dijfol- 
vedastheyareContratted: And therefore from the 
way of Confutation the Thefts is plain, that nothing 
but gods Authority, aad mens C$nfent y can alter it. If 
it be altered by proper Law, then either by the Sove- 
raign ( whether Prince or Senate ) or the Subjetts : 
But neither by the Soveraign nor Subjetts ; therefore 
by no man. Not by the Soveraign • for i . He is bound 
up by Covenant to the Conftitution , and cannot by 
pretended Authority break his Covenants , but mu!i 
flay till God or the people Contra&ed with , releafe 
him. 2. AndhisLegifhtionisa part of his Govern- 
ment, confequcntial to his Power, and fo to the con- 
ftitution in which he received it ^ and therefore hath 
nothing to do with that conftitution>to deftroy or al- 
ter it that is the caufe of his power, and gives it life , 
or is the means thereto. EHe Princes when by the 
Conftitution they are limited , might remove their 
bounds at pleafure. And if a Senate do it , it muft be 
either as Rulers fit as Subjetts. As Rulers they cannot 
alter the Conftitution : For if they be Inftriour 
Rulers , they have no Power but from the Soveraign: 
If they be the Soveraign, or ( as in England ) have 
part of the Soveraignty,then they have as was proved 
before, no power as fuch to do it , any more then a 
Soveraign King. And asfubjetts they have no Power 
to do it : tor fubjetts have none fuch. i. They 
had not Power by Law toCcnflitutt the Government f 
nor by any force , but by Confent of him or them 


Conveying Caufes of Tower. 197 

| whom they chofe co Rale them • therefore they have 
no other Power to diffolve it. 2. Subjects arc bound 
to obey , and have aifach no Legiflative Power ; 
therefore much lefs have they any to alter the Con- 
ftitution by. 

Thef. 1 84. If Prince, Senate , or People alone ( be- 
\rt God by cert din providence have dif obliged ihem^and 

be in the (ub^antial points) and put them/elves into -a 
ft ate of enmit) with the other part. 

Bat of this more , when we come to fpeak of the 
Diflblution of Coraffion-wealchs. 

Thef. 185. 7tt may the fir ft Con ftit mien of a Com- 
mon wealth be in many particulars changed bj degrees, 
when Pfince and "People do Cenfcnt : But if thofe Ccn- 
fents fhallbe called by the name of Laws, thnsfar they 
are none indeed^ but Contrails. 

1. That Confliturions maybe gradually and an- 
nually changed ( poffibiy , bur not fkly ) is evident : 
Becaufe as Confent of the chief Governour and peo- 
ple fefficed to the Conftitution^ fo doch it fuffice to the 
alteration. The fame caufe may produce the like 
effeft • for here is no impediment. Ard therefore we 
need not in this Land go to the Original of the Com- 
mon-wealth to know the Conftitudon: For wherc- 
evcr it is to be found that Prince and people have thus 

O 3 or 

lyo uj *vz run&uauvr*} jcjpctem ana 

or thus Confented, fomuch of the Confutation i 
there found. 

2. U a Law this change of the Conftitution ma' 
be found : but it is not it felf any put of a Law 
A Parliament may have a double capacity ; To b< 
Sovereign ( in whole ,or part ) and to be the Reprefen 
tativef of the people : They Reprefent the people, tl 
thetfimpty as people , to prefervc their Rights accord- 
ing to the Confticution • or elfe as fptbjettj. A Reprc- 
fentative o{ftjbje3s,asfuch,hwe no Power of making 
Laws, nor by Contrad altering the G6nftitution ; A 
Reprefentative of People, or a Community, as fuch , 
may have power to prefervc their Rights, and by 
Ccnfytl to change the Conftitution , but none to 
m^ks Ltws : A Parliament as Soveratgn, have Power 
to make Laws, but none by a Law to alter the Con- 
ftitution. But when the Parliament hath feveral ca- 
pacnies , their Inftrument may accordingly have a 
various nature and ufe, and in part it may be a Con- 
trafi with the Prince , therafelves Reprefenting the 
people, and fo it may Gradually alter the Conftituti. 
on- and in part it may be a Law impofed by the whole 
Soveraignty. And in tbelnftrument called a Law al- 
terations of the Government may be made by Con- 
fentof both partis*. 

Tbcf. 1 86. // by later Conftnt between Prince and 
Pecplejhcawient Cenftitution be changed>or anj part of 
it, it is the hft Confent alone that binieth the Prince and 
Snbje£ls> as nulling the contrary former CentraH^and it 
ii perfidioufnefs tb violate the laft Confent, Upon pretence 
ff recurring tothefirft conftitHtion. 


Conveying Caujes of Power. 1 99 

If Ljcurgus by the peoples confent fhsll fettle a 
iform of Government ; and fay in it , that it (hall be 
inchangeable,this will not difabic fucceflive Princes 
nd people by Confent to change it •, (eetng they have 
, .s much power to change ir, as he and the people then 
bad to eftablilh it. But if the next age charge it, it will 
be Treafon in them that will go about to violate the 
icw eftsblifht Government, under pretence of ftick- 
ng to the old. 

Thef. 187. The Confutation gives Itfe to /^Species 
of Government, y?hen the individual Prince u dead, till 
that Conflitutisn it [elf be altered. 

Elfe theremuft be a new Common- wealth at the 
death of every Prince: and pofterity (hoald not be 
obliged by anceftors for their good. 

Thef. 188. Everyman that is cbliged to obey ,* not 
obliged bj his Obedience to Juftifie thtTttleofthe Ruler 
againfi all others, as the befi- not al&aies to defend tt by 

For there are many ( if not meft Princes on earth ) 
that fecking Crowns by unjuft means, or receiving 
thera as fo acquired, or being themfelves unfir, &c. 
do want fuch a Title as may juftifie them before God j 
and yet have fuch a Title as is valid among men, and 
will require obedience from all the fubjc&t. 

r Thef.189. In doubtful cafes, or where thefubjefts are 
not called to fudge, the pojfejferis to be cbejed. 

O 4 " Paul 

* G0 Of the heft form of Government \ 

P<tssl took not all he wrote to for obedience, to btw 
capable of Judging Nero's Title. If Confent of the k 
Romans were proved ,the Scnare and City wereafmall 
pare or the Roman world • Who made them Repre* 
femativesof the whole? 

C h a p. 8. 

Of the beft form of Governmen^andj 
Happyeft Common- wealth. 

AT his firft Creation man was fubjeded to none.; 
but God : though it was provided in Nature f 
that there fhouid have been Government and SubjV 
dion though manhad continued innocent : but that 
would have been only a Paternal affifting Govern- 
ment for our good , having nothing in it that is penal, 
or any way evil. When Ood immediately Ruled, and 
man obeyed, all went right : Had this continued, 
the world had not felc thofe fradures and wound*, 
nor been troubled wich rapine?, Wars or confufion , 
as k is. God being moft perfedly Wife and Juft,could 
not err in Commanding : Man was innoccrit and able 
to obey, but free and mutable ; and fo was tempted 
from bis Obedience. S: tan by difobedience having 
overthrown Kimfelf , did know it wss the way to 
overthrow mar{ God could not be corrupted, nor 
tempted to unwife or unrighteous Government: And 
if neither King nor fubjed were corrupted, the King- 


And bdp fyefl Cemmen-wealth. 201 

ora could not have decayed. But Satan knew which 
Iras the weakeft link in the chain : Man was frail , 
bough holy; and not confirmed yet, though up- 
igbt : and therefore defe&ible. The attempt of 
leaking bis rank, and forfaking bis due fubjeftion , 
vas the Devils fall ; and by the feme way he affaulted 
Ban, inciting in him a dc fire to be as God 9 and then 
provoking him to feek it by difobeying God: A foolifh 
meanstoanimpoffibleor impious end. The breach 
being thus made between man and his univerfal King, 
the joy m* of holy order were loofed • and a breach 
was made alfo between man and himfelf, and man and 
the inferiour creatures , and enmity and confufion 
took poffefsion in the world. The creatures Rebell 
againft their Matter turned Rebell : His own paf- 
fions and appetite Rebell againft bis Reafon : and the 
k^ds of all the Confufions that have followed in the 
world, were fown within us. As the enmity between 
the womans and the Serpents feed being propagated 
to pofterity,is the great quarrel of the world • fo all 
thofe vices in which the Malignant enmity doth con- 
fift,are propagated and by cuttom receive sn increase. 
The Root of them all is Selfjfbntfs* which much con- 
fiftetbin Pride -^ ftill man would be as God. Every 
man would be Higheft , and have the eyes of others 
fet upon him, and be the Idol of the world. The fin 
that broak Order , is ftill at work: to widen the 
breach. He that i$ a fub jeft, would faio be in Autho* 
rity -, and he that is of a lower rank, is ambitious co 
be higher : and he that is in Soveraign Power with 
juft limitations, doth hate reftraint,. and take it for 
imprifonment or fubjeftion ^ and ftrivech till he hath 
broak all bonds ,and hath no guide but bis own under* 


2 o i Of the be ft form of Government, 

Handing, and nothing to moderate his impotent will 
So that in all Ages and Nations Subj^ds are ftill dill 
pofed to murmorings and rebellions, and Princes t<] 
tranfeend their bounds by Tyrannie : and all becaufl 
we are all the afpiring brood of Adam, that was madil 
little lower then the Angels , but fell to be too neail 
the Devils , by defiring to become as God. If thtl 
advantage of Greatnefs, the gate of Temptation, otl 
thewarmchof Profperity, do but heighten this am- 
bition, and hatch it to maturity, men willbe then thej 
fons of the Coal , and as fo many Granado% thrown] 
by Satan among the people where they live, to en- 
fianac, and trouble, and confound the world : The] 
worm of Ambition will reftlefly crawl within their 
ftomachs, and make them by a troublous ftir to feck 
for honour as food to quiet ir,and keep it from gnaw- 
ing on their hearts : But this greedy worca is unfati- 
able, crying as the Horf.lcech, Give^ Give. 

The cure of this mifchief bath long bufied the peo- 
ple and Polititians of the world : and yet it is uncu- 
red. Princes that have ftrength, do make fomefhifc 
with much ado , fey feverity to reftrain the Sub jed 
from Rebellion. But how to reftrain the Prircefroai 
Tyrannic without disabling him from necefTiry Go- 
vernment, is much yet undifcovercd, or thedifcovc- 
riesunpraftifed. The world hath had more Dionj- 
f%H*i and Ntros y then Ddvidt, Solomms or Conjldn- 
tines. Rehoboam is no warning to them , but hath 
mod Imitators, though with bad fuccefs. In moft of 
the world , their doleful cafe doth tell us what their 
Government is • we fee among them Tyrannic is He* 
redirary : and Princes live among their Subje&sai 
the Pike among thefraaller fifties; as if the people 


J nd happy eft Common- wealth. 2 j 

re made for tbem. Tbey divide their Intercft from 

:ir Peoples • and live as if their peoples welfare 

are not tin irt • but rather all that is taken from the 

bjed, is added onto tbem. The foul and body of 

)(t Common-wealths fall out ; and the Head and 

cart havefuchdifeafed obftru&ions and oppofiti- 

is, as are their mutual torment , and the Progno- 

fcks of their haftening diflblution : when the Ivie 

Jith kili'd the tree that bore ir, it muft pcrifh witfc ir. 

nd if they are firft themfelves difmounted , they 

Idom ever get into the faddlc, and fit faft after ir. 

Some Nations have thought that the way to prc- 

cnt this, was to be free ^ that is, to be Self-gover- 

wr/- and fo when All governed, tbey found thac 

one Governed , but Tyrannie and ali Vice did raign 

popular confufions : and there was neither peace 

or fafety to the whole or parts • No waves being 

rearer then the Seas, nor any Tyrant fo cruel as the 

lany-headed Tyrant : and it being the fureft way to 

e alwayes miferable, to be Governed by them thac 

|re alwayes naught , that is,by the multitude,in mod 

»arts of the world. 

The fence of the mifchief of Democracie hath 
Bade others think that the beft way is to leave Kings 
their wills, and kt them ufe their Power arbitrari- 
y: They think itcofteth the world more to limit 
>rinces then its worth : and that if they are abfoiutc, 
heir Intereft will lead them to cherifh their people : 
3r if tbey fhould grow cruel, God will protedu*, 
mdturn it to the beft : A hundred (heep will flye 
rom a little curre • and yet the Shepherd takes care 
bat few of them are deftroyed/] I could the eafier 
ligeft this Do&rine, were it not for thefe Reafons. 

1. The 

2 04 Of the be jt form of Government, 

r.Thc Heart of man is deceitful and defperately wici 
ed • and what will it not do, if it may do what it will 
2. When men know that they are lyable to no R I 
ftraint, it will let loofe their lufts, and make thei 
worfe. 3 . We may not tempt them thus into a Ml 
of fin, to their owndeftruftion. 4. Nor rauft wi 
tempt God by pretending to truft him in a neglccf 
of means. 5. It is againft the light of Nature thai- 
one manswill fhouldruinc a Nation. 6 r Ifwemal 
give away our Bodily welfare, yet not our fouls, Tb 
Princes intcreft may lead him to have lome regards 
the Bodily welfare of the people , but he will not re 
gard their fouh. Creatnefs will have great tempt* 
tions : And when there is no reftraint, this will nam 
the Greateft to be the worft. And the worft men ai 
enclined to the Worft opinions, and to be the greatef 
enemies to Piety and Honefty-, andfo would bani" 
Cbriftianity into comers,or from the earth. 7. If 
might give away our own Intereft,we may not fo gi 
away Gods ; nor encourage or fuffer every deceivi 
wicked Prince to do as the Infidel Princes do, aud pe] 
fecute Chriftianity out of their Dominions. 8. M 
leaft we may not be guilty of Treafon againft God,' 
by confenting to an IdoI,or Ufurper that ciairoeth hit 
prerogative, and pretendeth to an abfolute unlimH 
ted Power, as if he were from under the Laws and 
Government of the Almighty : we muft know no 
Power but whats from God ^ and therefore non| 
againft bis undoubted Infereft and Laws. As it is nnf 
lawful to fubmit to the Pope that thus nfurpeth i 
the Church, foas unlawful to confent to any Anti- 
Gods ufurpation in the Common- wealth. 9. Ani 
the experience of the world bath taught them to aW 



And hap f ye (I CommBn-malth. 2 o j 

unlimited Government , even as intolerable to 

people : For though they fhould noc deftroy the 

'lepenple, yet at their pleafurc their p articular Sub- 

s mult be the foel of their rage & luit. Every mans 

tate, Wife or Daughter that they have a mind to, 

ft be theirs; and their word mult command the 

:ads of the beft defer ving Nobility to the block : 

id however the diffont vulgar fpeed , thofe thac 

1 neareft them will be as Lambs before the Wolf. 

). And experience hath told the world , that there 

many, and very many bad Kings for one good one 

roughout the world , and the wicked will do wick- 

ly when they have no reftrainr. And therefore 

is were to deliver up the Kingdoms of the earth to 

tan, who Roleth by the wicked •, when we have a 

:omife that they (hall be the Kingdoms of the Lord 

tdofhk Chrift^xhit Ruleth efpecially by the koljand 

w juft. 

Others have thought it a hopeful way of Cure, to 
ye the Government elective, aud either qttam din 
nt ft gefferint^ or for a (hort continuance by Ro- 
uion. But thefc have found that the Remedy was 
lifufficient. The Nations of the e«rth have but few 
acn that are wife and good : and if thofe mirft Rule 
»ut a little while, the bad will fucceed them : And if 
: muft run through many, and fo there be many bad 
vulers for one good one, the bad ones will do 
lore hurt then the good ones can do good. And ic 
/ill be next impoffible fo to temper the Govern- 
lent, as that bad Rulers may have power to pre- 
:rve the Common- wealth , and yet not have power 
o^>erpetuate themfelves,and invade a perpetual Di- 
tatorfliip with Cafar • For Armies they muft have ; 




2 6 6 Of the be ft form of Government, 

and thofe that tan getfufficicnt intereft in thcro, i 

nfe them to their own end*. Some think that 

wealthier peoples bearing Arm* would prevent 

this : for they would never ferve a Tyrant aga 

their Liberties. Much fhould be done I cpnfefs m< 

then is, this way, to preferve ihe peoples Liberti 

but yet the Remedy is irconfiderable. For i. "N 

inuft have our Armies abroad, and thofe will be I 

poor , and thofe will be mercenary , and return 

ferve their Commanders mind*. 2. Flattering wor 

will miflead tbeiti that are not mercenary. 3. Pn 

fperity and Wealth doth effiminate men and maj 

them cowardly. 4. Experience told us in our lai 

Wars, that the traynM Bands were as ready, at lea 

in molt places, to follow the ftronger fid* that wi 

in place, as the poorer Volunteers were; For the 

thought they had fomewhat more to lofe then thei 

younger fons or fervants had; and therefore thfc 

would not venture to difobey the ftrongeft. 

Some think a Lotbeirga Divine decifion, to hi 
the only way to choofc tbe Prince: which hath its 
place, but folveth not the difficulty without more 
ado. To ufe Lots among a company of bad or un- 
juftmento find one good one, is a tempting God; 
and bat like the cafting a Net among Frogs to catch 
Fifh. The materials muft be fir ft prepared , and the 
main fecured. 

In a word, mahy models have been devifed f and 
moft of them have their excellencies , and defe&s : 
Some of them fecure the peoples wealth and liberty 
from a Tyrant , and lay them open to an invading 
enemy: Some of them free the people from oppref- 
fion by 3 Prince , and leave thera under a mulcitudc 


Jria happyeft Commonwealth. 20 7 

Opprcffori: Some fofccure Liberty as to tntro- 
ice in jufticeand confufion : and certainly caft away 
c means of fpiritual everlafting good , in order to 
cferve their temporal good. And moftof them 
ead under foot the Government and Intereft of the 
niverfal King, and pretend the means agaimft the 
id. They that caa do moft to mend the people,and 
care us of good Rulers, and fo to fecure us in the 
ain matters of Religion and Peace, are the beft Po- 
icians, though they leavens many inconvenience*, 
nd to that end be chat could cull out the beft of eve- 
' Mode, and leave the worft, woold (hew his Wif- 
>m. Becaufe I pretend not co fucb skil, nor intend 
ly accurate Tra& of Politicks, nor thedifcovery of 
iVttpiatOrCicyoftheSun, nor intend to beftow 
iat time and labour which is neceffary to improve 
lit little knowledge that I have, to any fuch ends*, 
at only to urge upon the world the great Divine 
eglc&ed Principles, that we may be fecured of the 
tain • I fliall readily give place to any of their new 
evifed Models that are confiftent with tbefe Princf- 
les, and leave them to beautific the Common- 
realth in their own way es, if the Life of it may be fig- 
ured by Gods way. 

Aud yet I moft fay that for ought I fee , the Go- 
ernmeut of this Common- weskh is already ballan- 
ed wkh as much prudence, caution , and equality, 
'though with lefs ado) as the curioufeft of the Mo- 
tels that felf. conceited men would obtrude with fo 
nuch oflcntation. Might we but fee the Ftnndati- 
>*of Parliaments Reformed, by an exclufionof tru- 
y Vnmrthj perfons from the Eltdions ( from 


205 Of the be [t form of Government, 

choofing or being chofen ) thatfo we were out o 
danger of having Impious Parliaments chofen by an 
impious Majority of the people, we ftiould then buil 
all the Fabrickofouc Government on a Rock , that 
elfe will have a foundation of Sand : And a multirud 
of errours would be thus cor reded at once, and more 
done for our Hippintfs then a thoufand of the new 
Fanftatical devices willaccomplifh. Of this having 
fpoken before , I (hall yet add fomewbat more, to 
(hew you how the Kingdoms of the world may be 
made the Kingdoms of the Lord , and of h 

Thef. 190. The Happjefl Commsn- wealth u that 
Vrhich mo(t attaineththe Ends of Government and So- \ 
tietjjnhich are the publicly Good^fpeciallj in matters of 
iver/afting concernment \and the p leafing of God the Ab~ 
folate Lord and King of all. 

The Ultimate End is the chief Good : This deno* 
minateth all the Means to be more or lefs Good , and 
all things to be Indifferent, as to Amiablenefs, that 
are neither for it, nor againfti: ; and all things to be 
Evil that are agamft it. That which is neither our 
End, nor a means to our End, is not Good or Ami- 
able to us. Food and rayment and our outward 
wealth, are to furnifh our own and others bodiei 
with fuch requifices as fit them for the ferving of our 
fouls, that both may fer ve God, and enjoy and pleaft 
him. He chat takes down this End (the Pleafing and ] 
Enjoying of God in Glory) takes down all the world 
as a means to ir, and deftroycth the very ufe and Re- 
lative nature of all things under the Sun, and makes 


And happjeft Common-wealth. 209 

another thing of hirafcif and all thing*. As his flefh- 
Jy Brucifh End is below the high and Gioriocs End 
that God appointed all things for, fo doth he accord- 
ingly brutifie and debafe them all. For the Means re- 
ceive their excellency from their End, and their Apti- 
tude thereto. AnAcheiftical Infidel Politician, tbae 
makes not thefe heavenly glorious things the Ends oi 
his Policy, doth fet Kings, and Common- wealths,and 
Laws as far bdow a Chriftian King, Common- weafth 
and Law , as earth is below heaven, and almoft zs a 
dog is below a man-, and commit the higeft Trea- 
fon almoft that men are capable of committing •, de- 
ft roying (do&rinailyj Gods Kingdom and mens^ 
and letting up a Mawkin in the place 1 And indeed are 
intolerable in a Chriftian Common-wealth. 

Tbe£ 191. That Common-wealth U likffy U be msfi 
H ippj, which in the ConftitHtion and Adminijlration U 
fhlljeftfnited to this Heavenly End ; and therefore that 
is the befiform of Government. 

This needs no proof to any that do believe that to 
be the Ultimate End. 

Thef. 1 92. The more Theccratical, or trnlj Divire 
any Government it, the bttttr it is. 

None can deny this, that denyeth not God : if he 
lave more Authority then man, and be wifcr and bet- 
ter, and more Powerful to defend bis fubjefts, and re- 
prefs his enemies, and do Jaftice in the execution of 
iisLaws,then as no man fhoold dare to compare witU 
Go^ t fo no Government with his, 

£ Ihth 

aio of the befi form of Government , 

Tbef. 193. A Government may be Theocratic al (or 
Divine) I. In the Confiitution. 2. And the Admini- 
praticn. I . In the Confiitution, i° As to thefubjefts ^ 
2° The Relations and their Foundations*, 3 And the 
Endt. 2. Ih the Adminiftration-, i° As to the Officers-, 
2° Laws i 3° Judgement and Execution. 

It is the firft part only that in order I fhould here 
treat of, becaufel ara not come to the Adminiftra- 
tion of Common-wealths ^ but preferring the me- 
thod that fates my End*, I fhall touch briefly of force- 
what of this here in the way; I take it for granted 
that every man except the Atbeift, (alias, the Fool 
or Bruit) doth conlenc (hat we fhouid ciefire the 
Bert, that is, the raoft Divine Common-weakb that 
we are! able ro procure. 

Thef. 194. 1. In a Divine Cowman-wealth, Cjodthe 
ZJniverfal King is the Sovcraign •, and none that Rule 
pretend to a Power that is not from him and f*bfervient< 
to him, nor do any elfe claim the honour of being the Ori- 
ginal of Tower. 

The Majefias or parsimperans, is cffential to the 
Common-wealth : and that God be King, is effential 
to a Theocracies If any Infidel fay that Gcd will not 
condefcend to be our King, and therefore this fuppo- 
fitiondeludcthuf, andlifeethus up too high; I an- 
fwer that he contradideth cot only the ftresra of 
Scrtpture i hat calleth God our King, but the cleared 
Light of Nature , which from his Creation and fole 
capacity, (hews that by neceffary Rcfulcancy,bc muft 
Rule, (as I h&\ c (hewed.; Thef. 

And happy e ft Common-wealth* 211 

Thcf. 1 95. 2. In a Diving Common-wealth it isfup- 
pofed that the fub je &s are aU Gods fubjetts, not only bj 
obligation (at every man is) bnt alfobj Confent* 

Others may poffibly be permitted as incoU y on the 
terms as Catechumens in or among the Church. But 
only the voluntary fubjefts of God fhould be the 
proper Civet or free fabje&s of a Divine Common- 
wealth ; and only Chriftians of a Chriftian Common- 

Tbef. 196. 1 An a Divine Common-wealth a Cove- 
nant between (jod and the people is the Foundation or ne- 
cejfary Condition : And aM the free fubjefts are engaged 

As I (hewed in the beginning, as they are Obligati 
adObedientiam t the Law of Nature is the Fundamen- 
tum, or caufe f as ihcy have Right to the Btmfits 
of the Common- wealth, and arc free of it ; Gods pro- 
mi fe or Cov enancas on his pirt is the Fundamentum 
and the Canfe; and their Confent or Covenant on 
their part, is the fine qua non or Condition ; As they 
are ftlf-obligd , (or bound by their own Confent) 
it is the efficrcnt or Foundation of that fecondary ob- 

Thef. 197. 4. In aDivine-Common-wealth. the 
Prince or other humane Soveraign doth hold his Power at 
from God, and under him^and the people confent andfub- 
jetl tbemfelves to him principally as Gods Officer. 

P % Thougb 

21* of the be f form of Government , 

Though God thoofe not his Officers now in th 
fame manner as in Mofts and the following judge 
dayes, (as to the extraordinary Call) yet are the 
now as truly his Officers as then. And therefore th 
people are firft to be engaged in Covenant with God 
and then with the Prince as Gods Officer : and 01 
thefe terms are Princes to hold their power. 

Thcf. 198. 5. In a Divine Common-wealth the Ho 
nour and T leafing of (jod^ andthefalvatisnof the peo 
pie are the Principal Ends, and their corpvral we tfar, 
bnt [fiber dinate to thefe. 

For it is maeh denominated h termino velfine : thai 
which is but for earthly Ends, is but an earthly Soeie 
ty: The Body that is not for the foul and fubjed tc 
it, is not the Body of a man, but of a bruit: And 
the Kingdom that fubjedetb not corporal feiicity to 
fpiritual, and temporal to crerpal, and lookcth not tc 
that , is but a brutifti fenfual Kingdom. For thougt 
Rational men are the fubjeds of it , yet while that 
Reafon is fub jeded to the fle(h and appetite, they are 
kjine to be denominated brutifti : For that is a mam 
predominant faculty, which is next that which be 
makes hischicfelt End : And therefore if be have a 
Brutifti End , bis Brutifh appetite is predominant, 
though Reafon ferveit: And the man, and fo alfo 
the Society and Government is denomnated from 
that which is predominant ^ and therefore from this 
End and brutifti Ruling faculty it mult be called 




Axdhappyf (I Common-wealth. 213 

Thef. 199. 6. Where tbeGefpelispubli/hed, Jefas 
Cbrif}^ our Lord and King, bj the Title of Redemption, 
is alfo to be acknowledged by Prince and people, and ta\en 
in a* the Beginning and End of the Common- wealth. 

The Kingdom of Chriftis proved before. If any 
roan will but read the Scripture, be need no other 
confutation of Hcbbs that from Scripture would 
prove that 1 he Kingdom of Chr ift is only at his fecond 
coming, and not at pcfent* 

Thef. 200. In the Adm'wiftratien of a Divine Com- 
*on-wealth y the Officers Jhould be foch as God will own ; 
f hat is , men fearing (Jod and working righteoufnefs ; 
men fober ,righteous 'and gody \that by Faith & Love arc 
Wjetted themfelves to God their Creator and Redeemer. 

Ifthelnferiour Magnates be Infidels, or ungodly 
men, they are falfe eocheir higheit King: And how 
hen can they be fie to Govern for him, and promote 

'is mcereft ? 

Thef. 20 T . In the A dm : nifl ration of a Divine Com- 
monwealth. Godmuft be allotted all that daufality in 
he choice of Individual Magiflrates , which he ande- 
r cendeth to-, that is, l. All the defcriptions and Precepts 
f his Law m*fl be obferved. Z. Thofe that by kit Gifts 
tnd Providence do anfwer his Law muft be eleEled. 
\.And to that end,thofe that he hath made capable only, 
louldbeEleElors. 4. And that which cannot by theft 
^iftsfbt mil difcerned,ifit he of moment, Jlould be refer- 
red to 4 Lot. 

P3 Of 

2 T 4 of the be f form of Government, 

Ofthefelfhal! anon fpeak fomewlat more full/ . 
in ordqr to pra&ice. 

Thef. 2G2. In a Divine Common-wealth the Laws 

■ of God, in Nature and ^criptnre^ mn$ betake* for the 

principal Laws , which no Rulers can difpence witb\ and 

all their Ltxvs muji be as by-Lw , fnbordinate to them' 

for the promoting of their execution. 

Though the Law of Mofes as fucb oblige u^tior- 
yec the fnactcr of it under another form may oblige ; 
that i?, the Moral Law ftill bindcth us , both as (he 
L%w or Mature, and of the Redeemer : And tbe Res- 
fans of the Law commonly called Political, (chough 
iodeed the Moral were Political ) do ftill bind, fo far 
as our cafe agreeing with theirs, we can perceive in 
thofe Laws how God would havefucha cafe deter- 
mined. If Gods L*ws keep not the preheminency,bis 
Government is rejtded. He rueth by Laws v and to 
re je& thero is to re j ft his Rule, All the world have 
the Law of Nature •, CbrifHans alfo have the Law of 
Grace, and the Law of Nature in the moft legible 
Charters. Jhefe are to be the principal (Unices for 
the Government of the Common- wealth ; and mans 
La#s fhould fubferve them. 

Thef. 203. In a Divine Common-wetth 3 the fins 
tgxinft Qod mufi be accounted the m*Ji hdinons crimes - y 
The denying or bla t f hewing God 9 or his £fential Attri* 
bntes or Sovrraigt$tj 9 u to bejndgtd tbe bight fi Tnafin y 

tni t'yt drawing men f other Godsend feekjng thefuine 
efthe Common wealth infpiritualj^ to fa accounted the 
i hi. fffi en mi; j to h. Jhfc 

And happy efi Common- wealth. 215 

The offence againfl tbe higheft Authority mull 

eed: be che greateft offence (cate? is paribus.) And 

hough the chief puniftimenc be referved for the lifeco 

oroe , yet that will not excufe ttie Migiftrate from 

he duepumftingof it here. For Magiftrarcs exe- 

ucions sre for the publick Good of that particular 

tommon- wealth • u/hifh will not fruflrateGodsexe- 

utions for the Giory of his Jufticc and other ends 

hat are to man unknown. The chief puniftimenc 

"or Murder, Theft and other injuries toman, arcre- 

erved for the life to come: And yet we will not let 

hem here gee unpunifhed , Icaft prefent impunity 

ncourage chem to invade men* lives and eftates. 

iNo more fhould notorious Impiety go unpunifhed 

here-, Uaft impunity encourage men to deftrcy their 

own and others fouls, and by their examples and 

temprarions to undo men everlaftingly and bring 

down Gods temporal judgements on the place. 

Thef. 204. In a Divine Common-wealth, Helinefs 
mufl have the principal honour and encouragement \anda 
great difference be m&de between the precious and tht 


King David faith Tfal. 16. 3. That his good ex- 
tended to the Saints that are in the earth, and to the ex- 
cellent in whom was aft his delight. PfaK lOl«6.be pro- 
feffeth that hu eyes Jbill be upon the faithful of the 
Land, that they may dwell with him : he that walketh in 
a perfeU way, hejhzllferve him : but verf. 8 . A /re- 
ward heart /halt depart from him, and he will net knoft A 
wicked per fen , and that be \_will early dejlrey all 
the wicked of the Land > that he may cut off all 
P 4 wicked 

1 16 Of the befi form of Government, 

wicked doers from the City of the Lord7\ This is s 
Theocracy, when Princes govern From God, By God 
and/er Gcd in all things. 

Thef. 205. *By this ittppearetb thatinatrue Thca 
cracy , or Divine Common wealth, the Matter of th\ 
Church and Common-wealth fhould be altogether or al 
mofi thefame<> though the form of them and adminiftra v 
tio*s are different* 

1. That the materials or fubjc&s fhould be ih< 
fame, appeareth from what is faid : They muft al! bt 
fach as enter the Covenant with God, which in a 
Chriftian Common-wealth can be no other then the 
Baptifmal Covenant which cntereth them into the 
Chorcb^Gircaracifion entered them by the holy Cove- 
nant into Church and Common-wea!th,which among 
the Jews were materially the fame. He that is by 
the Covenant given up to God in Chrift, is a member 
of GodsUniverfal Church and Kingdom. Yea in- 
deed the llniverfal Church, and the llniverfal Kingr 
dom in theftrid fenfe, are both materially and forrn^ 
ally all one ^ though the particulars are not fo. There 
are three fenfes of Gods Univerfal Kingdom. 1 . As 
the word fignifieth ail that are obliged es fubjeftsto 
obey him ; and fo all men, even Rebels are members 
of bis Kingdom. 2. As it fignifieth thofe that obey 
Jhim ftcundum quid, or analogically, but not (imply 
and acceptably , (nor profefs fo much.) And fo Turks 
and maay Infidels that worfhlp God , but not by 
Chrift, are in bis Kingdom. 3 . As it comprehendeth 
onlv faithful accepted fubje&* > and thofe that by pro- 
feffian feem to be fuch : And thus his Kingdom, and 


jindhapfpftcmmdn-wulth. 117 

•is Church Univerfal are all one formally. 

2. But the reafon why particular £kurchts and 
Commonwealths arc not formally the fame,but diftind 
*oluus,is,becaufe though the Univerfal being United 
t n One undivided Head 1$ but One, as being denomi- 
nated from that Head , }et from unity procecdeth 
i-rpulopicicy : God doth not communicate all that 
Power in kind which if Eminently and Tranfcendent- 
y in bimfelf to any one man, or fort of Officer! • but 
diftnbuterh to each their part • Civil Power to Civil 
K Ruler* , and Ecclefiaftical to Church- Rulers. When 
it we ire once come down below God the fountain in 
jOurcbfcrvation, we find a prefent Div.'fion of that 
< Communicable Poorer into many hand% wbich flow- 
eth from the incommunicable Power that is in Go4 
alone. For man hath not Gods fufficicr.cy to be all. 
The Popes flatterers may ex'ol himas an Univerfal 
Vce-God, or Vcc-Chrift; but as Scripture tells us 
that he wants the Form y that is, the Authority : So 
Nature tells us that he wants the Jptit ude and Capa- 
city of matter. A rd therefore though the Vnivtrfal 
Kmgdom (in the find fenfe) and the Univerfal 
Church are One, in Of e God, yet particular King- 
doms and Churches are diverfified in ffecit , as (hail 

When I fay that the matter (ordinarily) fhould be 
the fame § I mean cot to tyc the Govcrnours of 
Church or State , to a ncceiTary conformity of their 
adminiftrations as to the matter, in taking in or call- 
ing out of members ( favc only in point of advan- 
tage and convenience , to be mentioned in the next 
chapter. ) For each fort of Governours have the 
charge of their own diftind adminiftrations. It is 


2 1 8 Of the hep; form of Government, 

not only poffiblc, but too common , that one fort i 
much more carelels and unfaithful to God and men 
then the other. If a good Magiftrate have bad Pa 
flours over the fame people , and the Paftors wifl 
not difference between the precious and the vile ■ but 
will keep the impious and hltby in the Church, the 
Magiftrate is not therefore bourjd to keep fuch as 
Free men in the Commonweakhjbut muft make it (as 
containing Free men ) narrower then the Church. 
And if faithful Paftours live under acarelefs Prince 
tbat takes ihefilthyeft and mod impious as Cives , 
the Palhurs mutt not do fo in the Church -for they 
muft be accountable to God for the difchar ge of their 
own truft. 

Bur that which I mean, is,that the fame Qualifica- 
tion makcth a man capable of being a member both 
of a Chnftian Church and Common-weahb,which is, 
bit Covenant with God in Cbrtft, or his Membership 
of the Univcrfal Church, fuppofing the other cir- 
cumftantials or accidental capacities which are indeed 

Laftly, Note that I exclude not fomejuft excepti- 
ons of ordinary or extraordinary Cafes, in which the 
Members of one fort of Society may be excluded 
from the other. Perfons that are through fcruples 
( innocent or finful ) kept from joyni&g with a par- 
ticular Church for a time, being yet capable of their 
Communion, rosy be yet members of the Common- 
wealth. W^ne of Riches may domorealfo to keep 
men out of Freedom in the Common- wealth , then 
out of the Church. And yet 1 think that in aThco- 
cracie care fhould be taken to keep fome members 
from fwelling co excefs , and other* from extremity 


And bap f ye ft Ceminw-xtealth* 2 1 9 

1>f want, as among tbe lfraelites there was ; ret fo as 
10 mans induftry fee difcouraged , nor propriety in- 
'aded, noridlenefs nany chcrifhtd. ^nd Riches and 
Poverty (hcu!d cot make altoger her fo great a diffe- 
rence as they do in Prophanefocieties. If mens Pover- 
ty be not fo great as to make them tbe fervaotsof 
others, and deprive them of ingenuous Freedom , ic 
fhonld not depsive them of 'Civil Freedom : efpecially 
where Criminal and Civil cafes have different Judges, 
they may have more Freedom about Criminals then 
Civils. Where wealth is concerned , men of wealth 
(h >uld have the power : but where Verde or Vice , 
Honefly or Difhoneftv is the matter of debate , the 
Honeft though poor , fhouldbavc more power than 
tbe Impious thac are rich. 

I conclude therefore that though variety of out- 
ward States, and the negkfts of either Magiftrate or 
Paftoun,may be an exception to tbe Ruic,vet as to in- 
ward qualifications,ordinariIy the fame perfons are fie 
to be Members of Church and Common- wealth. 

But as the Church bath only tbe members within, 
and yet the Cempeten'es, and Catechumen^ and in a 
morediftant fort,the excommunicate, tad the Neigh- 
bour Infidels, under her care, as owing them foffic 
help ; foa Cbriftian Common wealth, though it own 
none a< Civts^ ( or freefubjeds, cotT.rnonly called 
Burgeffes, or enfranchised perfons ) but focb as arc 
fit to beCburcb-raembcrs , yet bath it many that are 
raeer fubje&s, and arc to have the protcftion of the 
Laws for their lives and poffelfiocs^hat are cf a low- 
er form. 

2* And yet thac Chnrch and Common-wealth are 
cot formally (nor def*%o alwaycs % nor nfqtlly roatc- 


2 2 o Of the be ft form of Government, 

rially in a great pirt ) the fame facietics , appearetb. 
I. From the difference of Governours. Magiilrates' 
Rule che Common, wealth, and the C hurch as in the 
Common^weakh,bat not the Church with that pecu- 
liar Government proper to it as a Church. And 
Mioifters may Teach in che Common wealth , but as 
Paftours tbey Govern only the Church as fuch. 
&. From the manner of Government and adminiftra- 
tions. The Magiftrace Ruleth imperioufly , and by 
force, having power upon mens eftate* and perfons : 
Bat the Paftours have none fuch, but govern only by 
the Word of God explained and applyed to the 
Conscience. 3 . From the nearefi Foundation. The 
Common-wealth is conftitute<tby a (^virtual or aftu- 
al) contraft between che civil Soveraign «nd.the 
People : But the Church (particular) is conftituted, 
by a confent between the Paftours and the Flock. 
4. From the extent- The Common-wealth conraineth 
all the pepplc in a whole Nation or more, as united 
in pne Soveraign. But particular Churches ( diftind 
from the univerfal united in Chrift ) have no general 
Ecclefiaftical Officers in whom a Nation muft unite as 
one Churchy but as Corporations in one Kingdom ^ 
or as fo many Schools, that have a peculiar form and 
Government ; but fuch only as is under the Magi- 
ftratcs Government in its kind : or as feveral CoN 
ledges in one Uni verfity . 5 , From the accidental in- 
capacities of men to be members of each. A Servant X)T 
Beggar is to be a free member of the Church, that is 
to be limited much more in his freedom in the Com* 
mon-wealtb. And a man that lives as aCarryer or 
MtfTenger, in conftant travail from place to place, 
( fpecially if he have no home ) is fcarce capable of 


And hdpfytjt Comwn>T9taltb. 22* 

being a member of a particularGhurcb, who yet may 
be a member of the Comracrn- wealth. 6. From the 
Nearefl tnd. Civil Order is the Neareft end of civil 
(Policy : but Church Order, for holy Cotpmunion in 
Gods worfh p, is the Neareft end of Church Policy. 
So that formally they are divers, chough materially , if 
Princes and Paftours would do their duties, in refor- 
mation and righteous Government, they would be if 
not altogether , yet for the rooft pari the fame, as 
cocfiftingof the fame perfons. 

Thef. 206. It U thU Theecratical Policy or Divine 
Common-wealth, which is the unqueJlionabU reign §f 
Chrift on earth, which alt Chriftians are agreed may he 
jujlljfonght • and that temporal dignity of Saints % whkh 
undoubtedly would much blefs the world. 

Whether there be any other reign of Chrift on * 
eanhcobeexpe&ed, that is, by his vifiblc perfonal 
abode ( which I perceive fome Papifts of late very 
bufy , under their feverai maskes, to indigitate, part- 
ly in order to perfwade men that the Church is a 
Body that bath an Univerfal vifible Head, which muft 
be Chrifts Vicar, but in the interfpicc bee wixt his firft 
and fecond coming, ) this controverfie 1 do not now 
determine. For my own part , I reverence the Anci- 
ents that were of that mind, and many later that 
bare followed them. I am my felf as mcerly Neutral 
in it as in almoft any point of fo great moment fo 
often propounded to my confideration : I oppofc 
them not in the lea ft, nor am I for them : Not from 
a carelefnefs or un willingnefs to know the trmb, but 
the difficulty of the cafe , and the weaknefs of my 


2i* of the btfi form ofGwemncnt, 

Though Godthoofe not big Officers now in tl 
fame manner as in Mofes and the following judge 
dayes, (as to the extraordinary Call) yet are the 
now as truly his Officers as then. And therefore tl 
people are firft to be engaged in Covenant with Goc 
and then with the Prince as Gods Officer : and 
thefe terms are Princes to hold their power. 

Thcf. 198. $. Ina Divine Common-wealth the Ho 

nour andT* leafing of Qod^ and the falvatisnof the peo 
pie are the Principal Ends, and their corpvral rvefan 
but fuhrdinate to thefe. 

For it is mush denominated h termino v el fine : thai 
which is bat for earthly Ends, is but an earthly Socie^ 
ty: The Body that is not for the foul and fubjed: u 
it, is not the Body of a man, but of a bruit; Anc 
the Kingdom that fubje&etb not corporal feiiciry r< 
fpiritual, and temporal to er*rpal, and lookcth not tc 
that j is but a brutifti fenfual Kingdom. For thougt 
Rational men arethefubjefts of it, yet while thai 
Reafon is fub jeded to the flefti and appetite, they an 
a fine to be denominated brunfti : For that is a mam 
predominant faculty, which is next that which he 
makes hischiefclt End : And therefore if be have 1] 
Brutifti End , bis Brutifti appetite is predominant, 
though Reafon fcrveit: And the man, and fo alfc 
the Society and Government is denomnated from 
that which is predominant • and therefore from thk 
End and brutifti Ruling faculty it muft be called 


Andhafpytft Common- wealth. 2 1 J 

Thef. 199. 6. Where the Gofpel is publifhed^efns 
~brif}^ our Lord and King, bj the Title of Redemption, 
' aI[q to be acknowledged by Prince and people, and ta\en 

a6 the Beginning and End of the Common- wealth. 

The Kingdom of Chriftis proved before. If any 
nan will but read the Scripture, he need no other 
onfucation of Hcbbs that from Scripture would 

ove chat 1 he Kingdom of Chr ift is only at his fecond 
oming, and not at pcfent. 

Thef. 200. In the Adminiftratien of a Divine Com- 
*on-wealth y the Officers fhould be fuch as God will own ; 
bat is i men fearing (Jod and working righteoufnefs ; 
wnfoberjrighteons 'and god'y, that bj Faith & Love arc 
'objected themfelves to God their Creator and Redeemer. 

Ifchelnferiour Magnates be Infidels, or ungodly 
oen, they arefalfe tocheir bigheit King: And h0w 
hen can rhey be fie to Govern for him, and promote 
tis incereft ? 

Tbef. 20 T. In the Adm'nifiration of a Divine Com- 
nn wealth. Godmuft be a/lofted all that daufality in 
he choice of Individual Afagiflrates , which he ctnde- 
cendttb to^ that is y l. All the defer iptions and Precepts 
f his Law m*fl beobferved. Z-.T^q/i \that bj hit Gifts 
nd Providence do anfwer his Law muft be tlctted. 
.And to that end % thofe that he hath made capable only, 
houtd be EleEtors. 4. And that which cannot by theft 
iftsfbt n>ell difcernedyifit be of moment ^fhould be refer- 
id (0 a Lot. 

P3 Pf 

2 T 4 of the heft form of Government, 

Ofchefelfliall anon fpeak fomewlat more fully 
in ordqr to praftice. 

Thef. 2G2. In a Divine Common-wealth the Laws 
of God, in Nature and ^criptnre, mnfk betaken for the 
principal Laws, which no Rulers can Ai/pence with; and 
All their Laws mujf be as by-Lw ^ ftibordinaie to them 
for the promoting of their execution. 

Though the Law of Mofes as fucb oblige uwior^ 
yet the matter of it under another form may oblige; 
that i«, rhe Moral Law (till bindcth us , both as the 
L %m or Mature, and of the Redeemer : And the Rea- 
fons of the I,aw commonly called Political, (chough 
indeed the Moral were Political ) do ftill bind, fo far 
as our cafe agreeing with theirs, we can perceive in 
thofe Laws how God would havefucha cafe deter- 
mined. If Gods Lsws keep not the preheminency,bis 
Government is rejt&ed. He rueth by Laws v and to 
rejeftthem is to re j ft his Rule, All the world have 
the Law of Nature * CbrifHans alfo have the Law of 
Grace, and the Law of Nature in the moft legible 
Charters. Thefeare to be the principal (Unites for 
the Government of the Common- wealth : and mans 
La#s (houW fubferve them. 

Thef. 203. In* Divine Common-wedth, the fins 
figxinft Qod mufi be accounted the m*Ji hainotts crimes -, 
The denying orblafrhemingGod^ or his £jfenti*l Attr%+ 
bates or Swvraigwj^u tobe judged the highe ft Trio/on-, 
fyjJ th d'awing men f other Godsend feekfng thefuine 
rfthe Common wealth infpiritHah^ to be accounted the 
i hi. ffft enmity to h. The 

And kappjeft Common- wealth. 215 

The offence againfl tbe higheft Authority rouft 
needs berhe greateft offence {ctw is paribus.) And 
though tbe chief panilhment be referved for the life to 
come , yet that will not excufe the Migiftrare from 
[be duepumfhngof it here. For Magiftrarcs exe- 
cutions sre for the publick Good of that particular 
Common- wealth > whieh wiU not fruflrate Gods exe- 
cutions for the Giory of his Juftice and other ends 
that are to man unknown. The chief puniftunenc 
for Murder, Thefc and-other injuries to man, arc re- 
fer ved for the lire to come: And yet we will not let 
them here goe unpunifhed , leaft prefent impunity 
encourage chem to invade men* Jives and eftates. 
No more (hould notorious Impiety go unpunifhed 
here- leaft impunity encourage men to deftroy their 
own and others fouls, and by their examples and 
temprarions to undo men evcrlaftingly and bring 
down Gods temporal judgements on the place. 

Thef. 204. In a Divine Common-wealth, Helinefs 

muft have the principal honour and encouragement , and a 
great difenneebe m.ide between the preewvs and the 

King David faith Tfat. 16. 3. That his good ex- 
tended to the Saints that Are in the earth, and to the ex- 
cellent in whom was alt his delight. Pfal. I0i«6. be pro- 
feffetb that hu eyes fbxll be upon the faithful of the 
Land, that they may dwell with him : he that walketh in 
a perfetl way, he fhxll ferve him : but verf. 8 . A fro- 
ward heart /halt depart from him, and he will net knoft a 
wicked perfon , and that he £ will early deftroy all 
the wicked of the Land > that he may cnl off all 
P 4 wicked 

2 1(5 Of the befi form of Government, 

yeicktd doers from the City of the Lord7\ This is t 
Theocraty , when Princes govern From God, By God, 
1 and for Gcd in all things. 

Thef. 205. *By this ttsppearetb thatinatrue Theo- 
cracy , or Divine Common wealth, the Matter of the 
Church and Common-wealth fhould be altogether or al- 
ntojl the fame, though the form of them and adminiftra* 
tions are different* 

1. That the materials or fubjc&s ftiould be ihe 
fame, appeareth from what is faid : They muft al! be 
fuch as enter the Covenant with God, which in a 
Christian Common-wealth can be no other then the 
Baptifma! Covenant which cnteretb them into the 
Churcb^Gircumcifion entered them by the holy Cove- 
nant into Church and Common-wealth,which among 
the Jew* were materially the fame. He that is by 
the Covenant given up to God in Chrift, is a member I 
of GodsUniverfal Church and Kingdom. Yea in- 
deed the Univerfal Church, and the UniverfalKingr 
dom in the Arid fenfe, are both materially and form^ 
ally all one ^ though the particulars are not fo. There 
are three fenfes of Gods Univcrfal Kingdom. 1 . As 
the word fignifieth ail that are obliged vs fubje&sto 
obey him ; and (ball men, even Rebels are members 
of his Kingdom. 2. As it fignifieth thofe that obey 
him ftcundumqwd, or analogically, but not (imply 
and acceptably , (nor profefs fo much.) And fo Turks 
and maay Infidels that worfirp God , but not by 
Cbrift, are in bis Kingdom. 3 . As it comprehendeth 
onlv faithful accepted fubjed*, and thofe that by pro- 
fcfiian teem to be fuch : And thus bis Kingdom, an4 


AndhaffycftCmmdn-wealth. 117 

bis Church Umverfal are all one formally. 

2. Buc the reafon why particular £hurchts and 
Commonwealths are not formallj the fame,but diftinS 
Pv>lirus,is 3 becaufe though the Univcrfal being United 
in One undivided Head 1$ bot One, as being denomi- 
nated from that Head , }et from unity proceedctb 
fpultip icity : God doch not communicate all that 
power in kind which ii Eminently and Tranfcendent- 
ly in bimfelf to any one man, or fort of Officers • but 
diftnbuterh to each their part -, Civil Power to Civil 
Ru!er«, and Ecclcfiaftical ro Church- Rulers. When 
we ire once come down below God the fountain in 
our cbfervation , we find a prefer* Divifion of that 
Communicable Power into many hand*, which f!ow- 
eth from the incommunicable Power that is in God 
alone. For man hath not Gods fufficicr.cy to be all. 
The Popes flatterers maycx'ol him as an Univcrfal 
V ce*God, or V ce-Chrift ; but as Scripture tells us 
that he wants the Form, that is, the Authority : So 
Nature tells us that he wants the Aptitudt and Capa- 
city of matter. And therefore though the Vniverfal 
Kingdom (in the ftrid fenfe) and the Uoiverfal 
Church are One, in Of e God, yet particular King- 
doms and Churches are diverfificd in ff>ecit , ai (hail 
anon be (hewed. 

When I fay that the matter (ordinarily) fhould be 
the fame % I mean not to tyc the Govcrnours of 
Church or Stare , to a neceffary conformity of their 
adminifirations as to the matter, in taking in or call- 
ing out of members ( fave only in point of advan- 
tage and convenience , to be mentioned in the next 
chapter. ) For each fort of Governours have the 
charge of their own diftind adminiftrations. It is 


2 1 8 Of the hep; form of Government, 

not only poffibic, but too common , that one fort is 
much more carelcfs and unfaichful to God and men 
then the other. If a good Magiitrate have bad Pa- 
ftours over the fame people , and the Paftors will 
not difference between the precious and the vile , but 
will keep the impious and filthy in the Church , the 
Magiftrate is not therefore bound to keep fuch as 
Free men in the Commonwealcb,but muft make it (as 
containing Free men ) narrower then the Church. 
And if faithful Paftours live under acarelefs Prince 
tbat take? : he filthyeft and mod impious as Civet , 
the Part* >urs mutt not do fo in the Church . for they 
mart be accountable to God for the discharge of their 
own truth 

Bu^ that which I mean, is,that the fame Qualifica- 
tion makcth a man capable of being a member both 
of a Chnftian Church and Common-weaUh,which is, 
bit Covenant with God in Cbrift, or his Meroberfhip 
of the Universal Church, fuppofing the other cir- 
cumftantials or accidental capacities which are indeed 

Laftly, Note that I exclude not fome juft excepti- 
ons of ordinary or extraordinary Cafes, in wf icb the 
Members of one fort of Society may be excluded 
from the other. Perfons that are through fcruples 
( innocent or finful ) kept from joyoing with a par- 
ticular Church for a time, being yet capable of their 
Communion, ra*y be yet members of the Common- 
wealth. W'.ncof Riches may domorealfo to keep 
men out of Freedom in rbe Common- wealth , then 
our of the Church. And yet 1 think that in aThco- 
cracie carefhould be taken to keep fome members 
from fwelling co excefs , and others from extremity 


And kdpfyeft Ctmmn-weahh. 2 1 9 

of want, as among the lfraelites there was ; ret fo as 
no roans induftry fee difcouraged , nor propriety in- 
vaded, noridlenefs nany chcrilhtd. ^nd Riches and 
Povcrcy fhcuid not make altoger her fo great a diffe- 
rence as they do in Prophanef jcieties. If mens Pover- 
ty be not fo great as to make them the fervantsof 
oihers, and deprive them of ingenuous Freedom , it 
ftioold not depiive them of Civil Freedom : efpecially 
where Criminal snd * ivi! cafes have efferent Judges, 
they may have more Freedom about Criminals then 
Civils. Where weal 1 hts concerned , men of wealth 
fh >uld have the power : but where Verrfce or Vice % 
Honefly or Dilhonefh is the matter of debate , the 
Honcft though poor, fhouldbavc more power than 
the Impious that are rich. 

I conclude therefore that though variety of out- 
ward States, and thenegkdsof either Magiftrate or 
Piftours,may be an exception to the Ruie,yet as to in- 
ward qua lificat:ons,or dinar ily the fame per Ions arc he 
to be Members of Church and Common-wealth. 

But as the Church hath only the members within, 
and yet the Cwfeteu'es, and Catechumens and in a 
morediftant fort, the excommunicate, sad the Neigh- 
bour Infidels, under her c^re, as owing them fomc 
help ; fo a Chriftian Common wealth, though it awn 
none as Civc s, ( or frecfubjeds, commonly called 
Burgcffes,or enfranchised perfons ) but foch as arc 
fit to be Church-members , yet bath it many that are 
raeer fubjeds, and arc to have the protcftion of the 
Laws for their lives and poflelfiocf ,tbat are of a low- 
er form. 

2. And yet thatChurcb and Common-wealth are 
not formally (nor deftty alwayct , nor ofually mate- 

? 2 o Of the be ft form of Government, 

rially in a great pirt ) the fame focietics , appearetb. 
1. From the difference of Govtmours. Magillrates 
Rule che Common-wealch, and the C hurch as in the 
Common^wealth,bat not the Church with that pecu- 
liar Government proper to it as a Church. And 
Mioifters may Teach in che Common wealth , but as 
Paftours they Govern only the Church as fuch. 
&. From the manner of Government and adminiftra- 
tions. The Magiftrace Ruleth imperioufly , and by 
force, having power upon mens eftate* and perfons : 
Bat the Paftours have none fuch, but govern only by 
the- Word of God explained and applyed to the 
Confcience. 3 . From the nearefi Foundation, The 
Common-wealth is conftituted-by a (virtual or actu- 
al) contraft between the civil Soveraign -and the 
People : But the Church (particular) is conftituted, 
by a confent between the Paftours and the Flock. 
4. From the extent- The Common-wealth containeth 
ail the pepplc in a whole Nation or more, as united 
in pne Soveraign. But particular Churches ( diftinft 
from the univerfal united in Chrift ) have no general 
Ecclefiaftical Officers in whom a Nation muft unite as 
one Churchy but as Corporations in one Kingdom -, 
or as fo many Schools, that have a peculiar form and 
Government ; but fuch only as is under the Magi- 
ftratci Government in its kind : or as feveral Col- 
ledges in one Uni verfity. 5 . From the accidental in- 
capacities of men to be members of each. A Servant or 
Beggar is to be a free member of the Church, that is 
to be limited much more in his freedom in the Com- 
mon-wealth. And a man that lives as aCarryer or 
MtfTcnger, in conftant travail from place to place, 
( fpccially if he have no home) is fcarce capable of 


And bdpfytjl Common>maltk 22 1 

being a member of a particulai:€6urcb s who yet may 
be a member of the Comnacrn- wealth. 6. From the 
Nearefl tnd. Civil Order is the Nearelt end of civil 
Poitty : but Church Order, for holy Communion in 
Gods worftrp, is the Neareft end of Church Policy. 
So that formally they are divers, though materially y if 
Princes and Paftours would do their duties, in refor- 
mation and righteous Government, they would be if 
not altogether, yet for the moft part the fame, as 
coDfiftmgof the fame perfons. 

Thef. 206. It U this Theocratical Policy or Divine 
Common-wealthy which is the unqueflionablt reign of 
Chrift on earth, r*hich all Christians are agreed may he 
]»ftljfo*ght j and that temporal dignity of Saints % which 
undoubtedly would much blefs the world. 

Whether there be any other reign of Chrift on " 
esrehtobeexpeded, that 11, byhisvifible perfonal 
abode ( which I perceive fome Papifts of late very 
bufy , under their fereral maskes, to indigitate, part- 
ly in order to perfwade men that the Church is a 
Body that bath an Univerfal vifibleHead^whicbmuft 
be Chrifts Vicar, but in the interfpacc betwixt his firft 
and fecond coming, ) this controverfie 1 do not now 
determine. For my own part , I reverence the Anci- 
ents that were of that mind , and many later that 
have followed them. I am my felf as meerly Neutral 
in it as in almoft any point of fo great moment fo 
often propounded to my confi deration : I oppofc 
them not in the leaft, nor am I for them : "Not from 
a carelefnefs or onwillingnefs to know the trntb, but 
the difficulty of the cafe , and the weaknefs of my 


a ii Of the bejfprm of Government 3 

undcrftanding. I live in hope of the coming and ap- 
pearance of our Lord'JefusChrift, and pray that he 
may come quickly : But that he will after h s coming 
raign Vtfibly on earth, and if Jo, in what manner,are 
things that I have read much of, but am uncertain af- 
&er all, and force can perceive which way ray judge- 
ment raoft incltnech. 

But in the mean time, whylhould wenotallcon- 

jfp re in our longings after x hit Raign of Cbrift, and. 

Dignity' 6? theSainrs,and Reformation of the vVorld, 

ch is undoubtedly our duty, and which all agree 

about that have the fear of God ? 

If there be mch a thing as a vifible Raign of 
Chrifthere to be cxpe&ed , he will furely elevate 
h s Trvants in their Capacities of Soul and Body , as 
well as in their Dignity of Rule : And therefore we 
have little now to do but ftudy,snd wait , and pray 
for that Kingdom that is to come. For till we have 
the Capacity, we can have no exercife of that Dig- 

But in onr prefent Capacity , I would fain know 
of them that talk of the Ruling of the world by the 
Saints , what more they can defire or expeft in Rea- 
fonthan I here propound, i. They cannot with- 
out fa&idus uncharicablenefsand imnaodefty fay, that 
it muft be only the Saints of this or that party or Opi- 
nion, that (hall fubduc and Rule the reft : nor only 
the ftronger fort that (hall be dignified , excluding 
them that are babes and weak in the Faith. 2. Nor 
can they rationally dream that the mod unchari able 
( that it, in Chrifts fenfe , the mod gracelefs fort ) 
that can cenfure and condemn all others as no Saints, 
and appropriate holmefs cauflcfly co themfelves , 


Ana vappyeft c ommsn- maiw. 21$ 

fliould therefore have tha Role of others. If Cha- 
rity Rules not, Chrift Rules nor, 3. Nor can they 
cxped fure that all and only Saints (hall be Princes , 
Judges, or other Magiftrates : Fcr then the World 
were worfe an hundred fold then no w. For now wc 
have thonfands of Saints that are Subjects ^ and then 
all the Subje&s rouft be fuppofed wicked, and no 
Saints, and we rouft have no more Saints but enow 
to Rule : And if wc had materially fuch wicked 
Common- wealths , it would bring the plagues of 
God upon us : And if Government cf Saints do no 
more Good in the World but to leave all the Snb- 
jeds wicked, icwerelikcr Satans Govemmenr then 
'Chrifls. It is certain therefore that it is not all, but 
fame of the Saints that mtift be Governoors • and fo 
it is already ; and that it may be mocb Bette r,and that 
fecured to our Pofterity, fhould be now our joint de- 
fire. And let us wait for the coming of Chnft in his 
own way. 

Thef. 207. As there feldcm arifeth any turbulent 
O pinion or party in the Churchy but by the cccafion of 
feme negiett of Truth or Duty, which by their extremi- 
ties God callelh m$ t$ reform : fo I thinks the Pro- 
moting of this Holy Theccratical Government is the 
flint of Reformation that we are caied to defire * bj 
them that now plead for the Raign of Chrift and the 

It is a fpecial pare of our wifdom to know what is 
our Health byour Difeafes, and to learn Truth from 
the erroneous, and Duty from tbem that fwcrve into 
excreams. The rfntincmiam have called u* to preach 


i 24 Of the bef form of Government, 
more the Dominion of Love , and the Riches o 
Grace, and divers other things : The Arminiam hav j 
called us to take heed of a cadfelcfs narrowing o 
Grace in its extent, or of fathering our fins diredW 
or indirc&ly upon God. The Anabaptifis have callcc 
Us to reftoreand praSHfc Confirmation, and not take 
all into the number of Adult member* that were bap. 
tiled in Infancy , and never knew Chrift nor a godly 
life. I could fay the like of other Parties that bav* 
lately rifen up. One fort runneth to tbetti, and ano- 
ther part raileth at them • but he is the wife mail 
that knoweth how to receive from them fo much as 
is good, and leave the reft: could we duly improve^ 
them, we might have caufe to thank God ( though 
not them ) that ever he permitted fuch occasions off 
our Reformation. So may I (ay in particular of thefi 
Millenaries :4f we could by them be awakened to 
promote the unqtieftionable Raiga of Chrtlt , what 
a mercy would enfue ? 

Tbef. 208. It is no men frame or mode of Govern- i 
mem whether Monarchy Ariflocraty, Democratj, or 
mixt, whether the Roman, Spartan* Venetian , or any 
ether Jlf ode, that will m*ke happy a Common-wealth in 
the hands of imprudent, impious men , fo much as one of 
the other forms >f Hpfofed worfe y will do in the hands of 
wen of prudence, and the fear of God. 

A great ftir is made by Mr. Harrington and other 
ftlf- conceited Polituians for their fcveral forms. No 
contrivances are of much moment to our bappinefi, 
but thofe that fecure us of a fucceffion of good Go- 
vernors. Thtfe particulars I fhall here briefly 


And hapfjefl Common-wealth. 1 1 > 

tnanifeft. i . That their contrivances tend not to fe- 
core us of fuch a fucceffion , nor a prefent faithful 
Government. 2. That imprudent and bad men in their 
contrived form will undo the people. 3. That prudent 
faithful men in other forms, are likely to be a blefiing 
to the people. 

1. That Hobbs hit Leviathan, or way of abfolute 
Impious Monarchy , making us, our Religion, &c. 
tendetb not to fecure us of a Righteous Govern- 
ment, is a point that needeth go proof with any 
reafonabie man ; were it but becaufe the irreligious 
Author pretendech not to any fuch thing as the fc- 
curing a fucceffion of the Chriftian Religion, without 
which a Rgh:eous Government is not to be ex- 

That Mr. Hnrringtons Oceana, and Venetian Bal- 
lot, have no fuch tendency, is plain. 1. In that it is 
fuch a Governmentas Heathens have been our Ex- 
amples in, and in which he thinks they have excelled 
us, that be propounded. And therefore doubtlefs he 
inrendech cot that his frame (hall fecure us the Chri- 
ftian Religion,without which we can have no happy 

2. And he profefleth himfclf that his fammnr 
wealth u meft inconfijient with a Clergy : without 
which the Chriftian Religion never was maintained 
in any Nation upcm earth. And Chrift faith to bis 
Minifters, whom he promifed to be with to the end 
of the world, that he that defpifctb them , defpifeth 
him, Luke 10. 1$. And as Chrift never Ruled fiflcc 
hiiAfcenfion but by his Officers, Word and Spirit - 
fo be that purpofely defigncth the extirpation of bid 
Officers, inundsth not his Raign 3 0? at itfift promo- 

216 Of the befiform of Govtrnmtnt, 
tcth it nor. And he chat is an enemy to the Raign o 
Chrift, at he is the heir of wrath himfelf \Luke 19.27 1 
fo would be make others, and therefore murder xm 

3 . He thinketh Venice^ where Popery Ruletb, anc 
whoredom abounds, is the pcrfc&eft Pattern o: 
Government for u§ y now exiftcnt : there r ore he in 
tendetb not fure that his Model fhould keep us frorr 
the Raign of Popery ( or whoredom. ) I doubt no* 
but the fame Model among better men , might dc 
much againft them : which doth but (hew that it ij 
not the Model , but the better men that muft dc 1 

4. The wbolefcopeofthedefignisby the Bailor 
and Rotation to fecureus from the danger of a pro- 
bability of being Ruled by Wife or Honeft men , and 
put the bufinefs out of doubt ,tbat ftrangers to Pru- 
dence^and enemies to Piety (hall be our ordinary Ru 
lcrs,andconfeqnently Chriftianity be expelled. Car 
you doubt of this ? 1 .He knoweth not what Prudenci 
and Piety are, or knowe:h not England or mankind 
that knoweth not that the Major part of the vul. 
gar^rc fcarcely Prudent and Pious men. 2. Hi 
knoweth not what Piety is f that knoweth not thai 
Jm pious men abhor it ; and he is not a Chnftian, thai 
neither believeth the Prologue to the firft Covenant 
of Grace-, tkditfmb^God^ill pnt enmity between tk 
Woman* and the Serpents feed , which the firft borr 
man (hewed in killing his brother , becanfe his em 
"works were evil , and his brothers Righteous, l Johr 
3.12. Nor yet believeth the words of Chrift, thai 
bis fervants mil be hated of all men far his fake , bt\ 
caufe the) are not of the mrld> &c. 3 . And he know 


And happy eft CQmmM-malth. 227 

eth not Oceana ( Mr* Harringtons Common- wealth ) 
that knowcch not that the ignorant and ungodly 
rabble are made the Lords and Rulers of all. 

Goto the Foundation , and follow it up to the 
Head, and Judge. In his firf t Order, fag. 58. in the 
diftribution into freemen and fir v anu , all are free- 
men that can live of thenafcives. 2 In bis ftcomi 
Order, the younger fort are made the marching Ar~ 
my, and the Elder the Garrifons. 3. In the third, by 
their eftates they are diftribmed into the EqneftrUn 
Order and the fat ■ only tbofe that have prodigally 
fpenc their eftates are excluded Suffrages and Go- 
vernment. 4. His fourth Order fettleth the Paro- 
dies, Hundreds and Tribes. 5. His fifth Order be- 
gins with the Panto Ballot ; where all above thirty 
years of age are to choofe their Deputies by fuffrage: 
when in raoft Parifhes its too well known that the 
Major part are Ignorant men, and too many enemies 
to Piety , and many to common fobriety and Civi- 
lity . In fome Parifhes you may go to five^ if not ten 
families, before you meet wit hone that can fo much 
: is read ( though i hope that is not the common cafe) 
( And in abundance of them, the multitude are fo edu- 
cated , that beyond the matters of tbeir Ploughs, and 
j Cam, and Trades, they are fcarce men , and can 
,icarce fpeak fenfe. And of all men , the rabble hate 
3 K>th Mtgirtrates and Minifters that would bring them 
, tp to Piety , and reftrain them from a licentious fen- 
a ual life And of all their Neighbours,they moft bate 
1 :hem that live an holy Heavenly life , and condemn 
s :hem by their difference. 

y And of crari fequitur effe •, fuch as men are/o they 
[j Prill aft - aodftichif ibey ire freemen, (bey will 

C^a * *hoof«4 

228 Of the be ft form of Government y 

choofe : wilt they choofe wife and Godly men tb 
partly hate them, and partly know not the worth 
Wifdom ? Would they choofe thofe Magiftrates thi 
they know would pumfh them, and whom they a 
hor for ftriflnefs, and for punifliing Vice ? 

6. In his fixch O der, two parrs in three in evei 
Panflimuft be for the Minifter : And how many P 
rifties be they where a bad man that will fair the 
humours , lhallfooncr have two parts , then a god 
faithful Paftor ? And pag. 6$ He providcth that the 

. be no excommunication to make a difference, b<i 
Heaven and Hdlmuft be confounded •, forfooth b 
caufe that excommunication is not clearly proved 
of Scripture to fuch capacities as his. 

7. His feventh Order gives us Juftices of Peao 
Jury-Ken, Captains,^. by thefefuffrages. And t 
choofers may tell us whit kind of Juftices and Ca 
tains they will be. 8. His eighth Order giveth 
Horfe and Foot-Captains by a Bailo!, that its ten 
one, know as well how to perform their truft as 
know how to guide a (hip that was never in one. A 
as wifely might our parifhes and their Deputies 
the Major Vote eled us Pilots and Captains of (hi 
out of ftabl.es, and barns, and Cow-houfes, as then 
cleft us Land -Captains and Magiftrates. So I 
ninth and tenth Orders carry on the fame work, 
giving us Magiftrates out of Shops and Threfhin 
floores. They muft elc& us the Philarch , the Lo 
Lieutenant (perhaps my Lord Ale-feller, or 
Lord Plow- jogger ) the Cnftos Rotuhrnm , &c. 
Philarch muft keep the Qoarter-Seffions , and hi 
caofes in order to the protection of Liberty of Co 
fcience, who partly know not what Confcience is,a 


And happyefi Common-wmth. 2 2 £ 

pirtly hsce riorhngmore then Conferee , though 
hey love nothing nr.ore then Liberty. No Tribe may 
fctiion a Parliament , qnlefs the Philarch at the 
ouncel frame the Petition, aud propofe it by clau- 
se, unto the Ballot of the who!e Tnbe, &c. We are 
like then to have goad Petitions, am! comfortable re- 
lief from Parliaments: When a pack of the rabble 
»re got together , that lately had got the name of 
[[Damn-m^fr]] tba{ took him for a Puritane that 
fllfpoak a fenrence without £God damn roe] in it ^ 
and no man (hall put up a Petition to the Parliament, 
but by their Counfel and p r opofal and Confcnt ^ then 
we have a perfeS Common-wealth I Were it not for 
fear of abufing the naoae of God and Holinefs, I 
would here by predidion, draw you up one of theic 
Petitions; but I dare not fo far defile my Paper, and 
the Readers eye* . I am aftiamed and a weary to fol- 
low this gang any further, and fliew you what Par- 
liaments we muft have, that being fetched from the 
Dung-cart to make us L<*ws, and from tie Ale- 
houfe and the May- pole todifpofe of our Religion, 
Lives and Eftates, can fcarce tell whether the Lan- 
guage of a rational Law be humane and intelligible; 
and if they read fuch a Law, they fcarce know whe- 
ther it be Englifh, but better undcrftand ihem that 
bleat and bellow, then they do thefe Law- terms. Or 
if there be a cunning Knave among them, its he that 
ftiallbe the Prince and lead the reft. When I lately 
heard a defer iption of the Irifh, I was thinking how 
gallantly they would Rule or choofe us Rulers by 
Vote, efpccially in Religion ; when they know fo 
much of Cbrift as to tell us that he is a better man 
then Saiat Patrick. \ and fo much of the Devil, as to 

0^3 call 

2 3 ° Of the be ft form of Govmmtnt, 

call bitn Knave, and tbats a great part of their Reli- 
gion. Aad yet this is not all; but Mr. Harringto* 
will give the people the fupremacy and laft refoluti* 
on. Thats better of the two, then to give it to ih< 
Devil § or to worfhip the old Egyprian gods , ar 
Ox or an Onion : Get all the Nobility and Gentry 
firft to put it to the Countreys Vote, who (hill be 
pofTefTors of their Lands and Lordfhips : Or get all 
the learned and Wife men in Pb.lofopby , Phyfick, 
Law, Theology, to put it to the Vote bow tbefe (hall 
be regulated and ufed 1 The beft ufe that we have in 
England for popular power of judging, ii by Juries, 
tfeft we think preferve our Liberties : And yet ( I 
(hall fay again ) I have thought of the excellency of 
a Deroocracie, when I have fat and he*rd a Learned 
Judge opening a hard cafe of Titles to the Jury, and 
they have flood by him all the while as if he had 
been talking Greek and Hebrew to them, and gone 
f heir way and brought in a Verdtft for Plaintiff or 
Defendant at a venture, %$ ic firft came to their 
Tongues-ends, before they undcrftood thecaufc any 
more then the man in the Moon ^ unlefs there were a 
crafty fellow among them , and then he ruled all the 
reft, and he had the day that had bis voy ce. Which 
when I faw, I thought it in fuch difficult cafes almoft 
as good to throw the Dice to decide the Contro- 

Bat Mr. Harrington doubts not but the people will 
be wife enough to choofe the wife, and good enough 
to choofe the good. As if we knew cot what bard , 
anifcornful, and cenforioua thoughts the vulgar 
have of Nobility , Learning, and all thit is above 
them. W .i:u reproaches do we daily hear from them, 


And bafpyefi Common-wealth. 231 

I otonly againft Divines, bat againft Lawyers , Phy- 
•itians, Princes, and all whofc waies they are unac- 
quainted with ? Many a time have I heard them fay , 

I I Ic will never be a good world, wbile Knights and 
"jenrlemen make us Laws, that are cbofenfor fear, 
f»nd do but opprefs us, and do not know the peoples 
t ores: It will never be well with us till we have Parlia- 
ments of Country- men like our felvcs,that know our 
*ant*.] Nothing more natural, then that the propa- 
gation ftiould be of the kind : and tb&c fenfual and 
mgodly men fliould choofe fuch as themfelves , and 
is will fit their ends : Efpecally being now exafpe- 
ated by a war and fome attempts of Reformation , 
:hcy wiH be more virulent then heretofore , and no- 
:hing will fatisfie them but the extirpation of thofe 
hat have croft them , aud would have reformed 


It is ea fie to bring fuch on the ftage in a dreaming 
Model, and put a golden Oration into their mouthes, 
and feign a fool more eloquent then Dmoftkexes : 
bat when it comes co the execution (iftbeNition be 
fo dtftra&ed as to try ) it will not be found fo cafie 
1 matter to teach the Eleded to fpeak fenfe : but the 
Senate and the Prerogative tribe muft prcfently be 
put upon wielding the great affairs of Government, 
Civil and Religions , of Peace and War, which they 
ure utterly ignorant of, as never being exercifed in 
before. If tbefe Politicians will fcorn to be equalled 
h the reputation of their Learning with unftudied 
ncn that never took any pains to get it ; ( yea or to 
>c matcht in point of Prudence by Divines that ftudy 
ts likely much more then themfelves, if fo be they 
lave but read more of fome parts of Hiftory or Poli- 

0^4 ticks, 

7 3 2 of the befl form of Government ^ 

ticks, though they are ignorant of the principal part 
of folid learning ^ ) why then fhould we equaliz- 
unskiliul Rufticks that rever Oudied Politicks a day 
but are fuddenly chofen from the Plough or Alehoui 
by the vuigar vote, with men that have fludied an< 
been trayned up to the skill of Governing, and beei 
cxercifed in it ? Surely if Mr. Harringtonbz (o much i 
wifcr man as he proclaims himfelf then the Clergy, a 
may warrant him to give it us as the fuffrage of thi 
Nations (pag. 223. J that Q An ounce of Wijdom i 
-worth a pound of Clergii] and that \^Minifiers of at 
others leaft mderftand Political Principles'] j if all th« 
Clergy though they are men of the fame Countn 
and complexion withhimielf, and have ftudied manj 
t purs for his one, cannot yet come near the eminence 
of hiswifdom, no nor attain to fo much knowledgt 
pf Political Principles as all others have' ("in his ac- 
count -, ) we muft then exped to be Governed by i 
conftant Miracle, or by conftant folly, when men tba 
never ftudied fuch things are made our Governours 
Are Divines all fuch fools for all their ftudies?and wil 
the Plough-mens Vote immediately give us a 'Senate 
and Prerogative tnbe of wife men! wife in matten 
of higheft moment,tbat they never heard of or med- 
led with before. 

And left we ftiould have any hope they fhould 
grow wifer by experience , the Rotation muft turr 
them out before they well know where they are, and 
what it is they were. Called to do ^ and from the 
Academy of the Shop br Alehoufe , we mnft hiv< 
frefhmen in their rooms that are as wife as they were. 
What Ship was well Governed that was thus ufed in 
choice of Pilots ? What Army was profperous that 


Andhappyeft Cm men- we alth. 233 

J*as thus ufed in choice of Commanders? What 
School was well taught that was thus ufed in choice 
)f School. matters ? to have the ignorant and on- 
ixercifed introduced, and then corned out before they 
:an grow wife, to fecure as againft all poffibilicy of 

, Bat though che National Religion and Confcience 
!mult be thusdifpofed of ^ yet Mr. Harrington and his 
Brethren (they know why) do haply lecurc us of 
libtrtj of confcience , and that of a fufficent lacicude 
that [_No gathered Congregations be molefled or inter- 
rupttdin their vtaj of T»or(hip^ being neither femfbnor 
Idolatrous, but vigilantly and vigoroujly protctted, &C 
pag. rjo.] Popery had been before excepted, but 
chat found place for repentance ; and now Mr. H. and 
bis fraternity have Liberty, either never to worfhip 
God at all (Tor chat's fuppofed co be free) or co fee 
upDeifm, and worfhip God without a Saviour, or cp 
fee upMahometaniim, or cry down Chrift and Chri- 
ihanity, or to make a worfhip of preaching op impie- 
ty and vice, and crying down the Scriptures and all 
true Worfhip. I will not talk of fuch low things as 
Liberty to preach down the Godhead or manhood 
ofChnftjtheCreafton, the Refurredion and Life co 
come, and other Articles of the faith, by parts. But 
if he fclc not force extreamneceflity of fuch Liberty, 
there need not thisexceffive care co fecure it. What 
oeed all this ado for liberty of fuch Confidences, 
when the major Vote of the impious Rule, who will 
not only grant you Liberty, but extirpate thofe that 
for the defence of Chriftianity would deprive you 
of it? 
Afgu. To exclude the heavenly treafures of vertne x 


2 S 4 Of the heft firm of Government, 

piety and prudence, a an evil, which Government mufi 
be jecured again fi, or it cannot be good. 

But Mr H s government is not fee med again ft it y (but 
* certainly bindeth it upon us : ) 

Therefore Mr. V?' government cannot be good. 

The Major is hiiown 5 page 10. faich he [Sad com- 
plaint i f that the Principles of Power and Authority, the 
goods of the mind andof fortune do not meet^and twine in 
the wreath or Crown of Empire ! Wherefore if we have 
any thingofPietyorofTrudenceJet us raife our f elves 
cut of the mire of private Inter eft, unto the contemplation 
cf Vertue, and put an hand to the removal of this evil 
from under the Sun ; this evil again ft Which no Govern- 
ment that is notfecured, can be good • this evil from 
which the Government that isfecure mufi be perfeft: So- 
lomon tells US) that the caufe of it is from the Ruler, 
from thofe principles of Po^er , which ballanced upon 
earthly trajh, exclude the heavenly Treafures of Venue % 
and that inflnence of it upon government y which is Au- 
thority . We have wandred the earth , tofixd out the bal- 
lance of power f but to find out th^t of Authority , we 
tn*ft afcend nearer Heaven y or to the Image ofGod t or the' 

Oat of his own mouth are men invited Co oppofe 
his Policy, as they would do the Devil, or at leaft, the 
moft deftru&ive plague of a Common- wealth. Ie is 
not more certain that the earth doth bearna, then 
that the rabble vulgar multitude are for the greater 
part not only void of folid Piety and Prudence , and 
this Heavenly Treafure, but enemies to it : and that 
all men are by aflcd and Ruled by a private felftfli fpi- 
rit, till faving grace make God their Center, or com- 

And happy eft CmmM-wealth. 235 

Hon help do elevate one of many to prefer cbe com- 
mon good before their own. Is bis Common* wealth 
fecare, yea perfed (as he faith it rouft be , if feenre) 
from this felfifli evil? Muft we be Ruled by the rabble 
that (as I before faid from the words of Auguftine) 
bad rather cbere were two Stars fewer ip the Firma- 
ment f then one Cow lefs in their paftarcs,or one tree 
leis in their hedges, and thisto fecurc as from Pri- 
vate intereft, and the excinfion of the heavenly Trea- 
fure ? Let qs then go to a Brothel- boofe for a pat- 
tern of Chaftity, or to Mr. H. for a pattern of Hn- 

Argu. 2. That Government is next to Helljkataf- 
certainethus of a cenftant fnccelfion of impious enemies 
of heavenly vertut in chief Power. Butfnch is Mr. H fc 
Government, that give th the Major Vote the power, and 
calleth ignorant men to places cfhigheft truft 9 and great- 
eft Korl^ ; and is inconfiftent with a Clergy ; there* 

Argo. 3 . A people, faith Macbiavel, that is corrupt, 
is not capable of a Common-wealth. ( They are Mr. 
Harringtons motfa,V*g 45) But the Major V*te of 
alrnoft all Nations a*e corrupt •, therefore they are un- 
capable of a Common wealth. 

1 know Mr. Harrington is here involved (as be 
fpeaks) by Machiavtl. No wonder. Bur if MachiaY 
vel be become a Puritan to him, what is Mr, Har~ 
rington to us t 

Bat per hap* fome will fay, [Was not David a Shefc 
herd, and yet a per [on meet to tea King Q 

*Anfw. 1. It teems then there is an Inftanceofa 
worthy King that was taken from a Sbeepfoid: Bat to 
have many hundred pcrfons fo prepared for Govern- 

236 Of the left form of Governmtnt, 

merit, is not ordinarily to be expe&ed. Amos % Pro 
pher 5 y was called from the herd : but argue not there 
if yoa love the reputation of \ourreafon; that th 
major Vote of our Hcrdfmen fhould judge rhe fpirit 
of the Prophets 9 or be accounted Prophets as wcl 
as he. 

2. God can fetch a Ruler from aSheepfotd: bu 
the vulgar Rabble are not fo go *J cboofcrs a* God is 
At leaft not fo much better then God, as to chooft 
five hundred good ones for one that God did 

3. But its well known that in thofe dayes, wher 
Countries lay open, and mens treafure lay in Cattle 
rather then in Gold , that Hcrdfmen and Shepherd* 
were the greateft men , and fitted for Riches to be 

Obje<9\ But do not our common people choofe good 
Psrliammts hj/z Major Vote y 8cc 

jinfjfi. 10. Mr. Harringtonf Model hath not yet 
made them Independents 5 and therefore they ordi 
narily choofe fuch as their Landlords do defire tbera 
to choofe; and therefore it will go according to the 
quality of the Landlords , and not according to the 
quality of the people* 2. Formerly when the peoples 
Liberties wereercroachton, and no divifions made 
in the Land among the Gentry, they were all ready 
to joyn for the common liberty , with fomc more una- 
nimity then now. But now.by the late wars they arc 
divided, and one part think themfelves opprcfTed, and 
the attempts of Reformation have irritated the fen- 
fual gang ; there wants nothing but Liberty, to tread 
tbefe Reformers in the dirr. Lee Mr.H. and his party 
gee down the Army , rod take off all the late reftraints, 


And happy c ft Commonwealth. 2 37 

and let Parliaments be chofen by unreftrained Voict, 
:i and that party that hath mod tenants, and that is 
rooft againft Puritans,that will carry it. 3 . And even 
before the divifions and exafperations , the divided 
Parliament and the war enfuing,ar.d Major part of the 
N'-bility and Gentry adhering ro the King, (who by 
a minor part were conquered ) did (hew us what a 
Vote would have cone. So much to Mr. H. 

2. Having (hewed that thefe new Models fecure 
tis not of a Righteous Goverment, ( though there 
is much good lnterwoven^which by righteous Gover- 
nors rmght be made good ufeof,) I (hould next (hew 
that the Imfrndent and Evil mil not be kindred bj theft 
Forms,fr§m undoing the Common-Health. And for that, 
what need I more, then, i. That men at liberty will 
rule according to their difpofitions ? An evil tree 
bringeth not forth good fruit. Men gather not grapes 
of thorns, nor figgs oftbiflle*. Folly will not do the 
works of Wifdom , nor Impiety cherifh Godlinefs 
which it hatecb. Why elfe do not Heathens, Turks 
and all Infidels fet up Cbriftianity , but becaufe they 
are againft it? and as much are ungodly fenfual men, 
though called Chriftianf, againft true Piety. 2. What 
is there to hinder them ? Is it Laws, who made them ? 
It is they themfelves that are the Law-givers. Whe- 
ther \t be a Monarchic, Ariftocracic, or Democracies 
the Soveraign is the Law-giver. They are alfo the 
Judgesofthe Law, having none above them : So 
that in making, repealing and executing Laws , what 
mifchief may they not do, efpecially which the fen- 
fual multitude can but bear ? 

Name us that Common- wealth on earth that is pi- 
on fly Ruled by impious Rulers , and Prudently 


338 Of the beflform of Government, 

Ruled by foois, whatever the Model of Government 
way be. 

And to what nfe are all their Models, if not Co fe 
core us of good and righteous Govcrnours ? Is it any ; , 
better co be impioufly and unrigbceoufly Governed „. 
by a thoufand tben by one ? If therefore it fecure not e . 
this, but rather certainly deftroy it , their Model ii I 
poor relief or comfort to an oppreffed undone people. |: 

3 . The next pare of my task here is to (hew you, t 
that in every Form, whether Monarchy, Arittocratic, , f 
or Democratic, wife and pious righteous Governors „ 
will make the Government a bleffingtothe people. 
For, i. They will ad according to their Principles : 
But the Principles of ail wife and pious men , do lead 
thcra to prefer God and the Common Good, 
before any private intereft of their own • there- 
fore, &c. 2. They will ad according to their 
Eifpofitions : But honefty and wifdom difpofes them to 
prefer God and the common good > &c. 3. Gover- 
nors will Rule according to the attradion of their 
Ultimate End. But every wife and boned man dotb 
make God bis Ultimate End, (and the nearer End the 
Common Good.) 

Holincfs is a new Nature : and therefore a conflant 
Monitor and mover unto Good. They that Love God 
indVertue,and hate all evil, will Rule accordingly. 

Its true, they are imperfeft, and have their faults : 
but that which is predominant in their hearts, will be 
predominant in their Government. 

Thcf. 209. From hence the common JJZueftioH m*) be 
refihed, Whether it be better to be Ruled bj good Lws 
and b*d Governors \or b] good Governors and b*d Law* ? 


And happy eft Conwafi-wuhk. a jp 

Kd(w . It is as ifjou jbonld as^ls it better be warmed 
>j coldfnrw, or tooled bj the fire ? Laws are nothing but 
itts of Government \eff efts and figmficatious of the Go- 
jernours will concerning whatjhallbe tbefubjetts Duty. 
Laws antecedent to the Sever aigns vile, are effttts before 
he caufe.Good Rulers will m*k* & continue good Laws % 
tnd bad ones the contrary. AH the -world have good Laws 
\lreadj made them by God: But ifjou will needs fuppofe 
i feparationj fajjbat Good L*ws with bad Rulers will 
lo little goody but rejlrain a little of their evil : But if 
he infer iour Magifirates enlj be bad, the Good Rulers 
\nd Laws that are over them may force them to do good. 

Gods Laws arc the effc& and fignifications of bis 
pffc. And bis Will and Power are before bis Laws : 
rbe Laws of the Common- wealth that are made by 
nen 9 are cbe effe&s and figns of the Wills of the 
jw givers : Leg flation is the chief a A of Govern- 
nent, and bigheit prerogative of Governing Autho- 
icy. Contrads may be antecedent to Government, 
>ut Lawcannor. When tbe Individual Ruler dyetb, 
he Laws furvive, not as effe&s of Contrad, or effed 
rithoucacaufe, nor as his Laws that is dead, but as 
lis Laws that doth fucceed , who ownetb then (as 
>y tbe ContraA be is obliged J as foon as be fucceed- 
th : TbeSoveraignIiveth*»/p*o>in the Confticuti- 
m • and to whomfoever tbe Power is di volved, his 
dido the Laws become, and as foon as be difown- 
th them , they are null ( though tbe conftiturivc 
Zontrads are not fo.) Where Kings only are the 
.aw-givers, or Senates only, er both con jucft, they 
»ve power over the Laws, to repeal them. And bad 
overaigns, fifno reftraint be in on them) will make 


2 40 Of the be ft form tf Government, 
bad Laws , and good ones will make goods Law: 

And if fundamental Contracts limit the Soveraigr 
if he can, he will violate them , if vice difpofe him t 
ir, and carnal Intereft entice hira. And how bard i 
is to execute limiting Contra&s effe&ually for bis re 
flraint that hath got poffeffion of ftrength an 
Soveraignty, is commonly known. 

And if the Laws were good , and the fuperiou 
power fo good as to make them, but not fo good as t< 
be much regardful for the execution, then if the infe 
riour Magilirates be naught , they will make nothinj 
of the Laws. Whoknowethnotboweafily impiou 
Judges and Juftices can deftroy the full , and tun 
moft righteous Laws againft them, by mif-urerp-e 
Cations and misapplications? Saich Plant hs in Trin 
ad. 4. Mores leges jam perduxermt in poteftatem fa- 
am •, £<t mi/era etiam ad par let em fnn f < fix* elavi 
ferreis ^ Vbi males mores affigi nimis f Herat aqnitis 

I conclude therefore that God having already givei 
us the bd\ fundamental Lms, lee us have goedSove 
raigns $ and wc ihall have good humane Laws , and lei 
us have good Afagiftrates, and we fhall have go$d ext 
cation, which is the end or ufe of Laws : But if w< 
have bad Soveraigns , we (hall have badLa^s^in parr 
and ihzgood will be uneffe&ual • much more if alio 
we have badMagiftrans. This is paft doubr. 

Cha p I 


Chap. 9, 

rlow a Common-wealth may be re- 
duced to this Theocratical tempeyf 
it have advantages , and the Rulers 
and People are willing. 

rbef. 210. A Sitfiould be the do fire of all good 
JLXmenjhat the (fommon-ivealth might 
>* happy in the enjoyment of the Cjofpel and Peace , and 
hUfecnred to pofteritj •, fo the open way to attain thefe 
nds, confifleth in thefe following Rules ofprattice. 

R. I. That the Mini/ters of Chrifi that are to teach 
\nd guide the people by the Word of God , be generally 
tb/e,judiciow J godljJ'ai:hfuli diligent men. 

We cannot expeft the people to be good, if the 
Teachers be bad, unable, or negligent. It is Gods 
Word thai'* managed by them, that muft reform the 
people, and work out their vice. As mens Laws fup- 
pofe the Laws of God, and mens Government prcfup- 
pofeth Gods Government ; to the true methodical 
obedience to mens Laws, prefuppofeth obedience to 
Gods Lt ws, and confequentiy forac underftanding of 
them • and a right fubjeftion to roan prcfuppoftth 
fabjeftion to God. The firft work therefore being 
the Miniftcrs, the true reformation of the Miniftry, 
making them indeed Divine, is the fi^ft thing to the 
making a Common wealth Divine. 

Much hath been done already to this of late in this 
R Nation, 

5 \i How 4 Commw- wealth may be reduced, 

Nation, through the bleffing of God : (though muc 
is yet to be done, efpecially for ripening the Miniftr 
in Judgement and Charity, & bringing them to nse 
et Unity, which time mult do.) And the princip 
hopes that we have in this Land of a faithful fu< 
cfffive Eledion of Parliaments, from any thing tfn 
is yet before us , is the happy fuccefs of the Miniftr 
upon the Souls of many, by which the people bein 
much reformed ( though yet too little) arc raor 
enclined to prudent pious men to be their Govcr 
nour* in Parliament, then they have been heretofore 
So that this hath made a hopeful beginning, and if f 
be cartyed on, will do much more. 

This is not unknown to the Enemies of Chriftianil 
ty, or to the Papifts, that all confpire againft the Mi 
niftry, as knowing that to make them odious, an< 
their labours vain , or get them down, is the likelyei 
way to attain their ends. 

Let thefe enemies note, that lam not here plead 
ing for Lordly greatnefs , nor Riches to the Miniftry 
nor an aliene Power in Stare affairs, or any coercive 
Power at all: (and would they have a Ciergie lower?; 
but only that they may be Learned, Judicious,Godly 
Able, faithful men, provided with their daily bread 
or food andrayment ; x\nd can they for ftnraeoppoft 

Thef. 2 1 1. RhL J J. Above all let there be a fxec 
Law for the due Regulation of the Elettonrs and Elefli- 
ens of Parliaments. 

The true Reformation mult here begin •, and if the 
Foundation be well laid in the people, the building wil 
be firmand fafe. And 

TitbisTheocr4tic*I~Tewper,&.c 243 

And bcrcletmeprcfumetofpeaka few words of 
the NeceJJity, and of the Vtiliij of this courfc, and 
then, Hiw itjbould be dene. 

1. It is known that Parliaments qua tales, are not 
Divine, Religious, ProtcJUnt or juft. The fixArti- 

1 cles by which the Martyrs were burnt, were made by 
a Parliament. Ail tbe Laws for the Papal intercft in 

J the dayes of Popery have been made by them. They 
have often followed the wills of Prince* to and fro. 
And therefore they are not indefcdtble, nor immuta- 

f We as fuch. 

2. It is known that there are Members of various 
minds in them all, and fometinac tbe raifcarrying par* 
ty is fo ftrong, that by a few more voices they might 
bring mifery on the Common-wealth. 

3. It is well known that in mod parts, the Major 
Vote of the Vulgar that arc Cboofcrs are Ignorant, 
fclfifti, of private Spirits, ruled by mony , and fchere- 

1 fore by their Land-lords, and other great and power- 
fill men • and withal they are bitterly diftafted againft 
tbe ferious diligent pra&ice of Religion, according to 
the Rules of Chrift. 

4. It is therefore apparent that if they bad their 
Liberty,tbey would choofe fuch as arc of their minds ; 
and it was by providence and accident that heretofore 
they did not fo. 

5. Aod it is certain, that the wars, the change of 
Church government and forms of worfhio, the 
differences of Rcligtous men, and the many Sefts that 
have lately rifen up among u?, and tbeftrift Laws of 
Parliament about the Lords day , &c. and fptcially 
their Tixc^have deeply difcontented them and exaf- 
pcratcd th*& againft fuch as they think; have caufed 

R % ' tffefc; 

2 44 Hm 4 Cdmtnon- malth mdj be reduced 

thefe, fo that many would now purpofely defign 
tbeir ruin. 

6. It is known that in the late Ele&ions , the ex- 
clufion of Delinqaents, and the Countenance of the 
times made terrible by many late fucceffes 8gainft all 
forts of enemies , and the prefent cxiftence of the 
Army that hath fo prevailed , hath been their rc- 
ftraint, fo that they durft not go according to their 

7. It is known that the rcflraincd Gentry, with 
thofc that are enemies to ferious holy living accord- 
ing to the Chriftian Rules, are in moft places flrongefi 
in popular Intercft, having moft Tenant$,and moft ol 
the affedions of the vulgar: Andthst they can tbi< 
day, were they bat as free from fear of fufferirgs a< 
others, bring more voyces into the field in moft pla- 
ces then any others can : And that even many wel 
meaning honeft men are of cowardly Spirits, anci 
dare not difpleafe their Landlords or great Neigh 
hours, but will vote with the ftronger fide. 

8. And its known that the Leaders never lefs want 
cd will upon the grounds fore- mentioned. 

And what followeth upon ail this • btic either fl ill 
to keep an Army over them (which fhculd not be 
or to Regulate the Eledion, is necefruy to faveu 
fromruine by a Parliament? For what probablhi 
is there but the next that is chofen by fuch a Ma jori 
ty of Votes with abfolutc freedom, will undo all tha 
hath been done, and be revenged to the full on a]j 
that were fo odious to them, and fettle our c«laK)it]j 
by Law ? The effe& lyeth fo obvious to a difcerninj* 
eye, (andalmoft toallj in the Moral Caufei, that w 
way reckon it as done already, if not prevented. 


To this 7 be$cratical Temper, &c. 245 

2. Bat could a Prudent courfe be taken now for 
the Regulating of future Elc&ions, we fhould have 
a moral fecurity of good Parliaments to all Genera- 
tions, who would make good Laws , and fee to the 
execution, and be under God, the fum of Bleffings 
for the Common- good ; We (hould have Parliaments 
*)f the wifeft and mod pious men - 5 and fuch as are 
leaft for private Fntereft, but would devote them- 
felvcs to God and to their Countrey h The Parlia- 
ment would be the Princes Intercft •, fo that he nei- 
ther would nor could divide from them. And they 
would be the peoples Intereft, fo that they could ndt 
difownthem, but would lift them up in their eftcem, 
and (a them with the firft in their daily prayers and 
praifesunto God. And Parliaments would be more 
Honourable, when they were more Divine, and cho- 
fen only by vertuous men, and net by prophane de- 
bauched perfors. In a word, Pietj and Peace were 
more likely to be fecured to Pofterity, certainly , e*- 
fiiy, and honeftly this way then any w&y. 

And ihentheeffedingofit willbean A&ual moft 
excellent Reformation of the Common- weakh h 
fclf-, and the Regulating Laws, excluding the vici- 
ou% would eDgagctbc people againft Vice , and fo 
conduce to their falvacion. 

Thef. 212. The Regulating Lm mufi contain 1 .the 
defcription of the Electors by their necejftrj Qua- 
lijicatiom ^ and 2. a cowfe f*r Legal discerning the 
Qualified from the Vnquali fed-, and 3. angulation 
of the Manner tfEUttions. 

The firft and fecond reform the very fubfiance of 

R 3 ihe 

t\6 Hew a Common-wealth may be reduced 

the Republike, and arc the mod neceffary excdient 
pare of its Reformation. 

Thef. 2 1 J . i . For the due Salification of Mem- 
bers, let fokuch of Gods own La&s bo owned , as u 
ftill undoubtedly in force* 

- It is an erroneous and impious affertlon that all 
Gods Political Laws are repealed. Vniverfal Policy 
raufl: be diftinguiftied from Particular : And the Ge- 
neral Laws and Principles from the Application oi 
them to a particular people and cafe. As the World 
is ftill Gods univerfal Kingdom, fohatb he univer- 
sal Laws to Govern them. The fifth Commande- 
ment fet in the Head of the fecond Table , is the 
fummary or ground of humane Politicks, command-j 
ing the duties of Princes and people, though Pa- 
rents and children only are exprefly mentioned. The 
following Commands agaainft Murther , Adultery, 
Thefr^ and falfe wicnefs, were part of the Jews Po- 
litical Laws, and are ftill part of Gods Univerfal Po- 
liticks , and belong to every Common-wealth in 
particular to enforce, and fee them executed, as well 
a* Ethically to private Confidences. Princes are the 
keepers of Gods Laws, and nmft fee them executed • 
to promote which, their Laws muft be Subfervient : 
where any of tbefe Morals by a penalty annexed is 
applycd to the Jews in particular , though qmatentu 
Mofaicatfr Judaica^ the Law be ceafed,yet as it is the 
Law of Nature, or as Chrift hath taken ic into his 
Law, it doth remain : And not only fo, but the Rea- 
fon of many o;herJcwi(h Laws may ftill be fignifica- 
tire of Gods Will to us, and fo be Obligatory. 


7# this Thttcr fitted Tmper,8cc. 2 47 

Where there is nothing in the difference of their 
:ate and ours that varietb ttie cafe fo as to deftroy 
ostbeReafonof the Lair, it may thus indireftiy 
►ind us ftill , by (hewing us what God would have 
aen in fuch a cafe to do . 

Thef 214. The Mvral J%uaR$catiou of E left or s 
ntffi be this , that no man choofe but thofe that have pub- 
ikelj owned the Baptifmal (fovexxnt^ ferfonallj, dtlibe- 
welj andferiouflj^ t ak}ng the Lord for their en lj (jod % 
ven the Father^ SonandHoljGkoft^ the Creator , Rt~ 
"leemerandSanftifier^ and that Ijeth mt under the guilt 
f any of thofe fins for which God would have men put 
deaths or ctit off from hu people. 

Here are but two things required in the Moral 
Qualification, which no man that bath the name 
md face of a Chriftian can except againft. Pirft t that 
le be one that ownech God the Father, Son and Holy 

hoft, in perfonal Covenant ^ that is, that he pro- 
efs himfeif a Cbriftian ; Oihers are excluded from 
Liberty, I think, by our Laws already. This there* 
Fore cannot be denyed.That be was Baptized in Infan- 
:j is not enough , becaufe cboofing Parliament men 
is not a work for Infants i but the Adult; and he at 
age that owneth not his Baptifmal Covenant, dotb re- 
nounce it, or atleaft is not to be reckoned among 
believers. The fecond point is, that he live not in 
fuch fins as God would have men cut efffor. And 
who can except againft this ? But here nore 1. Thai 
it is not the oft committing fuch fins only that ma- 
kcthhimuncapable-, but being at that time under the 
Guilty For araanmuft be hanged for one Murder, 
R 4 " though 


* 48 How a CtmtMn-wtalth may be reduced 

though be daily live not in it. 2. It is the Guilt info 
r$ humano that I fpeak of, and not of his conference a 
co God. If the Magiftrate pardon him, and fully paote 
don him, he is not under Guilt before him. 3. Not<»< 
that it is not only cutting off by Death, but alfo by ac il 
extermination, or disfrancbifing, or excommunica- 
tion, that I fpeak of. He is unfit for the Pri viledge oi 
a Choofer, that God would have any of thefe wayei 
to be cut off, but fpccially by Death. 

4. And note, that a capital offender may have I 
pardon for his life, when yet the Ruler may not per 
baps reftorc him to his freedom herein. 


Thef. 215. For what crimes God would have men\C 
cutoffs Ihavefhtwedbefore % c^.j. viz. For Blafphe- 
my, Idolatry, perfwading to Idolatry ; Murder, Man- 
ft eating , Inceft^ Sodomy , Adultery , prefumptuous finning , 
and obftinate refufing to obey Magiftrate^Prieft, or Pa- 
rentjn cafe of Gluttony, Dru»ken»efs 9 and the like : and 
all fuch 06 would not feek^ the Lord : all wizards, 
and that turn after wiz,zards % and more fuch tike, which 
may eafify be collected. 

Thef. 216. It will be a fair and expeditious courfe, 
that all thefe crimes enumerated by the Parliament, for 
which they allow Paflors to excommunicate men , Jbsll 
alfo difable any perfon from choofing any Parliament- 
man or Magiftrate. 

There are many enumerated in the Ordinance that 
fetletbche Government of the Church, and jfihe 
Pirliament plca r e, they may add more, as they fee 


to tbisTbeecraticdl Tempered 249 

Thcf. 217. At lea ft it cannot be denied us, but that 
kefe crimes enumerated in the late Humble Petition 
ni Advice, difablingmentofitin Parliament ,ficuld 
ilfodifable the people to Elttt. 

And that much well executed,wou!d do cbc Nition 
/cry much right, and free us from much guilt and 
langer. And there is no Rcafon cbac Lords and 
iCnightsihouIdbedifabled, and Pefants let alone in 
heir Priviledges that are guilty of the fame thing*. 

Tbef. 2] 8. As no man was to live a member of the 
Common-wealth of lh&t\ that entered not into the Co- 
venant of God, and fubmittedn9t to his worfhip , under 
the Miniftratkn of the Pt lefts (though thej mi^ht have 
faults ) but he that would not feek, the Lord God of lf- 
rael was to be put to death , be he great or [mall, 
2Chron.J5. 11,12,13. So no man Jbould be fo free 
in our Common-wealth as to be choojtrs of cur Varlia- 
ment-men or Magiftrates , that Hve not in Cbnftian 
Order and communion , for the ordinary worfhipping of 
God, and under the Difcipline or Guidance of fome faith- 
ful Paftors (where fuch are) either Jppreved or Tole- 
rated bj the Ma gift rate. 

To be an ordinary defpifer of Gods pub ike wor- 
(lvp,or a ncgleftercfit , and of the Guidarce of 
Gods Minifters,was Death or cutringeff in the Jew- 
i(h times: And no man can teii us why it fiiouid not 
be at leaft a caufe of disfranchiz : ng now. A man by 
disfranchizing is not a penny the poorer, but only 
kept from hurting the Coo>mon*wcaltb. And its a 


250 How a Common-wealth may be reduced 

hard cafe, if we mod commit our lives and Religion 
to the Votes or Government of them that God 
would hare had then cat off, and put to Death! Let 
men have liberty freely in all lefTer doubtful things 
that good and fober Chriftians differ about: and if 
they be Impious or Infidels, (unlefs by particular 
crimes they incur any penalty ) I urge not the Ma- 
gtftrate now to deprive them of their Eftatcs or per- 
gonal Liberties : But let them have nothing to do 
with Governing us. A man would think this (hould 
be a fair and moderate motion i It is not an Ana- 
baptift f nor an Indep-ndent, nor any upon fuch kind 
of differences that I am motioning an exclufion of: 
But thofe thatare Members of no Approved nor To- 
lerated Church. And there is great Reafon. For 
i. They Live like Acheiftsaud Infidels, and therefore 
they may be numbred ; if not with fucb, yet with 
them thatare near them. Faith is pradfrcal, and 
tendeth to holy living and obeying. He that refu- 
feth to give God his publike Worfhip, aud fo denyeth 
him the chief part of his homage, is *n Atheift in life. 
2. There were no Chriftians in the Apoftles dayei 
that had a fixed abode, that were not members of 
the Cbriftian Churches in the phces where they li- 
ved : and thofe that were unruly and walked difor- 
derly, were to be avoided and caft our. 3. If they 
believe not that God is to be worfhipped publikely 
by his fervanti, and would perfwade others againft 
all p.ihlike worfhip, they are not fit to live among 
men ^ therefore if they therafeives forfake it , they 
are unfit for to meddle with onr Government. 4 He 
is not ordinarily fit to choofe a Governour, that as 
to his Morals is nor capable of Governing (allow- 

To this Thtacrdtual Temper, &c. 251 

ig* gradual diflfe rente. ) But the negle&ers of all 
Church-order, and Communion, and Difcipline, are 
infit to Govern : for they would deftroy Chrifts In- 
creft in the world: therefore they are unfit to choofe. 
If it be becaufe they know not of a true Church 
o joyn with, its a fign tbey doubt of the Head when 
bey doubt of the body, and know not that Chrift in- 
ked is King, that know not bis Kingdom: Or elfe 
ire juftly tobefufpededfor Romilh Juglers, wbofe 
lefign is to take down all, that they may fet up cb em- 
elves. 6. However it be, they that excommunicate 
hemfelves from Chriftian Churches, can blame none 
)ut themfelvcs for it, and have no rcafon toesped 
:o be taken for Rulers or choofers in a Chriftian 
Common-wealcb. 7. He that refufed all pubiike 
Worfhip under the Pricfts , would not have been 
fudged to feek the Lord, nor be one of their Com- 
mon-wealth. 8. God hath no ordinary pubike wor- 
ship but by his Minifiers ; snd therefore to live under 
the Guidance of no Paftor, is to rejed the ftated way 
of worfhip -, nor can be (ordinarily) be numbred with 
the flock of Cbriit, that is under no particular Shep- 
herd. Everyone therefore fhould be a member of 
fame Church. 

Thef. 219. 2. For the execution of this LaW. then 
fhduld be Cdreful previjionjvhicb being a Mod ] a / thing, 
lfhdll not pre fume tofayfo much of , bnt leave to the 
wifdomof Goverr.ours\ only I fee before tu I. anim- 
ferfeU utejfetiual way, which u bj convitling men fer 
thefe crimes before >ome fufiice. 2. An eff'tiudi Re- 
gular more excellent way, which u this : Let all Fa- 
ftorsin England that are approved have an Ivfinwevt 

1 5 % ttwa Common- wealth may be reduced 

of Approbation, and all that are Tolerated an Inftru 
ment of Toleration-, and let no man he achoofer or t 
Ruler that holdeth not communion with an approved o\ 
Tolerated Church, and is not fignifed under the Paflor. 
hand to be a member thereof ': or that Jball be caff om 
of the Church for any ofthofe crimes that the TarlU* 
ment {ball enumerate : And that there may be no jea* 
Uufie of Minifters ufnrpations or abufes herein, lei 
every Parifh h*ve one or two of thewifeft men bj the 
fuperiour Rulers made Church-fujlices, or Cenfors tc 
meet ftith the Church- Officer s,and to take cognizance oj 
the cauft : And lei all that the Paftors and Church take 
tn or caft out according to Cjods Word, be ufed bj them 
as members or no members of the Church -, But let no 
man be disfranchise din the Common- wealth , or lofe his 
Vote in El client , u*lefs the Cenfor or Church Jufticc 
Ruled by the Parliament* Laws, confent to the cenfure. 
And let all that are caft out by hi* confent and the 
Churches b<nh,£; regiftred,and difabled to Vote, unlets 
bj the confent of both upon Repentance they be re- 

This courfe is eqaal : For it is not meet that Mi- 
nifies fliould bethedifpofcrsof the Liberties of the 
Cornmon-weahh ,, nor will irhtlp but hinder their 
Mmiftry thst they (houid mix it with any fecular 
Power ^ and though the penalty were but confe- 
quentia!, it would be inconvenient for them toufc 
that Power. And yet on the other fide, it is not Par* 
Hament Orders any funhef then as they are fubor- 
d«nate to Gods Liws , that they muft Guide the 
Church by. Now in this way the disfranchized per- 
fen hath no more trouble through the Minifler thcrr 


To this TbtocrAticd Temper, &c. 255 

if he had nothing c o do in it, but Come more eafe and 
benefit: For if the Cenfors alone fhould judge him 
criminous, he would have no benefit by the Churches 
more favourable Judgement , in cafe the Cenfors 
fhoold be too rigid : Or if tbey fhould bear any man 
a Grudge, it is unmeet they fhould difable him 
alone : And therefore when the Judgement of the 
Church and of the Cenfors muft concur to any mans 
Convidion, he will be further from the danger of 
anv injury : The Church fhall have no power to cor- 
vi& him with Relation to his civil Liberty ^ but only 
the Cenfors fhail not do it withou: their confenr, 
that his Liberty may be the better fecured. 

If you think that this power of Church and Cen- 
fors is too great ro be exercifed over Joftces of 
Peace, or perfons of greater place : I anfwer, 
1. Where ever there are Jufticcs of Peace, itisfup- 
pofed that they be themfelves the Cenfors ,• and 
therefore that fear is vain ; And for Riches , they 
fhould priviledge no man in impiety. 2< You may 
leave your Greater men (if you will be partial ) to 
forae higher Judgement, or leav« them the Liberty 
rfan Appeal. 

Of the Office of thefe Cenfors I fhall fp^ak jnore 
ander the hit Rule. 

Q^eft. But what fh xll be done in the Tolerated Chur- 
:hes f Anfw. As you pleale , either let them alfo 
raftout none from his Common wealths- Priviledges 
Without the confentof ths Cenfors of that Parilh •, 
>r rather let them alone to do with their own mem- 
icrs as they lilt in this refped ; Becaufc 1. They 
will befo eager to keep their ftrcngth and number, 
:hat they will difpriviledge noreof their own, with- 

2^4 &*# A Commw- wealth may be reduced 
out great caufe. 2. And if they da, it is ofuallybe 
of all/orit will drive them to the approved Churche 
Queft. But what if Miniftert mil not admit oftfn 
thy ferfons into their Qhnrcheslfhall the) therefore war 
their civil Privileges ? Jnfw. I . If Miaiftcrs grafl 
raifcarry in their Office, the Magiftrate bath powc 
to pumfh them, or cad them out ; and what woul 
you have more ? 2. If one Church will noc receiv 
them, another will, either Approved or Tolerated 
3. If all this will not ferve, let your Cenfors in thi 
alfo have the Judgement, or a Negative voyec. Le 
the Qualifications already given by the Parliamen 
concerning thofc that are to be debarred from th< 
Lords Supper for Ignorance or fcandal, be the Cen< 
fors Rule (with what clfethey think meet to add^ 
and if any man publikely offer himfelf to be a mem 
berofthe Approved Church of that Parilh when 
he liveth, and be refufed , if the Cenfor Judge the 
Refufal injurious ( according to the Parliaments 
Ru!e?j Ice it not injure him in his civil Liberties, but 
let him be Regiftrcd inter dves •, Though I rhink this 
caution fhould be unnecefHry, becaufe the Minifters 
themfeives are under your Power. But it is only 
men that are Utterly uncapable of Church- commu- 
nion, or that wilfully refufe it. that we defire may be 
no C hoofers or (fives (though Sabptts flill.) 

Queft. But what if jour T afters will negleEl Difci* 
fline s and let inrloemofi fcanddlous men ; will not the 
Cowman-wealth he polluted and hazarded bj their neg- 
ligence? Anfw. i. Ic can be no worfefor that , then 
it is ; and therefore thats no reafon sgainft the thing. 
2. I confefs there lyeth the greateft danger ; And 
therefore Parliaments fhould noc by any catrfeleft 



To this Thetcratical Temper, &c. 2 55 

caloofics of Minifters doing ove rraqch, reftrain, dif- 
ible or difcouragc them from cbae ducy which flefh 
nd blood is moftagainftof all their work-, But Ice 
he wilful negled of Difcipline (and if you will, ex- 
:effive rigour too) bepunifhable according to the 
[uality of the offence. And let there be a Court of 
>oamiffioncrs in every County ( thofe that are for 
je&ing fcandalous Minifters) empowred tbereun- 
o ^ For Ey&ion (hould not be the punifhment of 
bailer faults , cfpecially before obftinacy • nor yet 
hould fuch faults be unpnifted • But of this more 
non. But that here the Cenfor (hould have power 
ilone to deprive him of his civil L berry (as we grant 
lim alone to preferveit) will be injnrious to men* 

. Thef. 220. The third part of the Law for Eegula- 
ing Elections foncerneth the Manner of E 'letting ,wb ere 
variety of tolerable Afzdes occurring J fbtllr.ot prefume 
extol any one above the r eft , there being no fuch n& 
ejjltj of any one Mode as the felf-ccnceited Modi Hers 
magine. 1.7 he Cives that are in the Cenfor s Regifter 
nay meet in every Parifh Churchy and btfore the Cen- 
ors, MinifttrsjConftabUs, Church-War der>s,and Over- 
men of the poor ( fwsrn all to fidelity ) may give their 
Votes for Parliament-men^ which tkefe Officers may car- 
y in at a General meeting to the High Sheriff e. 2. Or 
heft Ctves in the fame place and manner 5 may choofe 
heir Deputies (proportioned to the number of the pecple 
n alt Pcrifhes ) which Deputies may at the General 
meeting ( to avoid eo*fufio» ) choofe the Parlia- 
ment men ( bting t h em f elves firfl fworn to a faithful 
rtoyce) And tkeje Elcttms in the Parties > and the 


2 5 6 How a Common- wealth may be reduced 
fiunty meetings may be either by Vote or Ballot 


The confufion that is now at Ele&ions, is very 
great •, and without abundance of coft to theCoun 
trey or the Ele&ed Gentlemen , fo great a multitude 
cannot be brought to the Pole j which if they be nor, 
the uncapable roue may intrude and carry it. And 
therefore for every Parifti or Hundred,either to fend 
in their written Votes by Officers, or rather to fend 
their fworn Deputies with power to Vote in their 
ftead,will more orderly difpatch the work, and with 
much lefs charge and trouble. Every Deputy may 
bring in a lift of the names which he reprefentetb 
and ip he thacreprefenteth a Panlhof an hundred 
men, (hall have the voices of an hundred ^ and he or 
they that reprefent aParifii of a thoufand men, (hall 
have the voices of as many. 

Where there is danger led the Greatncfs of any 
over-awe the people from their liberties, the Ballot 
isfomewhatthefafer way then the open V.ote^ and 
yet not much • both becaufe Jug'ers by flight of 
hand might convey in five for one ^ and fpecially be 
caufe thofe great men will beforehand be engaging the 
people to Promife them their faffrages, and they dare 
not deny the Promife ^\i they are fuch as dare not de- 
ny them their Vote ^ And yet in all thefc things indif- 
ferent, we would not flick to gracifie Mr. Harrington^ 
or any rational Model!er,that can get the Parliaments 
confenr. But i. We mutt have our Gives, the matter 
of our Republick firft reformed. 2. And N we would 
have no more change then needs rauft , but things 
done with as little ftir as may be, about circumftanti- 
ais - a and not have the Venetian painted drefs and toy^ 




T$ xhu Theocratic d Temper, &c. 257 

ifh gawds, to cover a defiled people ; nor wub a 
great deal of coft, and labour, and pomp , to fee up 
an adorned Image •, Et magno Lahore nugas agere , ut 
materiam fuvtr ant opus. We arc fomewhac indiffe- 
rent for the drefs ; but cannot be indifferent, whether 
we have a pious cr impiOus 3 Cbriftian or Infidel Com- 
mon-weahh. Reform and fecure us in the main, and 
we will not quarrel about fucb variable unnecefftry 
modes and circamftanccs. 

Thef 221. Though foUcitations cannot be prevented, 
jet that liber t y of Votes maybe preferved, let the Regu- 
lating Law deprive all men of their Vote* in that EUtti- 
en y that are proved to have t romifed them to any man 
before the meeting. 

They raay confider and debate it before- hand , for 
better information, but not promife. 

Thef. 222. Ral.IlL To make the Common- wealth 
more Divine, our Parliaments themfelves mufi be more 
Divine: which mufi be tffcEted by Defer i prion, and by 
Oath ., which are bothfo happily Ordered already in the 
Hucr b!e Petition and Advice, that, if execution be ad- 
ded, may conduce much to gut bappineff. 

The faid Petition and Advice determineth , that 
inder the Penalty of a choufand pound ,and imprifon- 
uent till it be paid , no perfon be clc&ed and fit u\ 
^rliament bur [fuch as are perfons of known Integrity , 

"earing Ged, andofGotdcenvtrfatien Net fur h 

is are gutltj of any of the Offences mentioned in an Act 
f Parliament o/Aug.i 650. intituled^ Aft agunit 

S fcvcral 

258 How a CemmM'Maltb may be reduced 

fcveral Aheiftical, Blafphemous and execrable opi- 
nion*, derogatory to the honour of God, and deftru- 
dive to humane Society. No common fcoffer nor revi- 
ler of Ri listen, or of an/ perfon or perfons for prof effing 
thereof : No pzrfon that hath married or fhall marr) a 
wife of the Popijh Religion-^ or h*th trained or /hall train 
wp his child or children 5 or any other child or children 
under hx tuition or Government, in the Popijh Religion ^ 
or that fhatl permit or faff er fuck child or children to be 
trained up in the fail Religioner that hath given or fh^U 
give his confent that his Son or Daughter fbtllmarrj any 
of that Religion : No perfon shut fhall deny the Scri- 
ptures to be the Word of God> y or the Sacrament sprayer, 
Aiagijlracj and Mimfirj to be the Ordinances of God : 
No common propkaner of the Lords day ; nor prophage 
(wearer or curfer • no Ar nn^ar d, or common haunter of 
Taverns or Ale-honfes. ] 

They arc/worn alfo for the true Proteflant Chriftian 
Religion in the purity ofit^as contained in the Holy Scri- 
ptures, and far fidelity to the Prottttor, an i for the Peo- 
ples Rights and Liber ties. ~] A more excellent Ad hath 
not been made for the Happinefs of England, con- 
cerning Parliament*, atleaft fincethe Reformation. 
O chat it may be bat effectually put in execution. 

Thef.223. Rul. IV. The Prudence, Piety ani fi- 
delity of the Princes (landing (Council conduceth much to 
thefelictij of the Common-wealth: and is to be procured^ 
i.B] Description. 2. And by Oath. 

1 . The Law mud defcribe them according to their 
ncceffary qualifications. 2. The cboofers of them 
( efp. daily where Parliaments choofe) may be fworn 


To this Theocratic dl Temper > Sec* 259 

as near as they can to choofe according to that De- 
scription. 3. Themfelvesare to be fworn toad ac- 

Thef. 224. Ru*. V. The Prudence and Piety of the 
Prince is of high concernment to the Happinefs of the 
People • which is to be fecurf din Countries where be is 
Elective \ by a duly Regulated EleUien - and where he 
u Hereditary, by a duly Regulated Education ^ and by 
due Limitations, and by Oath. 

Where he is Elettivi, a Defcription is prefuppofed 
asexiftent in Gods General Laws already, which rcuft 
be obferved. 

Tbef. 225. fhefafe way for E teftlon ,is, that a Par- 
liament c hoofing or approving the Council , [wear them 
to choofefourof thebefi Qualified perfons , and that a 
well-regulated Lot take one of the four • the people of the 
chief City , or ddjoyning parts , feeling God by fo limn 
fafiing and prayer , for merciful determination by that 

In ele&ive Principaliciei , it muft be fuppofed that a 
Council of Srace have a fufficient power to keep the 
teace till a due Elc&frm : and yet that they be (effici- 
ently difabled from perpetuating their Supremacy, or 
delaying theEIeftion. 

The Perfons to be Eleftedmay be either left to 
rhemftlves as to their Rank, or they may be limited, 
cither to take four of the Council ( as men firft ap- 
proved by the Parliament, and acquainted belt with 
>tace-aff4ir$; ; or elfe the General of the Army (if 

S2 hi. 

* 6o Hew a Ctmmtn- wealth nuy be reduced 
be be not of the Council ) and one of the Nobility, 
and two of the Council. But however let them ac 
their admiftion into Council, be ftridly fworn to 
choofe the fitteft according to the defcribed Qualifi- 
cations, if they (hall be called to a choice. 

Here arc divers thing; expreflfed as neceflary, or 
much inducible to (he propounded end. (Suppofing 
ftdl that wefpeakof rhofe Nifions that are fecting 
up, or have already an EScfiive Prince,that is not ab- 
lblare, nor bvA) the whole Soveraignty , but in con- 
jinftion with a Parliament or Senate) i. That the 
Senate choofe the Council, or at leaft approve of 
them. And fo them/elves being firft compofed as 
afofefsid, there wiil be great hopes of a Prudent Pi- 
ous Cottxcil. 2. That the Council ( or the Parlia- 
rnenr,if then (icting ) choofe /i^r , being fwore to a 
faithful choice aforehand. 

And here let itb: obferved, that Ele£lion\% to be 
preferred to a Lit, where it may be performed upon 
grounds of Judgement and Freedom - and that a 
Lot is not to be brought into ufe, but in cafes of Ne- 
cefficy, where judgement failetb. For, i.Elfemen 
fhall negled the Law of God, which is propounded 
to them as the Rule of Judging. 2. And they (hall 
negleft their Reafooand Gods gifts, by which they 
are qualified for Judging 3. And they will tempt 
God, and therefore povoke him to afllift them by 
the Lor, while they take his name in vain. 4. And if 
they eled nor fit perfons in preparation to the Lot / 
but turn loofe a Lot among a number that are molt 
unft ; they betray the Common-wealth to ruine. 
If our new Modellers (hould carry their Lotteries 
among the vulgar rowt, whe*r there** one or two 


To this Theocratic al Temper. &c. 2 6 1 

wife men among a multitude, 3ncl expe& ihat.thei c 
Lot fhould fkd ouc thofe few, thay might be convin- 
ced by experience, that God made then no promife 
of foch fucceft, nor appointed Lots tafp re men tie 
ufe of their Reafon. Till I have Gods command oc 
promife to (hew for our encouragement, I muft be- 
lieve , tint he that cafts a Lor to find ouc one wife 
and godly man among an hundred fimpietcns or un- 
godly men, is 1 kely sn hundred to one to be deceived. 
The Apoftle* cbofe two of the mcercfl men ; to be 
Judas his fucceffor, before they rr ade ufe of the Lot : 
ar.d then the Locd.d choofe Mutrban cne of the 

3 . It ii here taken for a matter of great necefiky , 
that ye: a Lot fhcuid finally determine. ( In an ex- 
traordinary cafe indeed, as afteraConquefiufually 
One only is capable : bat we are not giving Rnlts 
for extraordinariei.) Ard the need of this Lot is 
thus apparem. i . 1c will prevent Confederacies and 
making parties and friends for the fucceflion , which 
eKe will hardly ever be prevented. 2. It will avoid 
the odium that elfe wiii I;e upon the Council, from the 
re jeSed party : Men will eafier take a rejection from 
God then from man, 3. I twill prevent tfec dif-fdtif- 
"a&ion and confequcne rebelliou \ contrivances of the 
rcjjded. For it fcemeth a difhonour to be rcj>&ed 
byebosfers, but its nodifhoncur to mifs it upon a 
Lot. 4. It is a mod rational fuicable courfe , that he 
:hat ftaods next Goi 3 (hou\d btchojn b) <W ? and"God 
(hould have the principal hand in the choice. The 
\poftles give God the choice of Matthias an A?g(IU 
by Lot, b:caufc no power under God was fit to con- 
vey ( orchoofca man to) the highell Ecdefisitick 

S 3 power : 

r $ % How a Common- wealth may be reduced 
power : But ihey chofer.ot inferior Officers by Lor. 
5. It will more comfortably iasisfie the Prince , to do 
or fufferinhis office, when God calls him cor. 6. l'c 
w^ii very much fatisfie the people in their fubmiflion 
and obedience, and prevent rebellions , and hinder 
fufpit ons of the Princes ambitious afptring to the 
power. Ai his choice wa? Divine, their dUmitinQ 
vnd obedience will be towards him as towards an Of- 
ficer of G>d. 

4. Ir is here taken t ! fo as neceffary, that the Lot 
be carefully regulated by a Law , e.g. as to be dona 
before man}% 'n the publickeft Chprch of the City, in 
inch and fuch order, which is eafily contrived • tbac 
fo they that would creep in by unrighteous mcars 
may h?.veno hope. 

5. That the chief City OFa!!thararenear,that cm 
fo Ypeedily meet , may by faffing and prayer feek 
Gods merciful determination, is a thing of apparent 
need, by rcafon of the great weight of the cafe, and 
that the Government may be more purely Divjne, 
and the people the fully er fatisfied in the pcrfon, and 
the bicffir.g' of God procured thereby. 

Thef. 226. Where the Prince u Hereditary , and 
hath a Parliament either to participate intheSove-* 
raignty, or to feenre the peoples Rights, the education of 
his children JhmU be [tewed b) a Qandin^ Rule, ftrittlf 
defcHbing the Tator sjboth Divines and Tolititians y and 
careful!) jecuring the execution. 

The Prince that will not Confent to this ? for fear 
of ioHi g hislnrercft in bis own children, in reafon 
ffcgtiid do; citfire chat they (hould hereditarily fuc- 


T* this Tkeoc ratted Temper^ &C. ^ 6$ 

fucceed him in the Government. If he govern nor 
for the common Good as his end, he is a Lord or Ty- 
rant, and not Governour of the Common- wealth. 
If he do govern for the common good, then the 
Common- wealth hath a far greater Intereft in his 
children that muft fucceed, then he can have. If they 
be fo his own, as to be principally for him , or for 
themfelves^ they sre then unfit to be tbe Governours 
of a Common- wealth. Iftbey be not; then the Laws 
muft difpofe of their Education. Tbe fubordinare 
Rules for this Edccuion, I will not be foprefumptu- 
cus as to let down. 

Thef. 227. Thefecondmeanscfa peoples fecuritj 
as from their Prince , is that in the Fundamental con- 
tracts he he limited to Rule them bywb^lfom Laws to 
be made bj the [ropofal and conjent of his Parlia- 

TheReafonof thisis , 1. Becaufe of the irnper- 
feSion of ail Princes ( as of all men ) who therefore 
muft be fuppofed to bave feme evil or imprudence, 
whofe evil fruits fhould be prevented, that they may 
not produce the common hart. 2. Becaufe it is fup- 
pofed poflible that Princes may efpoufe a private In- 
tereft , from which rhe publxk Intereft muft be fecu- 
rcd. And being not Abfolute and Arbitrary , he will 
be Icfs capable to hurr. 

Tbef. 228. Ths third means of Security Jsjhe Prin- 
ces Oath, rvhieh is to contain the fumme of the Funda- 
mental cent ratt which laj the ground of his future Go- 

S 4 Every. 

2 6j\ How a Common- we dth may be reduced 

Every point of a Princes du:y is not to be put into 
his Oath, but fo much as is ncctffiry to the common 
fofecy,and cpnftq.ueptly to the being of hU Govern- 
reenr. Tor elfe it will tempt the people to think that hi 
they aredifohliged when he viola, eh his Oath in any 
of thofe particular. Buttbcfubftance of his Cove- e 
nant ftiould be in it. 

Thef 229. Ru.VI. The fee Hr it j of a Nation, as 
to their fucceffive Safety, Piety and Peace, rtqui eth 
th#: the JM.luia.btin Honeft^ faithful tbedtent and va- 
liant hands : -which will be arc amplified, I . By thefore- 
we.-uiomd fecurfag. a faithful Prince and Parliament 
th*t mufl Ku-e thim. 2. By arming all the faithful of 
the Nation that are fit for arms, and faff e> ing none but 
fre men, to be of the Handing force Aitkin the Land. 

3 . By cauftng all Souldiers te be fworn to the Sovereign 
and ibe (fonftituti.n. 4. By keeping the Forces that are 
under p y, in neceffa-y dtpendance up n the Sovereign 
pomr for their pay. 5. By keeping the power of placing 
and dtfpi'ucing (he greater Officers out of the hands of 
any Cjensral Officer in pay. 6. By keeping them by di- 
flanre, and other mea\ns,from uniting in anj as afttfjici- 
intthad, but the Soveraign power. 7. By vigiluncy 
againft tntrud ng masked Papifts and enemies that fow 
the feds of fedition among them. 8 . By f applying every 
vacant place with Godly valiant men , and weeding out 
thetn^odly and feditiour. 9. By afufjicient encouraging 
of the faithful in their due pa \ 10. By making them 
ft ifi Laws again ft Impiety and fedition, and keeping up 
1 rptc Dij upline among them. 

1. yi", Harrington iruly tels you the neceffuyef 

A r mmg 

To this Tbeccrdticsl Temper 5 &c. 2 £5 

Arming the freemen : men of beft Education and 
n:erelt , will be moft valiant and moft trufty 5 and if 
leformed as I forementioned, they will betrueft to 
:heir Country, in matters of cverlafting confequence : 
tisreafon thaimen of greateft Imereft and feffici- 
ncy fhould betrufted with the defence of themfelves 
tnd their own. Thecowardlinefs of Freeholders is 
be undoing of their Country : To fave their own 
kin they arm their fervants, and fo make them their 
oris. Efpeciaily when it comes to fighting indeed, 
tnd they dare not venture their lives : Orellein for- 
gn Wars, where they ufc to employ their fervants 
ly, except in command, and then they return up- 
>n them as their Ccnqaerers. Many that are fer- 
eants may be fent abroad, but not fo many as may be 
tbie to matter their Commanders, and the junior fort 
rf Freemen, that ihould ftill be mixt in competent 
number*. The moft fervile and bafc are ufualiy 
ihrough the disadvantage of their education the 
moft impious. And fo rtuch wickednefs as ufualiy 
dwelleth in fuch Armies, is worfe then the enemy to 
them. Noneol the Forces in p3y, that intend the 
common good, anddeferve the name of Chriftians, 
orCommon-weahhs-men, will be unwilling ro have 
the faithful people of the Land to be pofTcffcd of a 
ftrengcb Sufficient to ballancc them for their necefTary 

The reft alfo are fo plainly rational , neceflary 
nd confcionable , that I (hall think it nccdlefs to 
*ive Reafons for them diftm&iy, there being nothing 
>u: ignorance, ungodlinc's, or a treacherous fcififh 
defign co matter the Common-wealth, that can have 
any thing cofcfiderabic to fay sgainft them. 



z*6 Horn a Common - wealth m*y be reduced 

Two things more I add, i Let the old tryed faith£ 
ful Souldicrsof the Army be the chief Commander 
of part of the Militia of the Countries •, yee non 
but the faithful, and men of Intercft, that have fomc 
what to lofe by the mine of the Common- wealth f 
nor yet fo as to ftreng hen any co a dirgerous re- 
dundancy of Power. 2. That every Regiment o 
Yooi have one faithful Minifterto reach them, and 
every Regiment of Horfe two at leaft { becaufe quar 
teringvery diilant, ore man can be but with few atf 
once) Seducers are the feditious difturbers and de- \ 
ftroyers, who will creep in and prevail, if there be * 
none to gain-fay them. 

Thef. 230, R. VII. // u necejfarj to the true 
Happinefs of the fowmw-wea'th , that the Inferior 
Mdgijlrates (fudges, Jptjiicts^ &c.) bepradent, God- 
ly fatthfu/me>s ; which u [eenred to m , I. By the 
forewcHtiomdFietj of the Sovereign Powers th*t muft 
choefe them ^ and 2. By good Laws that binde them to 
thtir Duty. 

It is a great mifhke in many Law-rmk w rs, that are 
more folicicous incomparably to reftrain both Inferi- 
our Migiftrates and Minifters from going too far, and 
doing too much , then to put them on to do that 
which is indeed the bufinefs of their Office, when yee 
Cud\ and blood will do as much (and in the Miniftry 
abundance more) to bring us to the defective Ex- 
tream, then to the exceflive. The benefit of Law is 
s rainei by the Execution: And if we have not faith- 
ful Jjdgc$andjiftices> we can look for little exe- 
cution. If the Mig Urate benui?ht, it is an eafie 


/ 7*0 this Theocratic al Temper,8cc* 26 j 

: j atter for him, by difcouraging Plaint ff» andAcca- 

a rs, and by hiding the fence, or u refting the Law, or 

hundred wayes to make nothing of rhcm , if noc 

orfc then nothing ; and turn our dcfepfive Arms 

jainft us. 

oj Thef. 231. R. VIII. The Chriflun excellency and 
Jlicity of a Commonwealth, dtpendeth exceeding much 
,,. * the Purity and Unity of the £ hurches that arc there : 
lt ind therefore it muft be the Rulers facial care 1 . That 
j, of j Dottrinc , IVorfhp and Order and Difcipline be 

nnintained in the Churches ; and 2. That they be 
ought to as much Charity, Agreement and Ccmmu- 

ion as can be agreed. 

Thtf.2S2.This fur it j of the Church rcillbe procure^ 
. By the Aforementioned) care that godly, able faith- 
ul Puflors be provided ; and the ungodly , inefficient 
mi negligent kept or cafl out. 2 . By the faithful order- 
ng of the Churches, and exercife of holy Difcipline, fup~ 
vefing the previous rcquifites forcmentioned. 

Tbcf. 2:3. For the fttling^f a found and holy Mi- 
wfl>J, 1 . There muft be Laws defcribing fuch asfb&ll 
be pnblikely Approved and encouraged, and f nth as /halt 
be only Tolerated 2. The 'People and Patrons, the Or- 
iaUeri and Approvers y muft each have their due htereft 
prefer vei and allowed them. 3. No man muft pub- 
likely Teach, nor hold private Affemblies, be fide fuch 
as ftandin due fvbwdinaticn to the Churches, but fuch 
as have from the Approvers an Injlrument of Approba- 
tion or of Toleration. 4. Blafphemy and fubverting 
the Effentials ofChriftiamy, or of Cbrift an communi- 

i6S How a Common- wealth may be reduced in 

on and worfhip are to be fever ely reftrained, not Tole *' 
rated in any way of Teaching or propagation what fa * 



It is in vain to make Laws defcribing fuch as dial: 
be Tolerated, unlefs there be a way to put them in 
execution. If all be Tolerated without difference, * 
why (hould the Law make a difference? Ic is asne-" 
ceffary therefore that by the Rule of thofe Laws, 
Commiffioners gran: an Inftrutnenc of Toleration, as * 
of approbation. And that the Commiffioncrs of E je- I 
dion have power to deprive them tint forfeit it of] 
their Toleration, ss others of their Approbation. But 
of this elfe Where. The reft I hope is all granted. 

Thef. 234. To the holy order and Difcipline of the 
Churches , be fides the JMinifters duty {of which 1 have • 
fpokenin other Writing i ) it is nedful, I. That the 
M*v) fir ate drive on all that are Paftors andadminifitr 
Sacraments, to exercife Difcipline, by diftingmfiing the 
clean fromths uncle zn. 2. And to feenre the Inter eft 
of the Jfrfdgiftrate and the Common-wealth, that there bt 
duly jiyned fome Officer of the Mdgijl rates in all the 
jiffcmbliet for Worfhip and Difcipline -, and Magifira- 
cj ani Aiinifirjjotwified together , that the) may con- 
cur andc^-operatie, without any invafion of each others 
Offices , but for mutual he^p. 

God hath in wonderful Holy Wifdora fo nearly 
joyned the Chnrch and Commonwealth , and the 
Magistracy and Miniftry , that both are of neceffity 
t> the w?lfare of e*ch Nation-, and ic haih occafi- 
oned many ignorant mtrn to comend about their pre- 

I To this Theocrdtical Temper, &c. 2 69 
minence, as if it were a controvcrfie among fobcr 
Ihriftians, which of them were the chief : when ic is 
10 controverfie, nor is there any room for thecom- 
arifon, they bcin£» tf#4 tales of dillind co-ordinate 
;ixids,and each is chief in his proper Office.The Magi- 
trateisastruly the Governour of Mmiftcrs by the 
> word or coercive power - a< he is of any other of 
lis Subje&s : And tbeMinifterisas rraly the Magi- 
trares Church-guide by the Word of God , as he is 
jf any other of his Flock : yet indiredly be may 
rcquently be bound from exercifing any fucb dif- 
jraceful a&sofDifciplineon them, as may tend to 
diminifh their Authority, ordifabletbem to their 
jroper work. Government is a divine A#, which 
Imitateth Nature. Arijlotle and Galen could not 
agree whether the Head or Hears was the Principal 
member anil, firft feat of Life. And why may they 
not be conjanA and co-ordinate, each being the 
pincipal in its kind ^ the Head of the animal ipirits 
ar.d operations, and the Heart of the Vital? Philo- 
fophers have troubled therafelves with difputing, 
Vfkeihtr the Intellect or IVMbetfce firft Principle of 
the fouls operations ? But by this time they are for 
themoft pare agreed, that the IntclleS is the firft 
quoad fpuificationem attns, and the Will quoad exerci- 
tinm. But if any will make a tough difpute of it, 
whether Specification or Exercife be firft y he will do 
it to no profit. It is a dead Common weath (and that 
is none, bat a mcer carkafs) that is without thc^ Ma- 
giftrate : And it is a mad Commonwealth (wbicfns lit- 
tle better then none) that is without t Church and 
Miniftry. I think they that Would feparate the h- 
tclleft from the Will, the Braiu from the Heart , the 


270 tlow a Ccmmdn- tveaUh may be reduce d\ V 

Dire&ive power from the Imperial } are no betttkl 
friends to the Common-wealth, then he chat woulk 
deliver a man from the prefurrption of bis phantafi t 
by cutting off hs Head, or from the paffions of hi ^t 
Heart by pulling it out of his Body. Some Difeafe * 
may warrant roe to cut off ray finger ; bat none wi! p 
warrant me to cut offmy Hrai , or to pull out m\$ 
Heart. Some fay the Intellect fo participated of Jn-k 
tlination, and is fo near kin to the Witt, that We majL 
properly fay, IntelleBuj vultvtrum ; and that th<L 
Will hath fo much participation of Intelligence thatt 
we may well fay, that Volant as inttlligithonHtn ; wbc-h 
rher that be fo or nor, I am Aire that it is no humane! 
Body that hath not both Heart and Brainy nor a hu- \ 
inane foul that wants either Will or lnulktt. The 
Priefts fat with the Civil Judges in Mofes time , and 
had Judicial Power, much further then we now de- 
lire. The Minifters fat with the Magistrates in Eng~ 
land before the dayes of milium the C^qatroy. If 
any would exempt the Miniltry from being under the 
civil Governours Jurifdidion , or would pnt into 
their hand the civil Power, or Sword, even any de- 
gree of u proper coercive forcing Power, I would 
Petition with thefirfl againftit; But if any Parlia- 
ment would have fome chofen Minifters fit in both 
Houfes without any Votes or Power at all, but only a 
Liberty to fpeak when the caufe of Religion and 
Confidence is on the Stage; or if they would have 
ifacra *fit with Judges on th^Bench, and Juftices at 
their Sellions, without any power, only with a Li- 
berty of fpeaking to a cafe of Confcience,ai I would 
never Petition for it, fo I would not think thsu £om« 
raonwcaltfi the leff Wife, or Pious, or Happy, or hte 


To this Tbeocraticdl Temper >&c. 2 7 1 

lat did admit ir. Bat we are all for excreams . Same 

* oft have a Pope to carry both fwords, and trample 
l \ pon Kings and Common-wealthy or at leaft they 
> luft have Lord Bifhops to fet and Vote among the 

* ords : And others rauft think them unworthy to 
( >eakintheCaufeof Cbrift, which fometime is toft 
^p and down by men that little nndeiftand it-, and 

>me think them not worthy to ftand in their pre- 
:ncc, but make them arthc fcum and fcorn ©f man- 
Lnd : And what have they but their holy Relation 
»Chriftandbisfervice, to make them lb contem- 
tiblc ? They arc of the fame Nation, blood and pa- 
ntage as other men : For their'lives, though they 
re imperfect, if any one relation and rank of men be 
lore upright and blamclefs and holy, let as be bani- 
led or dicthedcatb* For their fludies, unlefs it be 
Nvioc things that make men fools, or much learning 
nd fiudie that make them lefs wife then other men, 
nd unlefs the way towifdom be to lay afleep our 
Leafon, and caft off ftudy r or at lead to ftudy no- 
ling higher then the Moon, undoubtedly they have 
tie advantage by far of any one rank of men. If Di- 
inity be True and Good, then certainly the Students 
fit are likely to be the wifeft and the beft qF men i 
or the cbjed ennobleth, and the employment per- 
:&eth the facultie?. 
Kings themfclves were commanded by God of old, 
ftudy Divinity continually , and fa were other 
Commanders, yeaandall. Dott. 17. 18 ,19,20. 7*;5. 
.8, 7>™*.i 1.19,20 &6.<J,7 > 8.-P/i/w.i.2,3.Ific 
ebafe the Teachers, it cannot honour Princes nor 
ny of the Learners. 
The Nation therefore that vilifietb and defpifetb 


2 7 * Bew a Common* wealth may be reduced 

thcMiniftry, defpifeth Chrift. And tbe Magiftrat 
that grow jealous of their intereit, and fei againft 
work that Chrift hath fee them to do,do but pluck oi 
their own eycs,and deftroy therafclves,and unchrifb 
their Coramon-weath. Magiftrates and MinifteM^ 
therefore muft joyn together in the work of God k 
yet fo that we will not meddle at all with their work fo 
much lefs defire their Riches and honour : Let thei td 
take the Pomp, and Rule, and wealth of the world w 
We defire thera fo much fplendor as may countenance 
them in their work. For our felves, we would bavj^ 
nothing but leave to labour, and tbe Devil chained u t 
from hindering mem falvation, as far as by the Magi t 
ftratecan be procured. k 



Thef. 2 3 5 . To free the M^gifir ate from alljealoujii 
of our ufurpations, and to further us in our "toork^ by at 
holy Concord, Let every Parijh have one or wore Cenfors 
cr Civil Officers ^enabled to thefe following works. I . Tt 
keep peace in the Congregations, if any make diflurbance^ 
cr if any by force intrude to the Sacrament (for the Pa-* 
[lor j or peeple have no power of violence.) 2. Topjn 
with the Mtnijier and Church-War dent in dijpofwg of 
Seats in the Church, to avoid Contentions. 3 . To meet 
once a moneth with the Church-Officers (or others) to 
hear the Caufes that are brought before them: Where , 
I . He -may force thofe to appear as Atagiftrate, (when he 
feescaufe) whom we can butintreat. 2. And he may 
(whin he fees caufe) have power to adminijfer an oath. 
3. And his Tower and Vote concurring or differing, 
t&kj determine how far the Magiftrate ftallfecond them; 
Andalfo, ^.Thttmnebe taken to be dhfranchifed for 


To this TheocraticatTcmpr^ &c. 2 73 

times, by any excommunication, without the Cenforj 
' d vvittion and confent (as we/did before. ) 

■:< In every Corparation that hath a Maior or Bay 'iff, 
to d other Juft ces, lee them alfo be the Cenfon. And 
xi fmallCountrey Parifhcs where no Juftice of Peace 
i ideth, let the fufficienteft perfon or psrfons be ena- 
eicd by the Magiftrate to this Office; And let him 
Wive no further Power, If the Church may prc- 
toMind theficteft perfons, and the Rulers accept or 
nje&themas they fee caufe> and fo authorize foch 
q they accept, it may fully fatisfie deir intereft. If 
gjey refufethif, we au well content thit they chcofc 
em as they fee meet. This will further the Mini- 
y, and flop the Eraftians mouthes, and take away 
ic jealoufits that are ufually by Magiftrates kept 
(p againft the Paftors : Their Cenfors (hall be pre- 
i.nr t and fee whether we meddle with State matters, 
r go beydnd our line. But ftill let this introduce no 
>nfufion of the Offices by the conjunction. Let the 
Churches ads be valid co meer Church refpe&s (as 
kbiolacionor Excommunication ) whether theCen- 
»rs (hall confent or not : but let them be of no in- 
uence upon Civil Rights , if he confent nor. As 
lagiftrates are Civil Rdfers of Paftors and Churches 
ndmuft help them with their power agiinfl: oMk- 
ate untraftablc ones $ fo there is no reafon that we 
hould defire them to be meerly the Executioners of 
»ur Sentence •, but they muft take cogntzince of the 
aufc, and Judge where they mult execute : If 
bercfore their Officers be with us, and hive notice 
>( the whole proceeding , they may be fatisfied how 
ar tQownoura&s. 

T Thef. 

274 Hw * Commo#'weahb may be reduced 

Thcf* 236. Theugh Magiflrates cannot force wen to 
JBelieve,Love God y andfo to befaved,yet thty muft force 
them tofubmitto holy Dottrine, and learn the Word of 
God, and to walk^orderly and quietly in that condition, 
till they are brought to a voluntary perfenal profejfim of 
Chriftianity, and fubjeSlion to Chrift and hu holy Ordi- 
nance ; andfo being voluntarily Baptized, (if they are 
new converted Heathens, that never were before bapti m 
zed) or Confirmed (if they were baptized before) they 
may live in holy Communion with the Church. 


If Magiflrates force not,orMiniftcrscaufe not the 
grofly ignorant to bear and learn , and fubmit to 
Conference, or Catechizing^nd fach neceflfary means 
oflnftru&ion till they arc confirmed, or by the Ap- 
probation of the Paftors admitted into the Communi- 
on of the Church with the adu.t^heir Infay Baprifm 
will but let in corruption and confufion into the 
Churcbci ,while men arc commonly taken for mem- 
ben of tt,that know not what Christianity is ,or live in 
the open violation of their Baptifmal Covenant. Mi- 
nifters therefore (hould be by Law retrained from ad- 
mitting the uncatechized antf unconfirmed to Com- 

Thef. 237. 2. The Vnityalfo of the Church is ve- 
ry needful to thefafety and peace of the Common-wealth % 
that Parties be not hatched and animated againfi each 
other, who will be difturbing the Common peace to pro- 
mote their ends. 

Two extreams are here to be avoided. The firft of 
them, chat will give Liberty or Forbearance to none 


To this Thtocrattctl Temftr, &c. 27 5 

bat tbofeof one Opinion or way, in points where dif- 
ference is tolerable. And while they think by this to 
fecare Unity and Peace, they moft effe&ualiy deftroy 
them both : while they put a necefiity on many good 
end fober men, tofufferthc execution of their pe- 
nattie^ JMid then movexorapaflion in others to the 
fuffcreri, and provoke many to hazard att for their 
impunity. The other extream is theirs that either 
pnrpofciy cherifh diviiions ro weaken the people, 
that titty themfehrcs may hold the ballance,and make 
advantage of their diffcntion«, or at leafldocarelef- 
ly permit intolerable Herefie, infidelity or impiety to 
be propagated or praftifed wuhout due reftrainr. 
And thefe Rulers will find in the iflue , that obeying 
God, and looking tobislntereft , and the common 
good in g-eateft things, was their greareft duty, and 
would have moft conduced to their own fecurity: and 
that when ihefe Fa&ions h ive a while contended with 
each other, fomecfrthem will fall on the Magiftrate 
himfelf, and however he behave himfelf,he (hall never 
be without foroe perilous enemies. A broken,divided, 
contending people will never be long true to him, nor 
ftrong enough to defend him: but their ftrength is 
tnoft exercifed in winceing at each other, till perhaps 
they have unhorft the rider. 

Thef. 238. The means which the Magiflr ate mnft 
fife for the Churches unique thefe. 1 . He muff neither 
h\m[elfimpofe y nor fnfftr the Pajtors to impofe any un- 
certain or umeceffarj points of doftrint, difcipiine or 
TPorJhip , at neceffarj to the Vnion or Communion of 
Churches j tut reftore the primitive (implicit] , hj tak- 
ing tbi Holy Scriptures in general M thifuffichni Rul? 
T % uHd 

1^6 How a Common-wedth may be reduced 

and Law of faith and w or/hip, a^d the ant lent Creeds of. 
the Church in particular y as the univerfal Sjmbole : or 
if any more copious be drawn up, let it meddle with ni 
Controverfies that may be forlorn, and let it be as much 
*s may be in Scripture words. 

Neceflfary points rouft be held as necefTary - y and 
unneceff >ry things muft not be made neceffary. This 
is the g^eat Engine that hath torn the Churches and 
battered their Peace. If men Zealous for opinions cry 
out againft errours, and for fecurity of the Orthodox 
profciSon, let them have leave to be as Orthodox as 
they will, and to do as much againft errour as they 
can : but let them nol be the common Judges of 
Truth, nor have every thing done that fanfic or fury 
(hall think nccefDry to fecure the Truth. The Scri- 
pture is acknowledged to be certainly true by us all • 
and therefore none will fcruplethe fubferibing it; 
but fo are not the doubtful colk&ions of all that 
think their opinions rauft needs be Articles of their 
neighbours Creed. He is Orthodox that holds but 
fo much Truth as is contained in the Scripture. He 
that believeth explicitly % and obey eth but fo much as 
is there delivered in plain expreliions, is fit to be a 
M?nifter,and to have Communion with the Churches. 
He that lubfcribech to the Truths which are plainly 
exprefled in Scripture ? and yet perverteth them by 
Herelie, or underftandeth them not through igno 
ranee, may as eafily pervert or not underftandthe 
fame truths plainly delivered by men. Let therefore 
the holy Scripture be the National Confe/fion and 
Religion ; and let the antient Creeds be exprcfly pro- 


To this ibeccratcd Temper, &c. 277 
fcfod by all that are Baprzcd, or admitted to Church 
Communion. And if any fpecial occafion make more 
feemneceffary, wh'chmuft beinrpofed, let that more 
be no wore bat a Confeffion expnfFedin Scriprure- 
phrafe, atleaftin every controvertible point wheh 
godly men do differ about. Let men enlarge their vo- 
luntary Confeffions, andfparenot^ bat rotirepcie 
them, nor make them the bailance of their Commu- 

If any fay that [7* u met that Fzftors explicitly 
Hnderfiand mere then the antient Creeds jhotigh no more 
may be ofnecejfit] to everj member: ard therefore a more 
Urge Confeffion u to be fubferibed or owned , feting by 
fubferibing to the Scriptures , he frefejfeth but an Im- 
plicit belief as to the particular truths .[] 

I aniwer, 1. I can as truly and wifely fay that by 
fubferibing to the National Confeffion he profeffech 
but an Implicit belief of the particular truths therein 
contained. They are as plain and as wellexpreft in 
the Scripiure as in the Ccnfeffior. And therefore the 
fubferibing of one is ssgood a proof of an Explicit 
belief, as of the other. 2. You know that fubferi- 
bing to your Conftffion proveth not that men under- 
ftand ir. And therefore you take another courfe to 
try the found underftanding of •the Preacher r It is 
fuppofed that he is a known tryed man, and that the 
Examiners have queftioned hra in order to difcover 
his underftanding , befides what his preaching muft 
difcover. And cannot the Examiners as well try him 
by a Qneftion about fomc Scripture Text , as by a 
Queftion about an Article of a Confeffion that no 
more plainly cootaineth the fame trurh? 3-Andthrn 
if he comradift the nee* ffiry Scripture- truchs t which 

T3 he 

1 7 8 Hew a Cowmw+wealthmAy be reduced 

he doth confefi •, Church- Difciphne an J the MigN 
iVate , according to the quality of the Errour and 
eff nce,muH rcftrain him^ which they may as well do 
if the Scripture only be the Rule, as if it be a Con- 

Thef. 239. 2. It is necefary both to the purity and 
p ace of the Churches, tha f the publifbingor propaga- 
ting of the Certain intolerable Err ours be reflrained^ 
fatJtfa the Magiftratc and the Chnrches : and alfo the 
frafticeof lui.U Er r our t th M a\e practicable. 

A< Lb^rry in things where Lberty may be grant- 
cd,is ncafl\ryX0i:h€ Churchei peace ; fo is reftrainc 
in (hinge intolerable. ! t is not Liberty of Confidence 
*ha?I fprakof, but Liberty of tongue and p afticc. 
Mens coiikiences are not under the infpeftion or 
cogn zacice of the Magiftrate. He that will be an 
Inrtdcl,rr uit bnve liberty of confidence to damn him- 
telf, and then to torment h'.mfelf whether the Ma- 
giftrace will or no : But if he have liberty to infeft 
and feduc* other*, the Magiftrate (hall anfwer for it. 
If any Libertine here incerpofe, and ask me, Tiy what 
Law a MagiftrAte fly all meddle in matter 1 of Religion 
to reftrain men againfi their conferences * I (hall fully 
anfwer him eife where, if God will, in a more feafona- 
bit Difcoarfe on thatSubjed. 

Thef. 240. 3 . It is necefarj to the Churches Peace, 
fhat no prvate Congregations be gathered, or Anti- 
chit re he erected by any but fuch as have an Approbati- 
on Toleration fur it from the Magifkrate : foppofitg 
flik fhAt {nek private Ajfemblies are A/lowed of courfe 


Ti this Thcocratical Temftr, &c. 279 

* as are kept bj the Approbation of Approved Minifters, 
in adnefubordinatitnto the Chnrdh- Ajfemblies. 

Let Approved or Tolerated Minifters (that have 
an Inftrument of Approbation or Toleration) have 
leave to allow of private meeting*, fubordinate to 
the publike, fo tbey be well regulated by Laws. Bue 
ifunliraitedly private AffeDblies'be permitted, then 
1. It is in vain to limit Toleration ^ for all will be 
Tolerated. 2. And then it will be impoffible to rc- 
ftrain Herefie, Infidelity or impiety. 3, Yea they 
may meet to plot againft the Migiftratc , and who 
can difcover or hinder them ? To force them to keep 
open their doors is fome Remedy , but a poor one : 
for the) c*n do it at fucb times as none will trouble 
them. What honed man will be with them on the 
Lords Day at the time of publike Worftiip, or in the 
night unfeafonably ? &c. % And they can tell when 
any more then their own company ire there. Ma- 
tters of Families muftbe encouraged in their Fami- 
ly- worfhip, andhoneft Neighbours in helping each 
other in holy Exercifes in their proper places. But 
no Aflemblies (hould be Allowed by the Magistrate, 
but what an Approved or a Tolerated Paftor will 
Over-fee and take care of, and in fdme fort be ac* 
countable for, as under his charge. 

Thef. 241. 4. It unecejfarj to the Churches Peaa, 
that no Paftor* or Chriftians hi fuffered in Print or 
Speech to rail at one another, and nfc contentions oppro- 
brious fpteches : but that the Magiftrate moderate 
them in their Difputis , and that the Tolerated Chur- 
ches b$ not fujfered U caft [corn ufen the Approved 
T 4 Churches, 

*8o Hw 4 Centmefl'ipealth may be reduced 

Choreics , nor to be over-bufte or fub like in drawing 
away others to ihiir mind, fuppofivg them to have 
leuve to Vvorjlip God thtmf elves in their Tolerated 
' ***?, and modeftlj to defend themfelves under the Ma- 
gistrates moderations 

If other men for foul words fha!l be bound to 
the good , behaviour , and fcolding Women fhall 
b put in the gamble ftool : there is no reafon that 
the people (hail have leave to rail and fcold on pre- 
tence of their Opinions in Religion. 

2. In p^bike Deputes the Magiftrate Should be 
Moderacor in point of peaceable modeft carriage. 
And theiefore hcfhould be prefent in Synods ufuaily 
to keep peace. No Synods have been fo peaceably 
managed fincc the Magiftrate withdrew from them, 
as they were before when he bore fway. 

3. It is fuppofed that t*ie Magiftrate judgeth the 
Tolerated Churches to be erroneons , though he judge 
them tolerable-, and therefore it is not fit that he 
give them leave to draw peep'e to their way by bufie 
publike importunity, which may both corrupt and 
difquiet the Churches^ nor to pour cur contempt 
and icorn upon the Approved M»ni(Urs or Churches. 
But 1. They may have leave in their own Aflcm- 
liies foberly and raodeftly to plead their own caufe. 
2. Andalfo to defend it modeftly in print , if it be 
fcffiuhed. 3. Andalfo to give to the Magistrate or 
others an account of cheir faicb and vorfbip when 
they arejufllytalltd to it. 4. A;d;'fj to manage 
pub'ikt D.fputcs when the Mafciftrace fhail'Liccnfe 


To i his Theocratic d Temper, &c. 281 

Thef. 242. 5. The Magiflrate in crder to the 
Churches feace muft moderate Contriver [us, efpecially 
as managed by Writings and Dilutes : and when he 
[eeth that thej are not «, ed to Edtfi:ati n 4 but to Divi- 
fion y and that they cannot be further /offered without 
the great danger of the Church % ht mufl either com m 
m*nd them filence , cr prefcribt them necejfarj 

• The Servants oftbe Lord mufl: not ftrive : and 
therefore Logomachies and perverfe difputings that 
gender ftrife, and qnerch Charity , efpeciaHy when 
they kindle a pubiick flame, are not to be per mic- 
ted : Magiftrares muft not here nnnecejfarilj inter- 
pofe : but when it is nectffory, they muft ufe their 
Authority, efprciatly in over- feeing the prefs , and 
retraining piffionate intemperate men. 

Thef . 243 . 6. Frate'' nal Affociations of Churches 
and Affzmblicj of their Officers andMeffengers muft be 
enaurjged, in order to the needful correfpondencj and 
communion of the Gharchrt •, and thai Gods work^ may 
be carried on in concord 3 the (fenfor or other M gifirate 
being prefent y when heftcth it meet to rejirain them from 
usurpations, and contentions. 

I fpeak not of Aflbciations of parties to bandy 
againft each other, nor of Synods dire&ly and pro- 
perly for Government of the particular Paftors ; 
for this is controverted among wife men , whether 
ihey have .uch a Power. Bat as Scripiure and Na- 
ture require Vnity anu Communion of^Churches, and 


concord in Qods Work> , fo do ibev require the meanr 
tbat Nature it felf makech neceffary to thefie ends 
But of this elfwhere. 

Dividers therefore that refufe Communion wittf* 
the Approved Churches, fhould have lefs of the Ma 
giRrates Countenance ; and the Unanimous , chari- 
tably peaceable men, that are Lovers of concord and 
brotherly communion , (hould from the Magiftrace 
bare fome fpecial countenance and encouragement. 


Thef. 244. 7. The Magiftrate mstft net commit 
any of his } roper coercive power into the Paflors bands, 
nor trnft them "frith hu Sypordjitbcr to depofe each other v 
er any way Govern each other by force : But the reject- 
ing others from their communion, and perfrpading men 
to avoid them y u all that the bigheft pretenders can call 
an Ecclejiaflical farifdiffion over thnr Brethren , in 
which alfo tb'ej are to be moderated by the Magifirati 
for peace. 

It would long ago have quieted the. Churches , if 
the Magiftrates had kept their Power to themfelves " 
and alfo had not made themfelves the Prelates Exe- 
cutioners. If the Pope bad not got the Sword into 
his hand, nor into the hands of bis Prelate*, and Ma- 
giftrates made not themfelves bis LiSors , he could 
not fo much difturb the peace. If bis Excommuni- 
cations were not feconded by violence, and he could 
not meddle with mens bodies or eftate*, he would be 
at laft aweary of thundering againft them that care 
not for ir. And no Prelate bach any face of a Title 
to a forcing Power : who made them Magiftrates ! 
Whit (hey can do, rauft be by the Word uponehc 

Conference • 

"pnfcience-, byfpiritual, and not by carnal Wea- 
pons. And for a Magiflrate to punifh or dcftroy a 
nan to nomine, bccaufc he is excommunicate , before 
,j »c knows whether it be juft or unjuft, is but to make 
limfelf the Prelates Hangman, and renounce his Rea- 
bn with his Authority, and to do he knows noc 
vbac or why , at the command of another •, who 
fee cannot lave him from the wrath of God if he 
>rove a perforator. As fcolds in the ftreet endan- 
ger not the Peace of the Land, becaofe they are un- 
irmed , and go to it but witlPTongues % or Nails and 
Fifts: foif Divines be kept unarmed , and have no 
power to perfecute one another , they will at laft be 
weary of contending , and when the fray is over , 
:hcy will be as they were : Or if they paffionately 
excommunicate each other, experience will convince 
them of their folly , and drive them to return to 
Unity, when they have felt awhile that they are but 
weakened by it, and hindred in their work, and made 
the contempt and fcorn of tbeir enemies. Bat if a 
Prelate, or a Synod , or any of them have power to 
difplaceandcaftout, or fine, orimprifon, orbanifh 
others when they are angry with them, there will be 
no peace. 

Be awakened then, ye Cbriftian Magiftrates, to 
keep your Sword in your own band, and ufe it for 
God, according to bis Law, difcerncd by your own 
tanderftandings ( though taught by Miniftcrs ) and 
put an end to the quarrels of Popes, and Prelates, and 
Councils, that are partly contending for jour power 
to be in them • and partly difturbing and deftroying 
our peace by jour Sword which they have got into 
their hands, or at their Commands. 


284 How a Common- wealth may be reduced^ 

So much for the Rules by tvbich a Common- wealt 
may be made a Theocr; fie, or truly Divine , and tt 
Kingdom of Chrift ma v come among a*, and his Wi 
be done co the Glory of God and happinefs of th 
people : Whicb I have,though not who!ly,yet chief!' 
fitted totbisCommon-weaKb,outof a defire of ii 

, BlciTcd are the people that are in fucb a cafe , yc 
bleffcd argthey cbac have the Lord for their King am 
God. Grant us but rh^fe Snbftantiais, and fecure til 
thefe great ?hir,gs which our happinefs confifteth in 
and wr w II not contend cither for or againft fuel 
jingles as Mr. Harrington and others do by fo great j 
ftieisupon. Monarchy, Ariftocraty, cr Democrat} 
wiil fecure us ( tfa ugb a oiixt Government^ limi;ec 
M- narchy we judge beft ; and Democracy worft, it 
mod: places •, ) fo we may befecurcdintbemain. Lei 
us pray, and in our places peaceably endeavour, thai 
we may fretheday when the ?rest Voice in Heaven 
(hall fav\ [ T H E KINGDOMS OF THIS 
WORLD ARE BECOME the Kingdoms 
CHRIST] £$.11**5, 

And thai if alUhefe GhriSian Common- wealths 
were bat by Affociackui conjoyned for :acir n.utual 
defence, rind promoting che Intercft of their common 
King, f he earth would be in its neareft refemblance 
cf Heaven. 

Chap* 10. 


C H A Pi 10. 

)f the Soveraigns Power over the Pa- 
ftors of the Church, and of the dif- 
ference of their Offices. 

Thcf. 245. HP H E office of Magiftrates and Ml- 
JL nijiers (or Pajlors of the Church) are 

Ictafpecie *£/?/*£?. 
There are common anions that either of them 
may do : but chcy are diftin&ly obliged and autho- 
rized to fpecial works, which arc therefore proper to 
their feveral Offices : and forbidden to ufurp each 
others office. Vzziah the King was irnictcn with le- 
protic for medling with the works of Priefts. 

Thef.246. The Civil potter is EffentialU afi**- 
mon-wealth ( or Civil 'Polity ) and the Paftors only ne- 
ceffarj to its well- being ; and the Payors are effentialto 
the £hurcb ( as a Political Society ) and the CMagi- 
ftrate necejfary but to its well- being. 

A Chnrch may poffibly be without a Magiftratej 
but not well: And a Common-wealth may poffibly be 
without the Paftors of the Church or other Minifters 
of thrift h but not well. 

Thef. 247. Magifl racy and Minifkrj are each of 
th:m Immediritelj and co-ordinately from Chrift, a*d 


a86 of the Sovereigns Power over 

neither cf them from each other. Though re(peStivti 
one may be under the other in txtrcife , & the Objeli l 
the Agent, jet neither of them flow efentiafl/ from tk 
other, as the ejf eft from its proper caufe. 

Magiftrates arc not the Indicators of the Miniftry 
They fee rhera not up, nor can take them down 
Chrift hath not put the Minifterial Power into the 
Magiftrates hands as a conveying Caufe, that they 
might give it Minifters. Nor do Miniftersgive the 
Prince his Power, though they have been ufed oft to 
Crown them. They are twitted together, and joy ned 
as the Soul and Body, or rather as the Brain and 
Heart, the Intellect and Will , as I faid before : bui 
one is not the others root. 

Thef. 248. Eecaufe the Power that is One and Per- 
fed in Chrifi^ who U perfeEllj capable of it , cannot in 
the derived meafure, be all received and exercifedby one 
man ; therefore he hath divided it, giving part to Aia- 
giftrate % and part to the Paftors, to be refpeftively exer- 
cifed under him '." 

It is a great Queftion with many , Whether the 
fame man may be a Magiftrate and a Mioifter ? and a 
greater, Whether one man may be a Soveraign or the 
higbeft in both Powers in a Nation ? And yet a great- 
er, Whether one man may be the Spiritual and Tem- 
poral Head of the whole world ? 

1. ThePapifts commonly think , and fo did our 
Prelates, that inferiour Magistracy may be ordinari- 
ly held by a Bifhop, and a Biflioprick by a Magi- 
Urate. Ncceflity I doubt not may make it lawful, to 


The Pdflors efthe Church, &c. 2 87 
rfhch all Laws of meer Order do very much fubmir. 
J f there were no man capable of the Miniftry there 
^ ut the Magiftrate, or no man capable of the Magi* 
™ :racie bat the Minifter, no doubt but they might rc- 
eive the refpc&ive Offices con jun&Iy , rather then 
he Church or Common- wealth fhould be ruined, or 
/ eceive any hazardous detriment. This I ftand not to 
Srotc, as fuppofing the Evidence obvious to the 
_ tcader . But without fucb neceflity, it feeros to me 
hey may not be conjoyecd. Por 1. Chrift hath plain- 
y feparared them. 2, Yea and forbid temporal Rule 
obtsMinifters. 3. And he hath prefcribed to Magi- 
Irate and Miniftcrfo much work as will take up the 
vhole man and time. 4. And he hath forbidden Mk- 
lifters to entangle tbemfelves with the affairs of this 
iky 2 Tim. z. 4. And 5. the an tier, t Church univer- 
ally was of this mind, as is well known, not only by 
"an. Apoftol. 6. 8 1 , 8 3 . bat by the Council of Calce- 
ion^Cam. 3.^7. and divers others. Sjmfttt* Epift. 
?o*t. Andronicum,& Athtnaf. ad vitam folitar. *gtn- 
es, write exprefl y againft it, and fay chat God hatb 
"eparated the Offices, and that its not lawful for Bi- 
[hops to play the Magiftratr, nor for Magiftratcs to 
play the Bifhop. Cyril of Alexandria is branded by 
Socrates with a black Mark, as being the fir ft Bifhop 
there that did ufurp a cc crcive power. What Pope 
GtUfius faith againft it , you may read in Grotim ii 
limp erio fum. Pol. p. 37 .He that will do one of the 
works faithfully, I warrant him will have no mind CO 
have another Office toanfwer for, unlets neceffity re* 
quire it, which is nothing to the ordinary cafe. 

2. For the fecond Qgeftion ,1 deny the fubjefi of it 
on one part ; There is not to be a S veraign Paftor 



2o5 Of the Sovereigns T$mr over 

in a Nation, as there is a Soveraigo Prince* If there 
were, and oie man could manage both, I confefi 
Rcafon would fay much for the great convenience 
that both (houldbeinonehand. But we rauft nor 
ufe our Reafon to tell Chrift what he fhould have „ 
inftitwed , bui to find out what he hath infti- 

3 . And for the third , there is no need of Argu- 
ment ( but where pride and fafiion makes 
men mad) to prove that no meer man is capable 
of an univcrfal Epifcopacy , or an univerfal Mo« 
tiarchy ^ much left of both; which yen the flat 
terers of the Pope would give him. If Pope Gre 
forj (o abhorred the name of univerfal Patriarck J, 
in John of Cenjiantinople ^ how are they to be thought 
of that not only ufurp both Name and Office, but 
alfo make it Effential to the Catholick Church, and 
oeceffarily to be believed to falvation? O horrid pride 
and faftion ! faith Gregory , Epift. Jon. Conftanc. 
c. 82. p. 208. QTuquidChrifto, Univerfalis fcilicct 
Ecclefisecapiti, in extremi judicii esdifturm examine 
qui cunda ejus membra tibimct conaris Univerfalis 
appellationefupponere? Qmsrogoin hoc tarn per 
verfo voc?balo , nifi ille ad imitandum proponitur 
qui defpeftus Angelorum legionibus fecum focialitet 
conftitutis, ad oilmen conatus eft (ingularitatis erum 
pere,ut& nullibi tubeffe, &folus omnibus praecflc 
videretur?! Hemeancth T the Devil. ] And doth 
not the Pope now do the fame , and much more ? 
What need we any other teltimony to prove the no 
velty of Popery ? And how Will the Pope any better 
anfwer it to Cbrift the true Univerfal Head , 
then the Bifhop of CwftantinoyU could do ? 


Ths P afters tfthe Churchy &c. 2 8$ 

Jut I have faid more to thefe men in due ptece- 

Tbcf 249. JIUgiftratis and Pajlors lowing diffc- 
tnt kjnds of Power, muft txircife their ftvertl Powers 
« one another : So that the Magiftrate u the Paftcrt 
Inlerbj the {word, and the Pafior u the AJJgiJlrates 
*aftor and Ruler bj the Wrd. 

This Is tinqueftioned among all fober Chriftians: 

ave that the Papifls put in fome excepions for cbe 

xereption of their Clergy. There is no prudent Chri- 

Han Magiftratc that dare or wilfdeny , tbit Paftors 

M Authoritatively excrcife their Office towards him % as 

• veil as towards other ^po. To exempt them from the 

1 } a!loral Power, if hot to except them from their care 

jind charge, and fo from the benefits of iheir wcrk : 

&hich is no greater a favour then to be exempted 

rom all other helps from God by ram : Was it Altx- 

mders fervitudc to be taught by *Ariflotle ? Would 

iot that flittercr be kickt oat of doors by a Prince % 

hat fnould perfwade him not to Obey his Phyfitiana 

br his bodily health and life, as if it were a debafc- 

nentof hisMsjefty? Or that ftiou Id perfwade him 

iot to let his Son be Guided by School-maftcrs and 

Turors ? 

The Government of Paftors is much like a Phyfiti- 
ins Government of his Patients, cfpecially in Hofpi- 
tals, or Cities where Phyfitians know their charge: 
Though a man be authorized by the Prince to be a 
Phyfitiao, it is but unto voluntary Patients : every 
rtian may choofe whether he will take thtir medicines 
or not. If the greateft Prince or the pooreft totn ac- 
count it hi* Liberty, tQ die or be (ick i rather ibenfo 

w mm 

2 9° °f the Sovereigns Tower ever 

fubmittorheRulcof aPhyfi:ian,thcy may ufcthat 
Liberty. If theyrcfufc to obey tbePbyfitian, bis 
Puniihmcnt is to deny tbero his help, and It t cbera 
take their courfe. If God have inrrufted Paftors as 
bit Officers, with a pardon to be by tbem de'ivcrcd 
to the Penitent, and fealed by Bapcifm or the Lords 
Supper, or publifhed by Abfoluiionfrom parcicular 
fins, itimotin the power of any Prince here to in- 
ter pofc and force the Paftors to deliver this pardon or 
thefcalstowbom he plcafe-, or to the Impenitent, 
contrary to the will of Chrii^. Wetnuft be faithful 
difpenfers of the MefTagcs, Pardon, Seals, and all Or- 
dinances committed to our truft. Nor will I * t the 
command of a Prince* be cbi^ftor of a Church that 
will have Church* privilcdges, and rcfufe Church- 
Difcp'ine. If the Prince himfelf will have me to be 
bisPhjfitian, and yet wilt Role himfelf, and refute 
my direftioni , and command me t * gve him my Me- 
dicine that he may take It how and when he lift him- 
felf, Iwilldifobcyhim, (if the Medicine mifufedbe 
dangerous) left I fendbim poyfon inftead o; Phy. 
fick • tbat may be poyfon in bis ungoverned ;vay,thit 
may be health in mine. And as long as he is free, 
whether be will ofc me as bis Pby (man or not, it is no 
injury to his Dignity, tbat I require him to fubmit to 
my dircdion, upon the penalty of being without my 
help. I need not tell you of Amhrofe his ufagc of 
TheodofiHsfit Chrjfoftoms freedom with Eadoxi*,tnd 
his rtfolution rather tolofcbis hand, then girc the 
Sacrament to the proud contemners of God and dif* 
fciplinc : the nature of the office may fatisfie any • he 
that hath faid £ A man that u an Heretick, after the 
firfi andfecond admonimn rcjettl and \jHS awajfrom 


The Ptftors of the Churchy &c. a^i 

amingjonthAi wicked perfon\ and [with Cuch^no not 
to eat] hath not fa^d , [except the Af*vifir*tecom- 
m And J on otherwijc ] or [except he be a MagijlrAte.] 
Thoagh accidentally (as 1 (hail (hew anon J he may 
be excepted. 

^Tbef . 250. The nature of P after aI G over nntent ^whe- 
ther over Alsg' fir ttesor the meweft men, is n§t lm- 
peridl, Afsgifterial, Coercive by any force on body or 
fftate,bu: like thifof a Tutor over his P*fi'j, or a Phy- 
fitian over his Patients , but that it u of a tnoreefpeciAl 
lnftitution of Chrift, and exercifed by hU Commiffitn , 
and in his nance. 

The Minifier indeed may Command, but only ai an 
Ecnbaffador of Chrift in his name ; and not by a pro- 
per Imp^ra! power. We may Command a wicked 
man to Rf pert in the name of Chrift - 5 but cannot 
touch his Body or Eftatc if be difobey • bat by the 
fame power bind him over to anfwer it at the Bar of 
Chrift. The Paftoral Power is bat that of Preaching 
and Applying the word of God , and adminiilring 
his holy Worihip. His jurifdi&ion is no other buc 
fhii managing of the Keyesof the Kingdom of hea- 
ven. Excommunication and Abfciution are bat the 
Application of ibe Law of Chrift to the perfona and 
cafes before as. Bat yctaMtffigc from the Eternal 
God bath fo much authority on the well-informed 
foal, that it can prevail without a rod or fword. W* 
defire not to meddlt with the (word or violence ; but 
defil e the Magifirate to vindicate his power from all 
invaders, not only for his honour, but for the Chur- 
ches Peace* 

U 2 Thcf. 

2p2 Of the Sovereigns Powef over 

1 hcf.25 I . The Magiftrate hath fetter over the per* 
fonof the' P after, btttvo over his *$cc;an]l the Pa.- 
ftorhath a fpiritual minifterial Authority even over 
Magiftrates, but not over their office : that is, they can 
make no alteration in it, nor do anj thing atrainftit. 

It is God that hath Infticured both che Offices,and 
therefore neither of them can change his Infticueions^ 
not wrong che Office of each other, by any depra- 

Thef. 252. The fiver al Powers of Magifl rates and 
JMtinifttrs toward the ferfons if eaeh other are limited y 
and net: h?r tfthem are left to their ab foist: e wills. 

ItisnotenooghforaMinifler to fay , The Ke^es 
of the Kingdom of Heaven are committed ro me, and 
therefore I may ufe them as I pleafe : For be that 
did commie them to him, did alfo leave him a Law to 
ufe them by. And fo if with the Magiflrate. 

Thef. 2S3- A faithful Miniftet mtsft be no flat- 
terer, hue re f rove a Prince as clofelj as another man : 
yetfo that he be J efficient ly tender efhis honour, which U 
neceffary to the ends ef Magiftracj. 

1 . How plainly by Gods own Command the Pro* 
phets dealt wirb Princes of old,and the Apoftles with 
all men, and the ancient boly Bifhops with the great- 
eft, is a thing fo well known at needs no proof. If 
Princes (ins be greateft, and their fouls as precious as 
other mens, t«d theic (ins as dangerous to them- 


The Paflors of the Church , &c. 29 J 

felves , and much more to the Commonwr alth then 
others, there is then great reafon why they fhoold 
be as ciofcly and faithfully dealt with. And he that 
meets with the reward of a Zechdriah or fohn Bap- 
tift, is as true a Martyr, and may as comfortably give 
up his foul to Chrift, is be that dyeth in defence of an 
Article of Faith, 

2. But the Honour of Magiftrates moft be tender- 
ly regarded by the Reprover • and therefore bis Re- 
proof (hould be in fecrer, till raecr neceffity call it 
out into publike audience. No! out ef fear, or flat- 
tery : but i . The honour of God is much con- 
cerned in the Magiftrates honour, for bis Office-fake. 
If th:y fliouldnot tooharfhly uncover the naked* 
nefs of Minifters, no more fhould Minifters do theirs. 

2. If the Magiftrate be once under difhonour, be 
will be lefs capable of fcrving God, and managing 
his calling for the Common good, becaufe of the con- 
tempt. It is therefore ncccflary to the Common 
good, that the Magiftrates honour be preferved. But 
if he openly offend, and own it, and openly pcrfc- 
cute the Reprover, and ieare bimfelf uncapable of 
more fecret Reproofs, he may be openly Reproved, 
fo it be with that fubroiftion and modefty that may 
fignihe that we Honour him as a Magiftrate, while we 
reprove him as an impenitent offender. 

Thef. 254. whether it be in cafe of Here fit or other 
crimes ; both Magiftrates an, I P after j are ] sedges •, but 
differently % as to different ends : The Magiftrate ia 
fuige Viho id to be arpora/ij p unified for Here fie or 
dnj crime, and this no Pafior muft ufurp : The Paflors 
dre fudges 'Direftive, who is to be excommuniedtedfor 

V 3 Herefie 

2 $4 °f the Sovcraigns Power over 

Herejit dr ether crime /, or Abfolvcd upon Repentance : 
and tbv no Magijlrate may ufurp. 

Icis therefore an infipid Qaeftion of the P^pifls 
and Libertines, who made t ha Mdgiftrate fudge of 
Herefie ? O r ^whojhll be fvdgi of Controverts in 
Religion! Por Judgement about the fame cafe if not 
ell of thefamckind : but is difunguiftud from the 
diffcrft Executions u-hch arc the end* Thereisa 
Judgement about Cnporal pumfbixg, or not pmifhing ^ 
and thii belonged to that Power that pumftiing io 
bclongeth to : And there is a judgement { about 
Church communis* ani Priviledges ^ and this belongs 
io *bcm towhomk belongethto admit to, or ex- 
clude from that Communion and thefe Privticdges^ 
which i? not % Pope or diftant Metropolitan or Dio- 
cefenC, buttheprefent Payors of tbc Church, the 
People alio having a Judgement of difcretion, fo 
far as is ncceff.ry to their own pare in (he Execution, 
and no more. 

Thef 255. Thmgha Magtfrattmay be an object 
capable of Excommunication ^ jet as it i* not rafhly to 
be done on the Urn ft fo it rarely fals out that the So- ( 
*ver±ign may l.wfully be excomunicate ^ becanfe by Ac 
ciJent it becomes nnmtit. 

Forinftance : ■ 1. It feldom if ever fals our, bat 
tbae an Excommunication of a Sovcraign will fo dif- 
houotirhiflt, asto make agiinft the Common-good, 
by making bim left capable of improving hi* Office. 
2. A o r feldom us oac but .has it will provoke 
the M -tgiilr&ic 10 perfecuie not only a particular pcr- 

fon, ' 

The Tafiors *f the churchy &t. 29 j 

fon, but til the Church that (hunneth his Communi- 
on. 3. And it feidom fals out thac the Prince is a 
member of that particular Church that raoveththe 
doubt. 4. It iian hundred to one thac the Church 
may as fccurcly for their own Confidence*, filently 
withdraw themfel ves from the Comma nion of fuch a 
Prince, without any Publication of an Excommuni- 
cation to bis difhonour. All this corifidercd, and 
withalltbat Affirmatives bind not ad femper ; and 
that Pofitives give place to greater duties, and by 
weighty Accidents may be fufpendcd(as Chrift (hcw?s 
n the cafe of the Sabbath and eating che (hew bread) 
[ think it will follow, that feidom, if cver,doth it fall 
DUt, buc that by Accident, it will be unlawful foex- 
:omun!catc the Sovcraign , though Church-power 
Imply extend to him as well as others. 

Thef. 256. If a Magiflrate of higher or lower ran\ 
be excommnniedte, he muftfor all that be Honoured and 
)bejed y *nd no man u -watt Anted thereby to contemn him. 

Much lefs may men lay hinds on him, or difpoflefs 
Sim of his Dominions, as the Pope doth by Chrifti- 
in Princes , or allow the Sub je&s to rebcll,or to mur- 
:her him. Wonderful ! that Princes will fo long en- 
dure that Power, that not only teachesh this, but 
hath fo often executed it. 

Thef. 257. To deny Magiftrates to be the ObjeSii 
)f Pajfera] Power \ u but 10 deprive them of the Excel- 
lent mercies oftheGofreUnd Sacraments 9 and Church- 
communion , and order, and Absolution , &c« which 
*k ri fi hath committed me hie Mmftcri hands, and 

U 4 which 

J 99 vjiw zovtrvgns temr tvtr 

vehicle Princes need as much At others, And have a 
fmtchriglpt to. 

The Minifterial Power is bat an Obligation ao< 
Authority to adminifter thefe mercies in the name o 
C hrift : arid therefore the firft Queftion is, whetbei 
Alagijtrdtes have Right to the Bit flings ornti If the] 
have nor, they are the mod miferablc : If they have 
they inuft be fo far uadcr the Power of him thaL; 
doth adminifter them, as the ends and application 
do;h require. As if the Turk fh Emprrour wen 
converted, and did believe in Cbrift, he had R'ght cc 
Baptifra for Remflion of fins: And therefore h 
mult befofar under the Mmiftcrs Power, as toty 
judged by him, whether he be indeed a Believer, anc 
fie for Baptism, or not. And fo for Commuri^n ir 
the Lords Supper, and Abfo«ution 3 and the reft. 

Thcf. 25S MagiJJrates may not ufurp the PA^ora, 
office, nor do the work* that are proper te it. 

Such are the Adminiflration of Sacraments and 
other publickWorfhip, and all contained in the Key* 
of the Kingicm of Heaven : The Example of SahI\ 
Vz>za, and many Scripture psflages are plain in this. 
[No man taketh this Honour to hitpfelF, but he chaz 
is called of God, as was isfaron] Hcb. 5.4. Yet Ma- 
giftratcsmuft worfhip God with their families and 
people •• they have opportunity. Though they are 
not [fepAratedto tie Qofpel^tnA have not a charge of 
b^ngtbe Teachers of a people, yet niuft they joyti 
In^rpdioo with their cqrrt&ions; and Judges on the 
genfb, and ptber MagiftraTci, may teach the people 


The Payors of the Ck»rcb> &c. 297 

he Laws of God. Cenftantine ufually made fucb 
)rarions as we call^Scrmoni. And that they may 
ray wich thcro, is as much paft doubt •, but ycc not 

the Pallors pare. 

Thcf. 259. Minifttrs as mil as other mtnmuftbt 
uhjttt to M'giftrates, and pay them Honour, obedience 
md tribute : and *re to be pttmfied bj them if thtj 
lifobej* . 

When Will.BarcUy was pleading againft the Popes 
Supremacy over Princes in Temporals (which inde- 
pitc of ail the Sophifms of Bcllarminc he hath well 
Kriormed) cap. 3 3 p^.265 . he begins with an £Am- 
pliusdicaro, & veritatcm, licet odium fonaflismihi 
pariturarc, &c. — Dcam ergo, & grandc vcrbutn 
>erloquar, cujus force auc nondutn meminit quif- 
juam, aur, fi meminit, faltem eos quos intereracid 
cire^ non ut debuit commonefceir : Gcricos fcilicct 
Dcr coiom orbcm, qtocarq- ordinc velgradti fiot, 
ion cflc adhuc ullo modo exemptos & libcratoi a 
potcftate temporali Pnncipum feculariam in quorum 
rcgnis ac regionibus vicam degunr, fed pcrindc ac 
cjeccricivcs ijs iubjedos eflc in omnibus quae ad po- 
icitarn & rcmporalera adrainiftrationem 8c jurifdi- 
dionem pertinent, inq- cos jus viraeaenccit, &c. 

O fearful , doleful itate of the Papal Nations / 

I when among them, yea even in France, the Power of 

P/incesover the Clergy, and the duty of Paftors to 

[ obey the Prince in fecular things was fo unknown, as 

1 that fo wife a man rauft begin with a £ forte auc non- 

dpm meminit auifquaraj 

It is one of the intolerable ufurpations of the Pi- 

>98 Of the Sever aign Power ever 

pal Clergy, to plead an exemption for facb t cum * 
row potent party, from municipal Laws and Ma$ n 
ftrarcs Judgement : Though Chrift paid Tribute, at 
commanded Peter to do the like : and Peter and Pa 
hare given fuch exprefs commands to all the Cham 
without exception, yea to every foul, to be fubjed t 
the H»ghers Powers, to honour them,to pay them tr 
bate, &c yet all this is nothing to men that hai 
got the maftery of Gods Laws. Is it poffible tbi 
they that plead Antiquity and Tradition for thci 
Religion, can believe chat they have either of thee 
for this ? Were the ancient Bifhops exempt from th 
Judgement of the Magiftrates, though Heathens 
Or did ever tny of them plead for fuch exemption 
Nay, do they not with oneconfent profefs the con 
crary ? Doth not Scripture and til Antiquity fpeak & 
plain for the Magiftrates power over Bifhopsf that is 
thePaftors of the Churches) and for the Churchc 
fubjedion to Magiftratcs, as its poffiblc for words tc 
exprefs? And yet thefe Novelifts traiteroufly pra 
ttod exemption. Pcrfccudon by unrighteous Judg- 
ment indeed the ancient Chr iftians did deprecate and 
dtclaim againft : but never againft Magiftrates judg' 
ingof the Clergv. They did indeed condemn thofe 
Cbriftians that were fo worldly, uncharitable, and 
contentious, as to go to Law about perfonal in ju 
rics which Chrift bad commanded them to forgive, 
and about the trifle* of this world, when they all 
believed an everlaftim? glory : especially feeing they 
were Infidels that mail be their Judges, who were 
their common enemies and perfecutors I They made 
feveral Canons to rcftrain them from fuch unchari- 
table courfet, requiring them to avoid fuch incon- 

The Pdfttrs of the Church, &c. 199 

nccs, to refer the matter to ferae among them* 
cf . And fo the Bifhop became by their volnma- 
confent , inft e*d of the Magiftrale to them ; bat 
w&t as well to the People as the Psftors of the 
rch: And when Magiftrates turned Christians, 
Churches kept their cuftom ; and hence the Pa* 
1 would plead exemption from the Laws. It is ft ill 
jirabic that thofe that lire in holy Communion, 
aid forbear Law fuits about perfonal matters, 
title a reference to fober pious Neighbours may* 
i:ide the difference, and prevent the uncharitable 
dcoftly consequents. But what ? Shall we hence 
ncludc that Chriftians are not fubjeft to the Ma- 
(rate? Yea, even to a Cbriftian Magiftrate that if 
clterand a Nurfing Fttber 10 us ? Muft every foul 
f #b}e£l 9 at d yet all the Papal Clergy be exempt ? 
th Bernard to them [Si omnis, & vefira : qui* voi 
ipit ab nwverfetate?] Saith Chryfefiom in Rom. 1 3. 
virjfiuly though an Apoflle, though an Evangetift, 
Hgh 4 Prophet^] How is the Soveragin Power' 
gheft, if the Pope, even about the corporal penal- 
1% oi the Clergy, be above him? Who knows not 
e ancient Chnftiam profefiion ? fach as that of 
irtuUUn ad Scap. [_CoHmus Imperatorem fie, quo- 
ado mbk licet e£ ipfi txpedit, ut hominem a Dei 
cundum 9 & ejnicquid eft h Deo confecutum, /Wis 
»f 9 minor em. Bee & ipfe volet , fie enim omnibus mar 
nft, dumfolo vtro Deo minor fjT) So Optatuiadv. 
arm. lib» 3 . Super Imperatorem no* eft nifi folus Df 
f qui fecit Imperatorem.'] But of this there is fo much 
ruten by Bilfon, Chamier, Spdatenfis de Repub.Ec- 
r ef. S+rravia, and abundance more, chit all the 
apiftt iu khc world may fooccr multiply their guile 


300 of the Sovereigns Power over 

*nd finrae, with maintaining their treacherous crira 
then ever juftifie fo palpable in impiety. Mich. Qc 
daftus hath done good fervice to the Chircb & Cbr 
ftian Common-wealthi,in refcuing and delivering 1 
fo many learned antient Treaties againft their ofui 
pation. And fmartly they arc 1afht for it by Sigclw 
tus y Avtntke, Benno,M4ttb.P4ru,M\A many ancief 
Chroniclers, bat not fo much as they defervc. 

Only one thing I crave the Magiftratesof Englat 
to fee, that the maiked Pap ft s are now pleading tt 
fame caafc by the Libertines, which where they han 
better opportunity they do in their own names. He 
COO blind that feeth not who is the Spirit and life of a 
our common Paradoxes, QThat the Magiftrate g< 
vcrncth os but as men, and not *s Chriftians : That fc 
bath nothing to do with matters of Religion: oc 
may punifh men for their conferences] that is, fc 
finning and defending it as juft . The meaning of it 
Originally and Finally, that all thefe things belon 
only to the Church, that if, to the Pope and Pr< 

Thef. 260. Magiftratis muft not only Govern Mi 
nifters *u men, but as Minifters ; nor CkriftUns only 4 
men y but tit £brifti*ns, and as Chnrcbes ; nor only i 
fechUr affairs, but in the mutter of Gods worfiip. 

As a Magiftrate doth not only Govern Phyfitiar 
as men, but asPhyfitians, with his kind of Govern 
ment ; nor Academies and Colledges only as men, bo 
as Scbollars and Societies ; nor Merchants only a 
men, but as Merchants- norSchool-maftcrsonlya 
men, but as School- matters : So do they alfo by Mi 


The Tajlors of the Churchy &c. 3 01 # 

[ters and Chriftians. Ddvid, Solomon, Jehofofhat^ 
tz<kjah, fofiah, governed the Priefti as Pr iefti, and 
\ Ltvito as Lcvtres, and that in the matters of Gods 
)r(hip. When Conftannne fat in the Council of 
ice, did he not govern Bifhops as Bifhops? The 
nemay we fay of M*rtian t Tbcodofius, and other 

Thcf, 2 6 1. Though Magi (Irate i cannot ufurp the 
Snifters office, nor anj fart of his froftr Vtorl^ yet 
\j the j funifh him for male-adminiftration,and in cafe 
tnfitntfj, caft him out from the Liberty of exerciftng 
office in their dominions. 

For Magiftratcs are the guardians of the Church, 
imuftfeetothc execution of Gods Laws by ail 
lirSubjcSs in their places ; And therefore Gods 
ws were firft given to the Prince and Prieft, and by 
a ro the people, as Ifjchius faith, in Ltvit. 15. 
j. 329. Rede Mojfi quidem & A*r*n loqumus 
, fed tradi filiis I [rail, id eft, omni populo, manda- 
m jubet : quia quscurquc per do&rinam divinam 
icet fanciuntur , feu fenbuntur, primum quidem 
ncipibus egenc populi, quia ipfis maxinre divina eft 
dita dodrina, &c. ] How could the Magiftrate 
Cuftos utriufc tabula , if he might not punifh all 
fub jefis thai violate them ? He that may punifh 
irent for negled of his own children, and a huf- 
)d for the neglcft or abnfe of his own wife, or a 
fter for wronging his fervants, nodotbt may pu- 
ti a Paftor for wronging his flock, and abufing the 
dinancesof God. 

[f § Paftor preach falfc Dcftrine, the Magiftrate 


*30x Of the Sovereigns Power over 
cannot therefore forbid him preaching, and yet-coi 
tinue him a Paftor ; and if hemifadrainifter Sacn 
ments or any holy Worfhip, the Magiftrate may n< 
forbid hira the adminiftrationof thofe Ordinance 
and yec allow him the reft of bis Office : and if 1 
abufe his power about Church cenfures , be canm 
take Church-Government from him, and yet coi 
tinue him in the free exercife of other parts of tl 
Miniftryj for,thisisto abafcand alter the Office 
Nor is it neccfliry that the Magiftrate form him 
Law of his own by which to exercife his Miniftry 
But the Magiftrate muft firft rebuke thofe that mi 
carry, and then punilh them if they amend not, ar 
caft them out, in cafes that make them more hmrtfi 
then helpful to cbc Church. Yet in rhii cafting the 1 
out % the Magiftrate doth not Degrade (hem- As I 
Ordaineth not Mmifters, fo neither doth be nullif 
their Ordination ; but onlyf proh.biteth ihem to exe 
cife the Miniftry in his dominions : and this no qu 
ftion but he may do. 

Objed. But Magiftrates are feldem compctt 
Judges efDtclrine and Adrninifl rations y as having a 
-will or time tofiuaj as divines have. 

Anfw. i. It fhould be the principal pare of i 
their ftudies to know the Laws of Gcd/andther 
fore it is their own fault if they are ignorant. 2. W 
fill or negligent omiflions of aperfon, may not alio 
us to alter the Office. 3. It is fuppofed that Maj 
ftrates have the counfel of Divines in fuch matte? 
Though a Magiftrate be uncapable of Judging 
matters of Phyfick and Aftrology, yet may he G 
vern, and for their offences punfli Phyfitians ai 
Aftrologcrs, upon the counfel of fuch as better nnde 
ftand the matter. pbjed 

The Pa/lors of the Church, &C. 1 30 3 

Objed. BjthU means MdgifirMtes mil be ledt* 
wng judgement, *ni fo ferfecuti the Church- 
Anfw. 1. So you may fry of his Governing the 
ofefforsof any Arts or Sciences. 2. Whoever go- 
xneth may belyabletofuchinconfeniencei. That 
irt of the world tbac bath cfcaped the plague of bc- 
g blinded by fcififh intcrtft and partiality, do know 
at the Pope and Prelate* have feccn far more guilty 
j this mif- judging and perfection ; then Princes 
ivc been : and that Princes have been drawn into 
00ft all their guile by Popes and Prelates ( fuppe- 
ng we fpeak of Chriftian Princes.) 3 . We muft not 
r deprived of the bleffing of Government for fear 
f aba fc through humane frailties; No more then 
t muft be a gainft eating, and drinking, and apparel, 
1 avoid gluttony, drunkennefs and pride. God bath 
Dmraanded Magistrates to do their duty ; They can- 
Dt fo far miftake as to become dangerous per feca tor s 
ftbe Church without fome grievous negligence or 
Milignity of their own • which if tbey are guilty of, 
ad will know no mean between Negligence and Per- 
vution, they (hall bear the blame and puniflimcnt 
om 6od. 

If Paftors will caft off the work of Preaching, or 
e negligent in if, all grant that the Magiftrate may 
aoi(h them. And fo he may, if they caft off Difci- 
»line, and corrupt the Church by admitting and re- 
aming the prophaneand fcandalous.* And fo may 
it punifh them that will exclude the faithful to the 
Ictrimcnt and bazzard of the Churches , or the 
;reat injury of the perfons thcrofelvei. As if a Paflcr 
vill gather a Church in a Parifh, and exclude the 
jrcaicr pare of them that are meet to be received 


30% uj we zoveratgns rower over 

and defire ir, fubmitting to any rcafonable terms 
when perhaps no other Church is near for them cf 
joyn with. It is meet in this cafe that the Magiftratc 
allow them a Paftor that will Govern them according] 
to the Word of God, And fo in other cafes. 

It is therefore an injurious clamour of them thai] 
fay, [If Pope and Prelates be laid by, Presbyters willb\ 
Uwlefsy *nd will be every man a Pope in his own Parifh 
and wh$ /ball govern them, or punifh them iftheycffenb? 

Anfw. Is the Cfiriftiao Magiftrate no body wicf 
thefe men ? Are his Laws and. Government nothing i 
Who hath to do with corporal pugifhirg but he ? 
would we could once fee a Pope and Prelates that hac 
no other arms but fpirituah I doubt not but the work 
Would quickly find, bowiinle their Authority wil 
uphold their Kingdom, or maintain their Unity ox 
Scrcngch. If Paftors arc to b?rcje&ed from Comma 
nion, it conccrneth them with whom thev hsd Com 
reunion : If they are to be fined or puniflied corpo 
raliy, itconcerneth the Magiftratc alone. 

Thcf. 262. If M*giftrat:s pur.ifr Miniflers unjuR 
Jy> that is, per fee ute them, ihcy mufi not refift^ nor di 
honour tbe Magiftrate, but patiently ft^ffer the wrong. 

This being commonly confeft by Proteftants, an 
plain in it fclf, I (hall take as granted. 


Thcf 263. If Magnates forbid UWinifters 
preach erexercife the reft of their office in their domini 
tns, they are to be obeyed, in cafe that other compete* 
ftrfons are provided for the work, that the Church r< 
ceive no danger om detriment by %tj>ut othermfe they a: 

The Pafters of the Churchy &c. joj 

not to fa obeyed ', bnt yee mnfi do Chrijis work till they 
difable us. 

1. That they Are to be obeyed in the firfienfe is plaifl; 
becaufc ic bclongeth to them to govern and order 
the worrtiip of God. David, Solomon, and other 
tings of Jfracl or fudsb, did take down and fee up 
hrielU f and order the Officers of the houfe of Gad. 
rhcdcpoiingof-^^rW and fetting up of Zado^ 3 
was juft : And therefore when it is but Orderirg 
ind nor destroying that they arc abour, we muft obey 
:hem. Befides the Miniftry may not lawfully be taken 
ip or held for per fond commodity (principally) bnc 
tor God and the common good : If therefore nothing 
iat per fon *l commodity be croft, and the Church not 
horded or much damnified by ir, we have no reafon 
odifobey : Much lefs when perfonal commodity it 
r etf doth aifo invite us to confenr* And I am of the 
■pinion chat the Minifter that doth not fcrvc the 
Lord upm terms of f elf denial , and (ufferetb not 
^oneway or other) more to his flefhbythc Mini- 
try, then be fhould do if be were put out of it, (nn- 
ifsinfome cxtraodinaf y cafe ) hath greater reafon 
tofufpeft that he is either a felf*feeking man, or ac 
eaft doth fcrve God with much unfaithfulnefs and 
Jarnal complyance. We are fore , 0bedier.ee to Ru!ei;i 
is a Dmy y and therefore we muft not difobey thea 
[ill we have fucb reafon as may juftific it, 

2. Butyetlhai we mnft not obey m the other ctfi, 
[when it tendcth to the deftru&ion of the Church, on 
notable damage of mens fouls) is plain, i. Becanfe the 
Magiftratcs as well as the Minifters have their Pow*<? 
to Edification and not to deftnidioa. No man hath 

X authority 

3 06 Of the Sovereigns Power over 

authority from Chrift co deftroy his Church or th« 
foulf of men. 2 > Becaufc our office depend* thai im- 
mediately upon Chrift ,as the office of the Magnate 
end therefore men cannot difpence with us againft hi- 
will. 3 . The Apoftles have gone before us with their 
example, preaching and exercfing all their office, 
though they were both prohibited and beaten ^ and 
hive taught us to fay, [whether it be better to obey 
God or men, judge ye."] 4. Elfe it would alf© warrant 
all Chrifliani to forbear fraying and other worfhip of 
God, when the Magiftrace commanded it: which 
neither Daniel (Dah.6.) nor the ^foflles, or any 
good Chriftiam did believe. 5. And it would excufe 
men on thefc accounts from Martyrdom. 

Qoeft. 'But mujt we not obey the Magijlr Ate forbid- 
ding us the exzrctfe of our office jf Any hurt Acorew bj it 
to the Church ? 

Anfi*. We mutt prudently confider, Whither the 
hurt of our filence and forbearing our office, or the 
hurt of our not obeying the Magiftrate, is like to be 
greater as to the Church • and whether the Benefit 
of ourMiniftry, or of our fubmiffive filence, is like 
to be greater to the Church , and the honour of 
Chrift, and accordingly our choifc mud be deter- 

Tbcf. 164. If a MtgijtrAte commAnd us to do evil 
inGedswor/bip, or clfewhcre, We may not obey him. 

E. G. If he difable me only from calling out from | 
the Church or its Communion, a wicked impenitent I 
pcrfon, in cafe of neceiiity, I muft obey him • and ] 
niy yet continue in that Church, (unlefi I be called I 

The Paflors of the Church, &c. 307 

6 another,) but if he require me to apply Abfolution i 
>r the StcrAmtnt perfonal/y CO that man, I may no: 
rbey. Or if he require me to preach falfe DoArine, 
>r renounce any truth of God ( and yet fome may be 
ilenced for a time J For fin mud not be committed 
or the pleafure of man. 

Tbef. 265. Magiftratet may determine of fome ne- 
tjfary circ urn fiances in the vorfhif of God, which God 
at h left undetermined in hu Word ; hnt jet they mujt 
fke heed of unntceffary Laws, and of invading the office 
c the Paflors. 

M*giftrates may not make God any new itforfhip- 
>rdinance§. Circumftances of worftiip are Deter- 
mined bvGod > or Undetermined. The former (as 
fce Lords Day) the Magiftrate muft fefcond by Law*, 
■quiring obedience to Gods Laws . The fecond fore 
re Necejfary or Vnneeeffarj to be determined .• If 
Ineciffary, the Magiftrace fhould not put it into a 
iw ( N. a thing may be neceflary to be determined, 
tit is not it ielf comparatively neceftiry, but ano- 
icr might have ferved in its ftcad.) If the dctermi- 
Kion be Needful ox Profitable \ then either Ordinarily 
> a whole Nation, or only mutably fro hie & nunc. 
be later fhould be left to the Piftors determination : 
he former the Magiftrate may determine: As e.g. 
bat Tranflation of holy Scripture (hall be of pub- 
tc life ; What Verfion of Pfalms (hall be Sung, &c„ 
p e need noBilhops for thefc 9 if the Magiftrate 

Thtli z66. Tht Magifirste may appoint ni ni» [Of- 

X i fktfs 

308 Of the Soveraigns Pewer over 

pars for Cjeds vrorjbip itfelfjwt he may make new 0\ 
firs for thefe cirenrnftances of his Worfh\p+ 

God hath done the firft already. That the M j 
ftrare may do the fecond ,is plain, in that he may c 
termine of chat which is hii work : And fo he m 
circa facra make officers, as Church- Warden* to j 
to the building, and Porters to keep the doors, a 
Sextons to toll the Bells, look to rhc etenfiis, & 
and Cenfon to keep peace and order. 

Thcf. 267. Magiftrates have the chief Power of 1 
Temples and Church-maintenance ^ jet fo as that ti 
are bound bj (jod, to difpofe of it for his Churches grc* 
eft benffit. 

If any Give maintenance to the Church, the M 
giftratemay noc lawfully alienate it, no more then 
may deftroy other p-ous or charitable works : But y 
all Churches Colledge*, Hofpitais, (o ere&ed, a 
under his Government for che common good. If 1. 
Magiftratc command os to forfake the Temples, ai 
pat others in poffeflion of them, we moft obey. If J 
take from us ibe publick maintenance, we rauft fnj 
mit: When yet (tf the Churches good require il 
we may be bound to preach without maintenanl 
from him in forac other place. Bifhops have nochii 
to do with Temples or Maintenance, but under tl 
Magiftrate, by his grant: And yet both are fin g 
neral at lctft);*rt divine, of Gods ordination, whi 
cannot be denyed the Church without fin. 


The Pa/tors of the Church } &c. 3 °9 

Thef. 268. Though Magiflrates may not lawfully 
\fy from the ^People the Ptwcr of c hoofing or confenring^ 
ir from the Pafiorsthe Power of Ordaining , jet muji 
jfj ovcrfiebotb People and Paftorj f andnotfujfer them 

choofe or order fuel) as are intolerably unfit, but by 
*d*rate corre&iens bring them to 4 right er choice and 

J. Chrift hath left the forcfaid Power to the Pl- 
an and people: and therefore the Magiftratc may 
^i take it from them. 2. Yet as he hath left the 
wer of Governing all men to the Msgiftratc, fo no 
an can take this from him. And be is not to leave 
:op!c to choofe what Ministers thejpleafe % nor to 
aftors to ordain whom thej fteafe ^ but to fee that 
wcy do all to the Churches good : None of them can 
aim a fuller power in his place , then a parent hath 
ftr his own children, who yet muft be hindred by 
)c Magiftratc from wronging them, and forced by 
m to iced and cloatb them, if he deny it. 

Thef. 269. The principal workof Magijlrttes about 
f ^**5 k t$ P r *fc r vt ^, ** <i further the Obedience of 
ids Laws , which is a great p^tofhis work^ ; but not 
alter it. 

1. Truly faith Grotius de Irrrperio fura. Pot .7.8, 9. 
fcc cnim eft vera civicatis felicitai ,ut Dei fit araam f 
: amata Deo •, ilium fibi Rcgem,fe illius populum ag- 
Dfcat: qucmadraodam prxclare loquitur Augafli- 
asdcOvit. Dei. 1. 5. c. 14. qui & faclices dicit Rc- 
es 11 fuim poceRaccm ad Deicuhum maxirrediU- 
X 3 land u er, 

3 1 o of the Sovereigns Fower over 

tandum,majeftati ejus faraulam faciant. j So thf Era* 
pcrours Theodofius and ftonorius in Epift. ad Marcel 
Nequc enim aiiud aut belli laboribus agimu? 7 »ut pad 
confiliisordinamus, nifiut verumDci culcora orbi 
noftri plcbs devota caftodiar. ] Et Theodofius a< 
Cyril. Csefarei eft munerii, ui non folurn panfiie 
fed pie etiam fubditi vtvanc. ] See what Gretius cite 
out of Auguftine and others,' pag. u, 12, 13, 14 
«nd theConfeffionsof Homer , Livie, Horace, Valer 
M*x. &c. p. 18, 19 That irreligioufnefs ?nd th< 
contempt of Gods worfhip, is the mine of Gover 
nors, &c 

2. To be enftos Tabularnm, is not to charge them 
Some think if Magiftrates may not make Indifferen 
things neteffarjpnd fo make newChurch-Ordmancei 
tbeyhave nothing to do: As if it were no-hing tc 
promote the obedience of GodsLawi? Have all cht 
Judges and Joftices of England nothing to do bccauU 
they have no Legiflativc power ? One Legiflacor i; 
enough in a Common wealth* 

Thef. 270. It being fo high a part of the MagL 
ftrates norland honour to promote Gods fervice anc 
mens falnation^ jea an higher end of huMagiftracy thet 
weir corporal common good , their dofirine is trajterou. 
ani intolerable who affi' m I. That Magiftrates havt 
nothing to cjo with matters of Religion, but are to leave al 
men to their confidences, and govern ns as men, andnoi 
as Chriftiixn^ Churches or Minifters. 2. That thi 
Cl er U *™ exempt from the Magiftrates judgement 
and fio wonld (et up the ? opens a civil Prince in ever} 
Cowinin wealth. 

The Pafiors $f the Churchy &C. 3 1 1 

His charge againft the Presbyterians as fucfa , is 
ftlfe, tbacfeigneth them to fet up Imprium in lm- 
periojf Imferinm be taken for any Civil forcing powtr. 
Bat (be two parties tbat I now mention do plainly 
hold a dodrinc intolerable in a Common- wealth. 
1. 1 fhall,Godwilling 4 morefullyfhcwyouina(horc 
Treatife by ft felf, how they debafe the office of the 
Magiftrate , and teach people to value bim but as the 
dirt of the earth, and incomparably below the Mi- 
niftry, tbat would make him fo tcrreftrial as to have 
nothing to do wtib the matters of Religion, cor the 
promoting of mens falvation as fuch. 

2. ThcPapiftsarc of three forts herein. 1. Some 
of tbem hold (as Hoflicnfis, Boz*ius, &cj that the 
Pope is dire&ly intruded with both Swords by Cbrift, 
land is the fpiritual and Temporal Monarch of the 
'world. 2. Others of them (as TielUrmine, that 
in h f It is the common judgement ofCttholtckJDivines, 
de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 1 .) fay, that the Pope indi- 
ntllj in order to fpirituals, hath the foprcam power 
in Temporals through the world ; even as the foul 
'hath over the body : Tffis comes all to one with the 
former. 3. BarcUj and others more moderate, af- 
fert the Soveraignty of Princes againft the Pope : 
tod fa datbe Learned Lawyers of France. Bur att* 
ihey that do depofe the Pope from his ufurped So* 
waignty over the Laity ; yet leave him the fole 
Judge of the Clergy, or take them from under the 
Magiftratcs power , do plainly fet up a Monarchy 
in every Common-wait h , befides its proper Go- 
vernment , and give the Pope t Civil Govern- 

X 4 menc 

3 1 % Of the , Soveraigns Power over , &c . 

merit in every Chriftian Nation in the world. For 
is not that a Civil Government that punifheth men 
by fines, imprifonmcnt, or death? Though it be 
about Clergy- men, furely it is a Civil Govern- 
ment. It is long of facile unfaithful Princes, that g«ve 
up half their Power to the Pope and bis Prelates, that 
the Chriftian world is fo divided. Had not they arm- 
ed the Pope, he could not have done it. If Princes 
will notbewifer, let them take heed left they excite 
the people to enquire , Whether a Trince have Povtr 
togivemaf his Soveraigntyor part of it t§ another? 
and what the introducing ot a forreign Soveraign 
(hould be efteemed, and how avoided ? 

Ch a f\ 


Chap. if. 

Of the Soveraigns Prerogatives, and 
Power of Governing by Laws and 

THc Reader need not rdl me here, either that the 
whole fhoald have been handled before the 
parts, and the Genus before the Species, or tbac Laws 
and Judgement are pirrs of ddminiftrdtion^nd not of 
the CenjiitMtio* of a Common wealth : ForllntcnJ 
not exaftnefs of Method, and I purpofely paft ow 
the JurdRegdlid generally before, and rcfolve to 
lav nothing (here at leaft) of the Admimftrdtion, bat 
what falls in upon the by in the defcription of the Po- 
wer and therefore (hall fomewhat the fullyer here dc. 
kribe the Power with refpeft to its ads, which I 
avoid the fuller handling of, and fay no more of the 
f*rdRtgaUdthen\% neceffary hereunto. 

Thef. 271. The Rights oft hi Soverdign 4ft, 1 . His 
Tower of Governing, which is his Office it/elf. 2. That 
fdfetjiftrengtbdmd Honour^ dsfdr ds the people ctndf- 
fordit f which is fmfficient or necejftrj thereunto. 

I know that Polititians ufeto treat of this pare 
before they treatof the Specitjot Ccmrmon- wealths: 
and therefore I took in briefly fo mi'ch of it in the 
fifth Chapter as I thoagh? rherc r^ceflary : and 
(ballfptak a little more ftuiyof it, for the foremen- 


314 Of the Soveraigns Prerogatives & Power o 

iioned Reafons : cfpecially becaufe I omic that par 
10 here the nature of Laws fliould more fully be open 
ed - I know alfo that Politicians much differ in dc 
(bribing the Jar* Regalia • and that thofe that rathci 
enumerate then defenbe them, agree not about the 
Enumeration. They are ufually diftinguifhed inrc 
the Major* & miner a* I think they may beft be re 
duced all to tbefetwo Heads: Of which the latter 
(hall be fir ft fpoken of, becaufe it is but for the for- 

Thcf. 272. 1. It is a Prerogative of Ma'y&y, that 
the S over signs life have a [fecial Guard ^ and that the 
crimes that tend to his deft raft ion be Treafen, and have 
tbefevereft pmijhment. 

For the Common good is fo much concerned in 
the Sovcraigns life, that it is not to be left fo open to 
the ftroak of malice as another mans. 1 1 is requifitc 
therefore for the fafety of the Commonwealth, 

1. That there be fpecial Laws againft Treafon • and 

2. That the Soveraign have a fufficient fafc-guard. 

Thef. 273, 2. Another Prerogative is , to have po- 
wer to bind all thefubjetts in an Oath of fidelity. 

As the welfare ©f the people lyeth much on the 
Soveraigns life, fo will it therefore have more ene- 
mies: and therefore thercisreifoajhat thofe cfpe- 
cially fliould be engaged to the utmoft to fidelity and 
defence, for whom ic is that he incurs the dinger. 
Ashe isfworn cu Govern them faithfully, fomuft 
they to defend him. 

Thef. 274- 

Governing^ by Laws and judgement. 315 

Thcf. 274. 3. Another Prerogative is, to declare 
enemies to the State, and to have the power of war and 

Though forac peop f c limit their Sovcraigns in this f 
becaafe their welfare Syeth fo much on it ^ yet when 
a Parliament of their own choofing have a part in the 
Sovereignty, it is not fit at ail to limit them. For it is 
rot to be foppofed that fo many perfons ebofen by 
themklves fhould willingly fell their lives to the ene- 
my, or mine the Common- wealth ; And its known 
that all men arc too fclfifh, and ready to prefer their 
I private good before the publike: & therefore the com- 
naon Subjeds muft be forced to (ecure the Common- 
wealth, ard not be fuffcred to pot in fuch Refervef 
a? may endanger the whole, under pretence of fecur- 
ifng their feveral private Inter efts. 

Thef. 275. 4. Another Prerogative is> to have the 
I power of the Arms ard Forces of the Nation^ for defen- 
sive and off en five wars. 

This in fome refped belongs to this Head of fe- 
curity and ftrengtb, and in fome refped to the other 
i Head of Government. For the commanding of Ar- 
mies i$ a pare of Government. Though where the 
Soveraignry is divided between a Prince and Parlia- 
ment or Nobles, there may be contefts about the 
Power of the Forces •, yet between the Sovcraignand 
1 the Sab jed there can be none, favc only about the 
fecuring of any Liberties, which by Limitations in 
the Confutation by his own confene he is bound to 


3 1 & of the Sevtraigns Prerogatives & tower of 
gram r hem, and faithfully prcfervc : No doubt the 
Sovcraigo bach the cbicfeft command of the Nations 
Anna : And he that may not command them to 
fight, doth in vain command them to obey in civil 
cafes, and in vain undertake to be their Governor. 

Thef. 276. 5. Anothtr Prerogative u , by C r °»*' 
lands, Tribute/, £uftoms , and $ther incomes to receive 
fnfficient Revenue j to defray the charges of the Govern- 

Without this the Government could not be ex- 
ercifed. Chrift payethtribute,and fo doth T>eter : and 
Paul faith, Rom. 1 3 • 5, 6, 7. [Te mufi needs bcfub'ytt, 
not *n/yfor wrath, but al/§ for confeience fa kf • for, for 
this caufe pay yon tribute alfo : for the) aire Gods Mi- 
nifiers attending continually upon this very thing : Ren- 
der therefore to all their dues : tribute U whom tribute, 
cuflom to whom cuflom, fear to whom fear y honour to 
whom honour^ The limitations I before mentioned. 

Thef. 277. 6. Another Prerogative is, to have that 
Eminency of Honour which is needful to maintain Au- 
thority, and to leave a power of fecuringit bj fpecial 

If Msgiftracy be not kept from contempt, the 
common iafety and peace will not be preferved, nor 
vice rrftraincd : As Al'jefiy h a beam from the Hea- 
venly Mjje&j, fo rauft it participate of the Splendor 
in a ncceffary me? fare, as well as of the Pswer. This 
is principally needful for the borour of God from 
whom it flows - 3 as an E&bifiadors Honour is the 


Geverning bj Laws tnd judgement. 317 

Honour of the Prince : next it is needful to the pub- 
like good, the end of Migiftracy. And therefore the 
dfhonorers of Majeftj muft be more fevcrely punch- 
ed, then thofe that detame or diftionour private men, 
though perfonaly perhaps of more excellent quali- 

Thef. 278. 2. The highe Si prerogative of Majtfty 
U its conjlitutedform -, that is, to be the fumma Potc- 
ftas, to h*ve the Supreme Government. This confi fieri?, 
1 . In hdvitgfhefupream Legifldtive poster. 2. And 
the fnprctm power oj judgement , and execution of that 
^) utgtment. 

Some call this Effcnce of Majefty its 'Prerogative^ 
and tome think that Title bclongeth but to the Ac- 
cidents : but it being the principal Jus MayHatti, 
'Magift-acy it fclf being effentially a ftu Regendi, we 
(hail therefore fo call it, leaving to all the Liberty of 
their own pbrafe. And though it may be thought to 
be out of place, I flnll hereftay a while, and en- 
quire into the nature of Laws , under th.s Head of 
Legiflative Power, and then fpeak of the Properties of 
Supremacy herein; a; d then of judgement, but ve- 
ry briefly. 

Thef. 179. A La w u an ambiguous term, and is ta» 
kjtn, I. Sometime for the internal mind of the Law-gi- 
ver. 2. Sometime for the txurnal produtts. In the 
former fence Gods mind and will is called Lex seterna 5 
which proper I] is but the Fountain of Law, unlefs jcu 
takeit as the Significaturo.^ the Utter fence, I . Some- 
time it is takenforamtqns of effetttug ^ andfometime 


3 1 8 Of the Soveraigns Prerogatives & Power of 

for the thing effected on the SnbjeEl. In the former 
fenfejomettmeit is taken Metaphorically for a con- 
neecion of Phyfical canfes • andfometimefor metr moral 
foteflative Rnles : Andfemetime it u taken Metaphor i- 
calljfor the orderly difpofal of intimites and brutes 
andfometime only for Rnles to the rational free Agent. 

Thef. 280. 1 take the mind of the Law-giver, the 
fetled order of Nature among inanimates or brntes or 
m*n ai a Natural agent ,and alfo the imprefs on the joul y 
atf*cb,to be improperly called Laws: and therefore take 
net the werdin any ofthefejenfes. 

Thef. 281. The Law of 2{atnre and of Grace, are 
fometimet ahtn for the imprinting figns, and fometime 
for the Imprefed Image : In the latter fenfe I take 
them improperly to be called Laws. 

Yet even the Internal Difpofttion, confidered not 
as a Difpojition, but a fign of Gods W»H, I number 
with the Laws of Nature. Bat Internal A&s or Dif- 
fpofitions as fucb, are but figuratively called Laws : 
But properly the Nature of things ("within us or 
without us) as revealing the will of God de Debitc, 
11 the Liw of Nature : and properly no other. 

So the Law written on our hearts and put into our 
inwards parts ; that is,tbe holy effedi of the Law up- 
on us, in thcmfelvcs arc no Law, but the effc As of a 
Law; unlefsasfccondarily , they become the figns 
of the will of God impofing further duty. 

Thef. 282. The word £Law is alfofometime ta* 
kfnfo largely a& to comprehend mtsr Diittltons or pre- 


Governing^ hy Laws &nd$udgmtnt. 319 

pts of finch as hive no Governing pofoer. and alfo cm* 
mBj: B*t Its\e it not thus improperly. 

Thcf. 283. By feme alfo it is tttynfo narrowly, as 
exclude verbal Precepts^ Commifjions, Priviledges 9 
mporary Conftitmions, p emiant Laws y and all fuck 
mccrij conftttme the Jqs Poflidendi,crdcbit»m ba- 
:ndi, as fuck: and is mMdeonljtoJignifietbofe Lmws 
idtdriby e mi tunc j fo called , And to comprehend no 
f/j ^fobligircaut ad ebedtentiaro aut ad fcenaw. 
ut I follow n:t that too ftrift acceptation. 

Lccchofc men that arc not the Matters of Lan- 
jage y be content to cxprefs their own minds by 
ieir own term* , and give as leave to do the like. If 
iy think that the [Name of a Law] (hould be ufed 
ore Laxely or more ftri&ly then I ufe it , he hath 
s Liberty ;L(t him have the patience alfo tofuf- 
rme to ufe mine; and to tell him that my words 
e to explain my own mind, and not bis. It is Things 
ad not words that I am here to open: And it is that 
hing which I here define that I treat of, and mean 
/ the word Law. So various are cbe Definitions of 
iws among Polititians and Lawyers, that its not 
ific to meet with many that agree in one and the 
me Definition. And therefore among fucb varie- 

I may have the freer leave to thruft in mine, then 

the gowned Tribe had been agreed on fome other : 
pecially when u I never yet faw many ,if any other 
I could fee reafon to be fatisfiedin. 2. And 
et I pretend to no Infallibility • or that mine (hall 
e more perfed then other mens, but only that it is 

ore ftiisfa&Qry to mc : To confute other mens 


3 20 Of the Sever tigns Prerogatives & Fewer ej\ 
various Definitions would be but odious & tedious 

Thef. 284. ALitokd fi^nification cf the Ruler jf 
tyill conflicting the Snbjetts due : Or , Poteftativaf 
conftitutio debiti fubditorum. 


Becaufe the word [Law^s fometime taken for thej 1 
fign or eff.ft alone, and fomecime as comprehending 
the ad: of Legi fiction ^ I ufe the word £ Signification m 
as appliable to both acceptions But it being not Le 
giflation (the efficiency being prefuppofed ) but £ $k 
Law] as the ef$8 that I define, therefore it is paf 
fively, Qtproipfofigno that I here take the won 
\_fig*ifoAtion.~yyfzrz it Ltqtfl <t>on that I defined , 
fhould make xhzGenw an Ail of the Ruler : But 
judge ^yjpi***] tobethetrue(7f;i»jof a Law (whe 

ther pr&dicamentale^ or tranfcendcntale \ Lawyer 
would not thankmetodifcufs.) It is not the will o 
the Ruler in it felt, for thats unknown { but as R¥ 
vealed^And the will of God or man can be no other 
wife revealed to another but by fome fign , wheche 
it be word,writing, factor whatever, faith Fr. Sin- 
re*, truly (de Legib. lib. i.e. 5. pag.zo,) Afferent 
fpiciertdo adnomiKM Legu lmpcfmontm , videripriu 
pofitumad figmficandum ixttmtim Imferium & Jig 
num oft enjivum voluntatis pracipientis* Ihoenim A 
riftot. 10. Ethic, eitxit Legem (jfe fermonem d fapfrn 

So cap. q.pag.iq.. Lexconfideratur-—'$ t in aliqh 
alio (igno, [en alia materia exterior e % ut infcripfiVi 
ettam in voce manifeflanti voluntatem (uperiork. 

So Gabriel. 3 . */. 3 7. <J. un. calls it [_fignum verm 
creatura rational* notiftcattvttm rtilarationk diSat 
%U % ligari eam>&cc. Cbje<i 

Governing by Lam and Judgement. 321 

Objc&.Signuta ii anadjunft, and belongs to Legibly 
fit a Law doth properly belong to the fee end part ojPoli- 
if 4*j a»d ought to have its Genus thence as being an att 
~ the fupream power t &c. 

Anfw. 1. li Politick* banifli Logic kfbty muft ba- 
i(h Definitions and rational debates. iVefenbechius 
nd other* have evinced, that thcCivilLaw it felfis 
ot fallen out with Logiclr. 2 An Act is a Logic* I 
crm as well as a fign. 3 . I fay not (imply £ 4fa»3 
uc £ 4 yfj« */>&* iJ*&rj w'// 3 which arc terms chic 
aw abhors nor. 4. 1 never law any fit one put in 
he Read of this, but what dotb more darkly exprefs 
he fame thing, which is therefore lefs fit. 

Objc&.TW it is lignum,* better exprejfed bymtn- 
ioning the Promt* Igatien. 

A»[w. Notfo: Promulgation is ufually taken for 
he id: of Publication, which followcch the En'a&ing 
md £ fence of the Law •, and is iroplyed as ncceflary 
o the effeft of the fign •, Of which I ftiall next 

Thef. 285. Though to be an Aptitudlnalfign f &?4# 
hat is of the Generic al E fence h jet to be Promulgate 
md thereby made an Aftual fign,*r to befofar revealed, 
hat thefubjeftsmay be informed by it that are not cul- 
pably negligent is a condition necejfary to the Obliga ti- 
nt §r Confiitmion of duty. 

Some had rather diftinguifh between the ttefrifem- 
ing and Informing aft of Laws, and make the former 
tffential to them, aud not the latter, add fo re jeft the 
diftin&icn of Aptitudinal and A final figns here : 
but groundlcfly. To Reprefeht^ is al ambiguods as td 

3210/ the Soverdgns Prerogatives & Power ef 

fi£»ifie, and is of the fame importance : And there- 
fore if we have need to diftinguifli of o**,fo we have 
of the other. To Reprefent Aptituimallj ,by contain- 
ing that expreffion of the Superiours will as is Ape 
to Inform if Revealed, is one thing \ and to Reprefent 
attuall} to another by the means of Revelation or fit 
approximation, is another thing, A (hilling in my 
pocket AptitudinaUj f*£"ifietk y or Reprcfcntetlo the 
Sovcraign whofe Image it bcareth : but not afiually 
till I take it out and (hew it ^ Nor then neither, nifi 
fxpArtertveUntu, that is, it is but in T>ettnlU pr$- 
xima, till the beholder perceive it. So here, i . A 
L*r* E»4cled is truly a Law, as zfignum tptitudinale 
is a [\jn : but it obligeth not yet. 2. A Law En- 
aftcd and Promulgate obligeth, becaufc the Law- 
giver bath done his part to the full effeft. 3 . A Law 
Received is yet in a nearer capacity for the full effed; 
but Reception or A&ual understanding it, is not nc- 
ccflary to the obligation. 

Some affirm that Trmnlgation Is effential to a Law. 
Let them that think fo,define it accordingly : I quar- 
rel not with them , becaufe I come fo near them as 
that the difference is of no great moment: But yet I 
confent not : For its one thing to m*kt * !**» , *nd 
another to pr*mulg*tt it. Yet the laft is a Condition 
fine quA n$n y as to obligation. As in Belief, the Rtvr 
Jaticn itftlf is not the formal objcdl of Faith, (that 
is Vir deltas ReveUntU) nor part of it ^ nor yet the 
mdttridlobjttt (that is the Truth Revetted) but a 
naturally necef&ry condition of botb,which fomc call 
the vinculum ; fo premutation is not effential to 
Law, nor is it the formal objc& of our obedience} 
( that i$, the Power of the Law-giver ) oor ;bc mate- 

Governing by L*m and judgement. 323 

ial (that if, the Law it fclf) but a nccefTiry means 
nd condition to induce the Obligation 5 chc cna<$ed 
.aw having but the Totcntiam & Aptitudinem ibli- 
andi, which muft thus be made aftuaL 

Thef. 286. When Ifay a Lar* U a fign of the £aw- 
ivers VfiltJ imply hie under ft anting Jignifed alfo : As 
Light jtproceedtth from the Legiflaters IntetleU^anddi 
mpofed jtproceedeth from kid Will, and fo is to be re- 
tivedby the Intellttt andvtM of the fubjettfor Regw 
ttion \and Obligation or Obedience* 

It ii a great controverfie whether it be the ReafoM 
r the Will as fignified that informeth Laws. On the 
ne fide arcT. Aquin. Cajetan.xAlenf. Richard. An^ 
mi*. Soto, and many mdfre : and on the other fide, 
\tnric. Gabr. Occam, and others,as Suarez reckoneth 
icm ; buc doubtlcft many of them hold as he doth, 
id as the plain truth is, chat it is bo h : As a man is 
til ma* without an Inte/tift andmM, and as an ad 
f command is not human* that proceedcth not from 
otb ; and ai the Law it fclf hatb both an Informing 
3d Compiling power : and as it is by ehefubjeft to be 
ceived borb by the Jntelleft and trill, (o muft ic 
•ocecd from both in the Law giver ,add fignifie both 5 
et differently : For it proximately proccedeth from 
i will,and fignifieth that as Obligatory, not fufpend- 
gmens Obedience upon their discerning the Rca- 
inablencfi of the Law, which is to be fuppofed. 

Trbef. 287. Intbteffencepf thtftgn there u a three* 

Id Rcfpett of the matter of the fign. I. To the thtn£ 

[ntfod. z. To the mil of the Lawgiver, i>To the 

Y 2 fubietoe 

324 Of the Soveraigns Prerogatives & Power t 

fubjctts, to Whom his willisfignified.The thing ftgnifii 
conftjleth, I. Of the mutter, z. The form ^ that* 
Right or % Duenefs. 

Tbc,Law i r Signifieth the will of the Legiflator, 
words exprefsthe fpeakers mind* And cbercfo 
fome make \jhe will of the Qovernour] to be t\ 
Genus of a Law ; and Atfignfied, fo it it : but not 
exiftent initfelf. 2. The Law nafign refpe&ingtl 
undcrftanding and will of the fubjeft , as the Termin 
or finis eui : It nonfieth to the fub jed the Legiflaio 
will. 3. It refpedeth the matter fignified * e.g. th 
ChafHty, Sobriety, Temperance, or this or that da 
is the matter to which we are obliged. 4. The Lit 
refpc&erb the form produced by fignification, that [ 
the Debitum or Right, th\t is or that (hall be DsA 
All thcie fignifiearions are efTcncial to a Law ; fuppl 
ling thttas to the fubjeft, the Aptitude \% enoagb,a? 
the Reprefenuticn, whether the pcfton receive infi 
mation by ir, or not. 

Thcf. 288. All Laws being nottimg elfe but the H 
frejpons of mother t Reafon d*d JViU, it is terttin til 
/ubjeftsare not to tfttem themfelves jelf (ufficient or 4 
dependent, nor enjltved by being Rptled by the Red 
and will of others. 

Gods Reafon and will revealed, is the Univci 
Light and Law of the whole world : TheSoverat 
Reafon and will, is the fubordinaic Light and Law 
chat people whom he governcib • arid is the pub! 
Reaonand Will of the Common-wealth : Yet « 
this two-fold limitation. 1. Tha; he have no poic 



Gwtrning bj Laws *nd Jdgemtnt. 3 z J 

jgainft the Light and Law of God. 2. That all the 
people have a Reafon and Will that is private and 
lerfonal, for the difecrning che-.r Duty, and choofing 
iccordingly. Bat doubtlcfs Godi appointing that the 
Laws, that is, the Reafon and Will of the Soveraign, 
lull rule the fubje&s,doth hereby require much fub- 
nifibn in us, even 16 far as that we difobey not his 

gheft will. 

And confeqaently, in many doubtful cafes, the 
Joveraign may be guilty for ntif-commanding, when 
;hc fubjed is innocent that obcyeth him. 

Thef. 289. It U no L*w th*t is not the effetl of Go- 
verning Power, or thefign of the Rulers will. 

Authority is the efficient caafeofLaw, or is the 
ower of the efficient. Authority is fomettmc taken 
Formcer Intereft, by Wifdom* ftrengeh, goodnefs, 
c£*r. by which one man can prevail with others. This 
is no Law-giving Power. But the A inherit j that 
muft make Laws is nothing elfe bat fusregendi^z 
Right to Govern, which is originally and primitively in 
God, and Derivatively in the creature. Remember 
ftill, that this is it that 1 mean by Authority, or Power; 
and no: mccr power of Intereft by Reputation, ror 
yet meer nature, ftrength or force. Jtu prdcipientis, 
the Right of commanding is the only fuffici: nt caafe 
of Jm fr€cefti % oi impofed Right. Yet Jus conceffum 
may arife from a more private caafe, 

Analogically as man is called a Governor of him- 
felf , fo his will and word are called a Law f himfelf : 
But this is no fuch Law as we treat of. 

If Ljcurgus or any wife man dr^gv up the Syftem 
Y 3 of 

%%6 Of the Severaigns Prerogstwis & Power ef 
of Laws for Governing a Common- wealth ; or if in 
any N*tion,fomc that hive no part in the Sovereign- 
ty m*y be the Propofers, thefc are no Laws, till they 
have the ft*mp of Sovcraign Command. Bat as a 
Prayer in a Book is ufually Called a Prayer, which in- 
deed is no Prayer (for the*4«**is given it ftom the 
mat ter, which (hoiil J follow tbtform): So alfo a Loft 
propofedlmo L*w, but the matter of a L*r* without 

Comraftt arc but fe If obligations , and fuch as may 
Oecafi n a divine or a publick humane obligation, but 
arc no proper Laws. But if any will call his buying 
and felling or any other CeneraA aLrw, as he hath 
the liberty of roifpeakiag, fo let him grant us the 
liberty of more ftrid expre/fions. Hence we fay, thic 
Fundamental Conftitutions, as by man, are by mcer 
ComraA, and sot by proper Laws of men, becaufe 
they are antecedent to governing Power, thecaufe of 

Thef. 290. Hi*ce arifeth a double diflribution of 
Lws. 1. Some Laws are but O economical ^and fome art 

The L uvs of a Father to bis children, and a nailer 
to his fcrvants, arc truly and properly Laws : Yet, 

1 , Thev are not eminently fuch at Political Lawi are. 

2. And cuftom hath (but cauflefly) confined the 
nnme ;o Political Ltrvr. All that is Ejfential to a Lxy$ t 
is found in LmsO economical. 

Thef. 291. 2. Laws are either Univcrfal for ok 
whole Commonwealth, or Local and particular •, ant 


Governing hj Laws and judgement. 3*7 

made either by the Sovereign Immediately \or by a fub- 
ordinate fewer Immediately, and only mediately by the 

Some make a great Queftion of it, Whether Le- 
.giflicion bz not proper to the Sovcraign. x. Univer- 
fal L*ws for the whole Commonwealth in the main 
ptrci of Government, muft be made Immediately by 
the Sovereign: (Though its poffiblc, e. g. a modal 
or circumftantial univerfal Law, as about Excifc , 
Meetings &c. may be made by * derived power. ) 
2. Local and fubordinate Laws may be made by 
others ; but only by a Power (o Derived from the 
Sup;cam Ruler, that Originally and med arely they 
are his Law*, though proximately theirs. That fub- 
jeds may make fuch Local Statutes by theSoveraigns 
.grant, is maintained by Politicians commonly (Bocer. 
Camman Be fold, and abundance more • ) But ftillic 
isbu: by a Derived Power ^ and it is but fro mo do 
^opritjurifdiElionui and it muftnot b: againft the 
Common Laws. So Maiors with their Corporation- 
Burgefles are enabled to make Corporation- Laws : 
And Phyfitiam,and other ft u dents in Colledges,may 
make Colledge Laws : And a Gcner a! by Commiiflon 
may make Laws Military far his Army. 

Thef. 292. Liws may cMfft in w'itingt , words , 
cufioms or aBions % or whsteW may truly be called a fign 
.of the Rulers will -, and thej are not confined to any one 

] Some will needs tall nothing a Law but whats in 
writing : and fome will add cu/lom only : By which 

Y 4 ** 

3 28 of the Soveraigns Prerogatives & Tower oj 

the Law of nature it fclf it made no Law. But ho\*f> 
arc Nations Governed that have no writing? Doub 
Icfs any fignificationof tbeSoyeraigns will it Debito 
may be a Law. 

Tbef. 293. A Commiffun or Precept to a jingle per f 
fen or more, u truly a Law y h wing all that it ejfentia fa 
to it • but it is the leajl of Laws y una not a Law as th f 
word is confined to fuck as art eminently called Laws 

The Command of a Parent is an Occonomtcal Iaw 
the Commandof eScveraig* « a Political L*w.Wbtr\ 
there is no writing, this is cafily perceived* They tak 
the word \_L*w\ abufively, too ftridtly, that exclud 
t! e r e fmalleft Laws that have fomewbat of the coin 
mon nature. If a copamiffion or precept to a fingl 
perfon, be not a Law , tbey will find it impoffible t< 
determine juft how many rouft be the fubje&s of 
Law. Its not necc ffary that it be the whole Common 
wealth. Laws are oft made to enable a particular pe 
fon to fell his Lands, co inqaturalize biro, &c. I 
doth not therefore p'Qve ic no Law, becaufe it j 
i boat but a fingle perfon, or cafe, or fad. 

Tbef. 294. Laws may be either permanent or tera 
porary : Even that which is butfer an hour or a day 
may have all rjfential to a Law y thongh of the Lowej 
ki*d- M 

Some will call no temporary Precept \a Law 3 
They may ufe their liberty ,though without Reafon 
It is not Eflertialtoa Law,thatit be for continuance 
If not for a thoufand years, then not for an hundred 


Govtrning by Laws and judgement. 329 

ot for feven, not for one, not for a day. The Prince 
. nd Pat lis mens may make a Law for a certain fad (as 
he beheading of a Traitor ,difpo(Teffiog the Gorer- 
iour of a Girri f on,a Commander in an Army, dr.) 
vhtchma^ be executed, and ended in an hour, and 
^et be a true Law. And if the fame Prince and Par- 
iamenc (peak the word by way of Command, it is as 
TulyaLaw, though not fo eminent. 

Thef. 295. The Jpeeifick form of this fignwhieb we 
call a Law, tonfifteih in Conftitution of Due :fo that 
a LdVr efentiallj is an lnftrnment of the Soveraignt 
ml/ h which the word [^Constitution] dothexprtfs. 

The word [Ldw~] 11 taken AZivelj or Pajftyely : 
and fo may the word [Conftitution\ accordingly. Molt 
properly it is taken both paffivtlj in refpeft to God 
the principal Canfe : and Attivel) (by Moral aflion) 
as to the Confti'.ution of Right : It is fignum Arbitrd- 
rium, & IfiflruwKnttlij non for male -, and fo it is not 
only fignttm theoricnm ,fedpratlic*m. So that it is 
iflential ro it to be both fignum notificans,vet manift- 
ftans, and alfo fconfiituens vtt lnftrnment die. 

Thef. 296. This differ encelh d Law from 'Judg- 
ment : A Ldw doth Infirument dlly conftitute the Right 
by wdj of Regulation : The Judgement doth but Deter- 
mine of it when Controverted by way ofdecijion, or in 
oeder to execution. 

Thef. 297- ^/DebituravelJus,Dueor Right ,£ 
the Common nature of Mordlitj (dire&ly : as injuftucn 
indireftlj) fo is it the effentitl terminus of 4 Ltw. 




i J 

33° 0/*^* Soveraigns Prerogatives & Power 
The very fumm of Morality, and therefore of 4 
Law f ii in this one word [Dibit***] (to which [inJk 
}>itum\ isreducedj morecxa&Iy expeffed thenj 
theufaal Metaphors and Circumlocutions. Right ku 
Wrong is the fumme of alt : which are thernfelves R<, : 
lations rcfulting from the Inftrumemal figi , (To 
wefpsaknoiof them as in the ad* of raen.j 

ObjcA. Debitamconftitutum^^/ the efeBof'f^ 
Law, and therefore not to be put in the Definition . ^ 
Anfw.l* Tbenyouroblgdtioad reftnm rauft b.jj,, : 
left out, which is the fame .-For it is in x^b igatioi n jf 
all contained, 2. As if the Termini mutt, not entei^ 
the Definition of a Relation! Or as if [the Law"Jo 
mull not be put into 'the definition of Legifldtion y, 
nor a Son be in the Definition of hnmane generation { 
not the Creature be in the Definition of Creation -, not 
health in the Definition of Healing*, becanfe they 
•re all effc As ! This is new Logic ^ to make new Poli- 
tick*. Debitum'w the Produft and Terminus of Law 
and raaft be in in Definition. 




Thef. 298. The common wjrd [Obligation] Uf^ 

tolerable ffibftitHte ef\Confiitution ef Due] which 1 

willinglj ufe, but choofe the other in a Definition rather ± 

I . becanfe Obligation is but a Metaphor. 2. And de- 

fcBive of fit ixpr effing the whole effential Act of Laws. 

1 '. Metaphors may be ufed in cafes of Neccffity t or 
for Ornament : but not in Definitions without Nc- 

2. I conceive it defe&ive. i.becaufe obligor* ad 
fosnani} is an unmeet or harfti cxpreffion* It is not 
*df&utminferendam : for that were but to oblige to 


Givtrning by Laws and ^udgtmtnt. 331 

mi : but ok poenamferendam. And [}o bind a man 
fuffer~] is nothing To fit in exprcflfijn as ce make 
due te him. 

2. Becanfe there are many proper Laws that con- 
fute the ?ut habendi vel ptffldendi, and do not pro- 
riy*4/*£tatall, etcher adebedientiam, aut ad pa- 
p*, (unlefa by fomc other conjunA a& or part) 
So God did divide the Inheritance of tbc Tribes 
1 lfrael by Law ; and Laws of Poffcfsion in a new 
ian:ation f are ordinary 1 which confticute only (by 
lis aft ) the Debitum habendi, or give Right to fach 
id fach Land , bnt oblige not ad obediential, aut ad 
v*am , by this a A. 
Ob jeft. Thefe Law do alfo conjiitute the Jus noo 
uferendi , andfo oblige. Anfw.i. Thatsdoneby 
not her Law againtt Theft, which was pre-exiftent 
t concomitant* 2. If foch an ad were found in this* 
bats nothing to the Queftioo. The Qoeftion ii,Whc- 
her thi ail of the Lawgiver conftituting metrly the Jus 
labendi bj a Attribution , or/etling divift<m % be not * 
Law ? 

2. Is not Lex pramians, as foch, a Law? As if a 
King make a Law that every man that difcovereth 
my new art, or Engine for the Common good , at 
Waterworks, Military Engines, &c. or doth any no» 
:ab!e ad againft the enemy (bribe Commonwealth, 
(hall be made a Knight or Lord, or be thus or thus 

Obje&. Thefe bind himfelf to give, and are but pub- 
Ike Promifee. Anfw.hut they bind not the Subjed to 
obey or fuffer : They only conft itote the Debitum pra- 
»;;and fuch pMik? Premifes being made by a Legif- 
lator for the Common good fire properly fnblikf Laws. 


33 * of the Sovtraigns Prerogatives & Power of 

The lame I fay of abundance of Priviledges ^ As if 
there be a Lit* chat be that hath fcrved fo long in the 
Wars, (hall have fuch Priviledges in che Common- 
wealth: He chat hath ferved feven years Appren- 
tiftiip, (hill be free to fet op the Trade; He that it 
of fo long (landing in the Univerfiey, and Learned, 
fliallbcfrce toprofefs Law, Phyfick, &c He that 
hath fo many children, (hall be exempt from Tax* 
€S\&c. Thefc oblige not at all, either to duty or pu- 
nifhmenr ; but conftitutc the jHthabrndi only, though 
confcquentially,or by other aftt,theSubjc&$ be obli- 
ged not to difturb them in their juft p^ffeflions. 
And fuch afts as tbefel think are the [ Permijfton\ 
that is commonly faid to be an ad of a Law • For if a 
CV*ff^* be not meant by a Permflion^xi will prove 
no aA orXaw, but the Negation of an Aft, asffro- 
tim 9 $u*rez> and others truly Note. But certainly 
Permijfitn is not Obligation. 

Such alfo are*thc Laws for Naturalizing, enfran- 

And it is no wonder if fome Politicians know not 
where to place Priviledges and ads of grace, when 
they have tbruft them in jurioufly out of the number 
of Laws, by confining the word to the eminent fort 
of Laws. 

Nay in fome cafes, (as in the firft Dividing of 
Countries^ in 4 General *fl of Oblivion after a civil 
War, &c .) I think that may be * mejl eminent L*w y 
thu neither ob igetn ai obed>entUm % ant ad paenam % 
bat only conftuatcth the Debit urn babendi 

Bu it is objofted that tcontradtft the Scripture that 
exclude b all w>rkj of fnpererogntion, &c. Anfyp. 
i . I coucradict it not ; for I affert npon fuch towards 


Geverningby Laws And judgement. 333 

God : but there may be fuch towards men. 2. Buc 
what though the work be not commanded by a Law; 
may not the fus habendi be confUtuted by a Law ? 

3. Yea moreover in the fame Laws that do com- 
mand Dnty , and fecond it with a premiant Sandion, 
the premiant ads is part of the Law : And premiaro as 
well as punWe is commonly called an ad of a Law. 

Pot ( faitb the Ob jedor ) A Benefit u theatt of 4 
Bfnefattor as fuch, and not of*Legifl*tor. 

tsfnfw. And fo beating and killing in Revenge, is 
the ad of a Revenger as fuch. But yet as it is pare of 
the fandion of the Law, you confefs that obligate ad 
pcenam is an ad of Law. And you can give no Rca- 
Jon, why the prewar parr, as well as the Commina- 
torjy is not a proper ad of Law ^ and why the making 
& Reward for Obedience, is not an ad of Law as welt 
as making /ujferingDuefor Difobedience.Tht fame mao 
that is a Benefaftor, is a Prince: And as a Benefit, ic 
proceedeth from him as a Bencfaftor • Bit aiconfli* 
tuted Due by a Law- giver for the ends of the Lar* y fo it 
is a effed of Law. 

It is added by the Objedor [" // any by giving 4 
Benefit dotb conftituere Jus publicum, then he doth this 
as Legislator % and the Snbjcft is bound obfervarejus 
a Legiflatorc conftitutum, non heneficium, quatenus 
i Bcnefadorc Collatum. 3 Anf*. 1 . 1 (hall yet be- 
lieve cbac a publicly Law may give many per fetal Re- 
wards asaLaft , that are all tgrminative private. 
2. If it be buc a fuj habendi that is conflicted, it is 
do Obligation to obedience or punifiment (though fuch 
ads may be concomitant. ) 

I inftance in Gods own mod excellent Law of 
Cracc^whcnCi^y? and lift eternal are given by a Pr#- 

mifi 9 

334 Of the Soveraigm Prerogatives & Ptwcr Oj 

ntife, which yet if truly * Law, and will be the Rule 0} 
Judgement. To this is anfwered,tbat [ To give Chrift 
was to give a Benefit, and a Law-giver, not 4 Lato : ond 
to make a grant of Eternal life with a precept of faith 
as a Conditioners to give a Law, and not a meet bene- 
fit] To which I reply. To give Chrift to the world 
in his Incarnation, was to give a Benefit abfolutely ^nd 
not a Law( who dreamt of chat ? ) To give Chrift to 
particular fouls for tkeifynJHfication and falvaiion on 
condition of Faith, and to give Heaven on conditi- 
on alfo of perfevering obedience, is an ad of Law, 
though a Gracious Law* And it is not only the Obli- 
gation to believe 1 hat is an aft of Law , but alfo the 
Conftitution of the fus habendi or Dcbitum pramij- 

But all this I fpeak with fubmiffion to better Judg- 
ments about Laws. 

Thcf»299 TbeDutthai is cenfthuted by Law is 
twofoldi I . What fhjtUbt the fubjeds duty, that is, the 
Dcbitum officij. a. what firilbeDtxc to him upon 
obeying or difobeying, or othertvife y for the ends of the 
Law, that h ,the Debitum praccoij vel pcenar •, or the 
Jus habendi vel ferendi. 

The firft aft of moft publick Laws in order, is the 
conftituting (primarily, or by confirmation) the 
Right of poffeffiom as Antecedent to obedience or 

difobedience : The next \$de officii* in the Precepts 
and prohibitions. The laft is de pcenis & pramiis, an- 
nexed to the fecond for the promoting of obedi- 

Thef. 3 00. Lafitr, it is only the Debitum fubdito- 


9 f \m 


Governing by Laws dnitfudgetntnt. 335 

rnm as fttch , that is confiitutei by a Law ^ andfo it U 
hiftingui fted from Rulers alls about tbiir own or alien* 

Ir is no proper Law by which any Soveraign binds 
bimfeif, unlcfs he have alfo a private or Inferiour ca- 
pacity* To hirafelf ir may be a Promife or Cove- 
nant • but to himfelf as Soveraign it can be no Law : 
God binds hicn to keep his Covenants : and he binds 
his Subjeds to their dories. His Commands alfo to 
men of another Land , chat are no Subjeds, arc no 

Thef. 301. The will of the Lawgiver doth alwayts 
attain its neareft tni^ which is, To oblige, or fomake 
Due^ fat its ultimate ends depending % on the Subjects 
wiS, are often frujlrate. 

To make this or that a Dtuy % is his work, to which 
his Law is prcfently effedual ; but to perform that 
Da t y , is the Subjeds work • and the beft Laws of the 
wifeit Lawgiver may be broken: yet muft he en- 
deavour fo to compote bis Law as may amend or 
rcftrain the Subjeds: for they are not only Direding 
Rule% but compuifivc for obedience. 

Thef.302.I4w are the RuleofDnt]& of Judgment. 

Juftice wilLpnnifli bat by the Law that is violated : 
ItmuftbeaRuleefLife,beforewecan be judged by 
it. Its the Judges Rule too , though in a different 
fort, when the Lawgiver hirafelf is Judge, of which 
mgr$ afterwards* 


33$ of the S$vemgns Prerogatives & Power of 

Thef 303. As the Soveraign Power maketh Laws, 
fo may it Abrogate ^or con eft thofe Layps. 

Queft. what if a Soveraign make a Law for per- 
petuity , and call it fundamental, may his Suecefour 
change it? Anfa. K% \ L&w, tftey arc not obliged 
by it from a change, bat have the fame Power to al- 
ter it as be bad to make it. But yet bis Promife ex* 
prefled in that Liw,or hisConfent, may oblige his 
^uccefTors , if they fucceed upon his terms, before a 
Change in the Confticution • if he pals a Law of 
great neceffity for the Publike good , and oblige 
bimfelf and pofterity not to change ic, his Covenant 
obligcth him and them. If the Subjeft* Covenant 
muft oblige their Poller it y, the Princes mult alfo bind 
bis Succcffors. 

Q^jcft. But where the Soveraignty is in Prince and 
Parliament \may they not change a Law which a former 
Prince and Parliament obliged Pojferity not to change f 
Anfw. If it be a Parliament tbat hath meerly a pare 
in the Supremacy, they may not ; becaufe their Pre- 
deceflors Covenants bind them till God or the Peo- 
ple ( to whom they are bound ) (hall difoblige them. 
But if it be a Parliament that alfo Reprefenteth the 
People, and is thereby enabled to aft in fuch cafes on 
their behalf, then they may change any Laws or 
Contrads, ( except when a Divine Obligation dotb 
prohtbite ) Becaufe the people can acquit the Prince 
of his promifes to them , and he can difcharge them 
of theirs to him. But when any Law appearctbto 
be inconfiftent with the Laws of God, or End of 
Government , God faimfelf then doth diffolve it by 


Ceverning by Laws And Judgement. 337 

bis diffcnt i without whom it can be of no true Air 

Thcf. 3 04. It belongeth to the S 'over sign Power u 
ma\ta fitted univerfaBy-obUging Interpretation if the 

Jadgi! make pauicuiar Interpretations, id order 
to theDrciiionof particular cafes. Bat to make ah 
Interpretation which (hall be the Gated fenfe of the 
Law , obliging the fnbje&s at fubje&s univer fally, or 
per modum Legis, Regt*Urlj> this none bat the Law- 
givers tbemfelve* can do. 

Thef. 3 05. It beUngeth to ths Soversig* to difpence 
with PenU Laws, by pardening offence 1 : and alf* to 
difpence with Pofitive L*w$ about Dnty % when the End 
and Reafon of the Law reejnireth it : Becrtfe hit Laws 
are to bindtbejnbjett, and not him ft If, 

TheLw-giverti above the Law; yet not fo that 
he may difpence with it at bis pleafnre, bec&ofe he is 
not above the End of Laws. The Law is but the wii 
6/ the Lawgiver fignified : If he have power of his 
own will , he hatb power of bis Laws. He may not 
alwaies revoke the Decrees of his own will.bm thai'* 
by accident. It bath ever belonged to the Soveraign 
to grant a pardon, even for Life : And this is to Re- 
lax the Law : and to Difpence with it as Penal. If 
Soveraigns are limited from pardoning in cerrain 
cafes , that is btcaufe thofe cafes are exempted from 

2 tbe'if 

3380/ the Sovereigns Prerogatives & Power of 

their Power, and fo their Soveraignty extends not to 
them : None but God is an Abfolute Soveraign : 
Man is but Analogically called fo, in refped to God : 
And therefore where he is limited , bis Power 

Penal Laws do makje the Penalty Due to the offen- 
dor •, but do not bind the Law-giver to inflid that 
penalty dire&ly : but yet a fine % &c.he may be ob- 

Thef. 306. A Law being the Infirument of Go- 
vernment , and the Rule of Duty and Judgement, the 
Laft giver bj making it doth oblige himfelfe % ordinarily 
to Govern by it ; So that he is engaged in foint of Pru- 
dence and Fidelity •, for his Honour , and for the Common 
good, not rafhly to pardon crimes, nor difpence with Laws, 
butftill upon grounds of fecuritj as to their ends. 

He that makes an houfc,doth not fay exprefly, that 
it (hill be inhabited : but interpretatively be doth : 
For being a wife man, icisfuppofedebat helabour- 
rth not in vain, nor ufech a means when he intended 
not the end •, which is indeed not to ufe it as a means. 
He that maketb aLaw^doth interpretatively fay, By 
this I veill govern : And therefore be doth in prudence 
and fidelity oblige bimfelf to Govern by it,and not to 
difpence wi;h it, but feldom,and upon weighty caufe, 
and alwaics with a fufficient (alvo as to the end of the 
Law and Government. 

Thef. 3 07. He that difpenceth with a L*w upon jufi 
eccafion , doth not thereby become a Lyar \ nor m*k* the 
Law fpe*k.f*tfelj : beCaufe it fpeaketh but de De- 


Governing by Laws and judgement. 339 
bitOj and not direttly de Eventu, as it is a Laic* 

1. A claufe may be jnned to a Law that fpeaketh 
de Eventual well *%ce Debit* ^ and then the veracity 
of the Speaker lieth on the fulfilling ofir. 2. As was 
laft faid, imerpretarively tbc Governoar intimatetb 
that ordinarily be will Govern by ir. 3. Bat yet & 
Law ai a Law doth not fpeak dire&Iy de Eventu y noc 
engage the Govcrnour in point of Veracity alway to 
fulfiil ir. As for inftance : The L8W that faith, [Re 
that committeth Treafon^ Felony, 8cc, jhallbe pnt to 
death :~] doth not mean de eventu , that it (hall fo 
came to faff-: but doth only far, [Death (ball be his 
Due : and all fudges [hall proceed According to this Rule 
in admimflring fuftice, till it be dijpenced with^So that 
if a Traytor be pardoned, the Prince or Parliament 
are not therefore Lyars , much lefs effenders againft 
that Law ; For as they did conftituce this Due Jo Due 
it is- and the Law is verified: And as tbey obliged 
Judges andMagiftratestoadminifter Jufticc accord- 
ing to this Rule, fo are they obliged , till they that 
have power difobiige them. 

Thef. 3 o 8 . A% no Lawgiver can dif pence with Gods 
Laws, nor with the necefary means of the common fafety i 
fo neither m*y he difpence with his own Covenants , nor 
deprive anfeaufele fly of their Rights nor ordinarily cr 
caufelefly dtf pence with his own Laws nor when the ends 
ef Government forbid it. 

Here are mtny cafes in which a Ruler may not dif- 
pence. 1. He may not difpercc with Gods Laws, 
becaufe he hath no Authority thereto. 2. The com* 

% i moti 

34° Of the Soveraigns Prerogatives & Power of 

mon Good he may not overthrow, becaufcit if alfo 
above and contrary to his Authority, 3 . His Cove- 
nants he is bound to obey in point of fidelity,to which 
he is obliged by the Law of God. 4 He cannot cake 
•way any mans Right from him : for that were in* 
jufticc and injury to the pcrfon : And therefore he 
cannot Difpcnce with a Donation or full promifc, as 
he can with a Penal Law, A Pollicitation may be re- 
voked : for it doth but exprefs a Purpofc to Give 
fuch or fuch a Benefit , and doth not live it : And a 
man upon fufficicm caufe, may change his Purpofes : 
Bat a f /Ipromifei* of the nature of a Donatio* \ and 
alienatech the Righr, orobligeth in point of fidelity 
to do it. Grorius de'jnre Belli, /. 2. r. I I . [eft. 2, ? ,4. 
dtftingaifhetb, 1. Inter ajferticnem explicantem ani- 
mum de futuro qui nunc efl. 2. Et pollicitationem. 
3. Et pranifiionem perfect am qud JHsproprium alter* 
tonfert. Tbc firft obligeth no man further then as he 
isboundtoconftancy. Thefecondmay bind him in 
point of mecr Fidelity or Veracity • The third bindeth 
in point of Juftice, and allows a man an A&ion, as 
for his Right. Sec alfo Grotius dfjtireT!eBi 9 li.i.c. 3. 
/f#.7 .7.61,62. 5. The Soveraignmsy not ordina- 
rily (for the Reafons, The/. 304.) difpence with his 
own Laws •, but that is not for wane of Po-#er , but 
becaufe Prudence doth prohibit him. 6. Unlets the 
common fafecy would be overthrown by the Relaxa- 
tion, and then be hath not Twrr to that. 

Thef. 309. It behngexh to the Soveraign to grant 
cpriviledgts j which he may rever/e^ unle/s he have ex- 
pre fly or implicitly di/abled him/elf thereto. 


Gwcrnhg b) Laws and judgement. 3 4 £ 

When the reafon ceafetb, he may withdraw the' 
Priviledge t unlcfs he be reftraincd by prom^fe, plena- 
ry grant, or otberwife , of which Politicians com- 
monly treat. 

Thef. 310 To blot out in} 'amies (as in cafe cfba- 
ftardj) ani aperireafyla, and other inferiour Jara Ma- 
jcftatis, are reducible to the greater , and need not be 

Its eafier to 8grec of the nnmber £$ well as nature, 
in Generals, then in particular : And its as found in 
the General, that the Particulars may beft be judg- 
ed of, 

Thef. 311. 2. ts4s the Tomer of making Laws is 
the fir ft and mofi eminent part rf Sovereignty - y fo the 
Power of appointing all Inferiour Afagiftrates is the fc- 
cond : there being no Governing Power in the Common^ 
wealth, bat what is derived from the Soveraign. 

AsSovcrisgrscan hate no Powtr but from God, 
fo Magiftrates can have none but from the Soveraign- 
We here take the name ^Magifirate^ ftriftly for an 
Officer to execute Laws, and r«ot laxly as it alfo com- 
prehended the Soveraign. The People in a Corpora- 
tion may choofc cbeir Magiftrates , but it is the Princes 
(or whoever is Soveraign's) Charter that giveth 
him the Power, If the Souldiers might choofc their 
Captains, yet their Power is/rom the General. Choice 
(as I have aforefaid ) may determine of the perfon 
that (hall receive the Power from the Soveraign. 

Z 3 But 

34* Of the Saver aigns Preventives & Power ef 
But the great Officers he ufually choofcth him- 

Thef. 312. It is a matter of exceeding moment to the 

fafetj and welfare iff the Peopl^ that Infsriour Magi- 
fir ates be men fearing Cjod y Prudent, juft, of public^ 
fpiritt, and conragious, hating impiety \vice and all in- 
yjftice : And therefore next to the making of Good Laros^ 
it is the Sovereigns principal worl^ to be exceeding care- 
full of his choice of Officers , and to keop out infinuating 
Unworthy men. 

If we have a juft and pious Sorcraign , and have 
impious unrighteous Judges or Juftices, &c. the peo- 
ple may groan and languifli in continual oppreffion 
and mifery.Dead Laws willnot prcferve them againft 
Living Wolves and Foxes. Poverty, and diftance, 
and fnendlefnefs dothdhially difable the poor oppref- 
fedpeope toprofepate an Appeal to an higher Tri- 
bunal From whence it comes to pafs that Laws 
themfelvesgrowddions ; and poor men think it is 
at any time better, if a Rich man do but demand of 
them half their cftates, to let him take it, rather then 
by feeking to prefcrve it at Law, to lofe all. All vice 
will flounfh under impious Magiftrates : Piety and 
honefty wil be mens outward calamity. If Soveraigns 
look not exceeding ftri&ly to tb^ir Officers*, the peo- 
ple will be unhappy : And difcontents will be raifed 
againft the Government : and the peop'e will eafily 
think that the Sovcraign choofeth fuch as bimfelf, or 
as are moll: agreeable to his mind : And when once 
the Soveraign is brought into a common diftaftc with 
toe people, the Common-wealth it fick of Aicb an 


Governing by Laws and judgement. 5 43 

Head-akeas threatneth fomc worfedifeafc. Nothing 
Jcarce ever loft Princcf more then irapiouSjflatcering, 
unrighteous Officers. And fear ce' any thing doth 
more ingratiate a Prince with the People, then to find 
that he lets faithful Magiftrates over them ; and alio 
to hear that he er.quireth after*, andfevercly puniih- 
ecb the un juft ; This greatly endcareth him to the 

Tbef. 3 1 j. Princes fhauld be very circumfpeSi and 
[ollicitous to find cm theworthieft perfomin the Land % 
and advance them to Jlfagiftracy and Trnfl y and torefift 
fuck a* by flattery y ncarnefs, friends \ or bribery, jeek^ 

With raoft Princes few have Honour and Power 
but tbofe that feek it , and ambitioufly turn every 
ftone to attain it : And few that are Ambitious of it 
and feek it , are werthy of it : And confequcwly 
few worthy perfons are in Power , in companfon of 
what might be, if Princes did their duty. As the Chri- 
ftiaas were wont to repcll the feekers of the Paftoral 
office, and to feek after them that hid rberafelves or 
fled from it , foroewhac of thi« is imitablc by Princes 
in the choice of Magiftrates. Firft they rooft be fare 
to cboofe fuch as are moft worthy : and next, fuch 
as are not unacceptable to the people \ that is, to the 
generality of good and fobcr men ^ For the impious 
and vicious would have Governors like them, that 
will deftroy the common good. 

Tbef. 3 14. The Soveraign hath Power to be Judge 

in hk omn canfc 7 Ordinarily , as having no fuperiour 

2 4 ]»k e i 

344. Of thtSowfMgns Prerogatives & Power of 

judge -, fo the controverjie be not -with the bedj §f the 
people^ about the very ends of Government. 

1 . 1 here determine not this laft excepted cafe, be- 
caufc 1 leave it to the next Chapter. 2 An inferiour 
Judge may judge in his own caufe, if iucb Power be 
derived to him. But it is not fit that ufually it (houl4 
be fo, if it be perfona! and prof erly his own. 3 . The 
prince may depute another co be Judge in bis caufe, 
and fomecimc Prudence may (ell him it is bed to avoid 
cenfures : Sut the Power is in himfclf. 

Tb^r. 3 1 5 . It helongeth to the Soveraign H be Judge 
of all inferionr fudges. 

No fnbjcd, and therefore no Judge , is exempted 
from the Sovcraigns Judgement : Suppofing ftill 
that it is by a civil Judgement proper to himfelf that 
he judgeth, and not by Ecclefiaftical cenfure : There 
he may command the Church to do that which he 
may not do himfclf. 

Tbcf. 316. The lap Appeal u to the Soveraignt 
Judgement, and his [entente is final j fo that from hp* 
there is no Appeal but unto God. 

[know that no Sentence is abfolutely final but 
Gods : and that the Judgement of men is of fmall 
moment, if it be not the Judgement of God by them. 
The Judge of all the world is at the door. The judge- 
ments of the Princes of the earth (hall be there 
Judge! Thats the day that turns the fcalestoan 
S^rlafHng Happiqefs or mifery. It is the Joy 


Governing bj Laws and judgement ^ 34$ 

of Believers, that under all the oppreffions of the 
unjufc, and tbe perfections of tbe Malignant, tbey 
bkve room for an Appeal to the Barr of God, where 
no in juftice (hail find place. But till then there is bo 
removing of our Caufctoan higher Court then that 
where the Soveraign power is the Judge. Though it 
is nor meet for Princes to allow Appeals to themfclves 
too commonly , yet (hould they do their mmoft to 
relieve oppreffed innocency. Of the controvcrfies 
about tbe Soveraigns Judgement,! have fpoke in pare 
before. As we muft reverence the fentence of thefc 
earthly Judges, becaufe they are Commifsioned by 
tbe Lord, and the Judgement is his, who bath promi- 
fed to be with them in bis work : So muft we be com- 
fortably patient under all tbofe injuries from men, 
which temporal judgements will hoc, or cannot right 
us againft , becaufe that we arc the fubje &% of the 
Heavenly King , and that tbe Judge of all tbe world 
willdorighccoufly, and that we are near, yea very 
near tbe day, when all will be fet ftraigbt, and tbe in- 
jured (hall have full relief : and they that have cryed 
day and night to God for help and Juftice, (hall find 
that he will avenge them fpeedily ; and the expefta* 
tion of tbe righteous (hall not be in rain, nor will 
their Reck, their King, their Father fail them. 


$46 Of due Ohdience to Rulers > 

Chap. 12. 

Of due Obedience to Rulers, and of 

Tbef. 3 fj. T Tis the Command of God the universal 
JL Sovereign r that every ;oal bt fub tit te 
the higher Powers, and refift t^em not • and this not only 
for fear of pumfynem, bntfor conference (ake^ Rom. 
13. 1 .to 7. Tit. 3. 1. xPct. 2. 13,14,15. 

Becaufe the right underftanding of thefe com- 
mand* of God, is of great ufc for our guidance in 
fbefe weighty points, I (hall ftay a while upon the 
fearch of that Rom. 1 3 . which faith rooft h and if we 
undcrftand chat, it will be the eafier to underftand the 

Many occafions concurred to make this document 
of the Apoftlc necefftry to the Rowans. 1. There 
were Hereticks crept in among them thatabufed the 
doftrine of Chrittian Liberty , and perfwaded them 
that fub je&ion to the Rule of Magiftrates was againft 
their Liberty. 2. Aad the weaker Chriftians were 
the eafier induced to entertain this dodrinein pare, 
bectu e they were Heathen Magiftrates that they 
hereunder. And the Chriftians, being (juftly) pro- 
hibited by the Apoftles to go to Law about perfonal 
injuries, before Heathen Judges, but to agree them 
among themfclves,they were the readyer to have low 
thoughts of fucb Judges as ufelefs or burdenfom, or 


And of Refiftance. 347 

not fie to be the Governors of Chriftians. 3 . And efpe- 
eially becaufe many of the Chriftians bad been Jews, 
that were hardly brought to any bat a forced fubmif- 
fion unto Gentile Raiers ; and were ever prone to re- 
bell againft them, thinking it an honourable vindica- 
tion of tbeir holy ftace and Church , which they 
thought no Heathen had right to Rule over. Thcfirft 
Hereticks rifing from the Jf wifti hriftians, and Ju- 
daizingfo palpably in this and other things, and the 
weaker (ortof tbejewifh Chriftians beirg fo prone 
to hearken to them,gave great occafion to the Apoftle 
thus to prefs thedodxincof fubje&ion. 

Where note, that the main queftion here refolved, 
is, Whether Magiftracj , and Heathen Magiftrates 
Jhould be fnbmittedto as Gods Ordinance for cenfccnce 
fake ? And fo it was about the very ftate of fub jefti- 
en : which among us Chriftians is a matter p?ft 
doubt • though we are not all agreed about obedience 
m iome particular cafes. 

The Precept it (elf is laid down in the firft verfc, 
£ Let every foul be fubjeft to the higher forcers] The 
firit moving Argument is drawn from the efficient 
caufe, which is God. 1 . In general Magiftracy is his 
Inftirution [There is no power but from God I And fo 
it is he that fcts up Magiftrates, and tbey ntfubordi- 
nate to him, and have a power derived from him 
\The Powers that be are ordained of God.] The con- 
clufions hence inferred are t/> 2. that therefore 1 . Who- 
ever refifteth the power, refifiethGods own Ordinance, 
that is, both breaks his Law, and refifteth a Power de- 
rived from him , and confeqaently refifteth God. 
2. And fo great a fin as refitting Gods Officers and 
Ordinance, deferveth a grievous puniftunent. In the 


348 Of he obedience to Rulers, 

third verfe , the Apoftlc doth conjan&ly bring in his 
fecond Argument, (from the end ot Government ^ ) 
& aifo anfwer an ob jedion which ther.ee was brought 
fgainftit. [Whit can be cxpe&ed from Heathens 
("might the Chriftians fayj but ads of enmity? 
They will (till be perfecting us] The Apoftle at once 
anfwering this, and arguing a fine for fubjeflion, tells 
tbtfn, that Magistrates have their office to be a terrour 
to evil worlds , and not to good : And therefore let 
as do good, and if the office be ufed but according to 
its inftituted nature, we (hall have praife from Magi- 
itrates,and need not fear them. For it is for our good 
that God bath appointed them. Here the Apoftle 
conjoyncth bis two Arguments, from the Author and 
tht Snd [He uQods Minifier for thy Good} Its pof- 
fible a wicked man may abufe his office: but this is the 
End for which God bath appointed Magiftracy in the 
world; and this even Heathen Magiftrates profefs 
tbut they intend , and fuch vice and vertue as they 
are acquainted with, they do in fome meafure deal 
with accordingly. But if nacn do evil, then they have 
caufe to fear theMagiftrate ^ [ for he is Gods M\ni- 
fler y a Revenger to wrath % to infliEl funifhment on him 
that doth evil : 2 But men mutt blame themfelves and 
not the Magiftrate, if they fuffer for IB- doing. Here- 
upon the Apoftlc repeateth the Corclufion , that 
there is a neceffity of fubjc&ion , not only to efcapc 
pnnifhment , but to obey God , even for conference 
f*ke ; And hence infers a further Conclufion, that for 
confciencc fake alfo we muft pay them tribute, beeaufe 
they are Godsfcrvants, employed in bis work for out 
good : And therefore on thefe grounds Tribute, Ch~ 
$;m, Fear \Honour muft be given to all to whom they 


And ef Refinance. 349 

arc due. Where he fhewetb chat ic was the Govern* 

ors in aftnal poffejfion then chat he commanded fubje- 
fti^n to, when he argueth from their aft Hal Lateur 
for the Sub jefts good. 

[ YiuaoL 4^ ever j foul "] is the Synecbdochc for 
£ tvtrj ferfon^ [v7m*osi&w % be fnb]iU^\ or fubordi- 
nate , excendeth both o&ftateof fnbjettien^nd CO the 
exercife of a Subjcds duty- q. d. Let him keef kisfia* 
tion as a fubjett , and live at fuck : The Apoftle put* 
['Z,«ncw>p Qwers ~^ in the abfiratt, though it have 
cxiftence but in a iubj\ & ^ and (b ic is \niht concrete 
that he mcanech ; but fub jedion is due to the man for 
the fake of his Am horitj^ and rot on any other ac- 
count ■ and therefore it is in order of nature firft to 
tbcJtithoriij, and then to the «m*. And is is not 
JlJyAfu> 9 natural power or ^rengtb, thatbefpeaks of^ 
but that Civil Power which is fns Regendi. Whether 
j[ tmpe^v ?4i&[]be tranflated as a comparative or fuper- 
lative, isnotconfidcrable in point of do&rine, thert 
beir g no doubt but the Apoftle intendeth our obedi- 
ence to more then the Soveraign , and yet to none 
other but thofe that receive their power from bim. 
Bur yet wby literally [ymt&x***** D ^oa\i be tranf- 
lated [tbehigbeft] rather then [Tngh, *rhigber $ er 
fuperieur ] I know not : Nor have I any mind to 
tempt men to think that it was only Nv* % that be 
Apoftle (peaks of, ox inly the Senate % it being more 
that wait and labour in this very worl^i and to whom 
tribute^ c*ftome t fear, honour were to be paid. 

For the right underftanding both of tbe Text and 
Subjed f let thefe Qneftions be briefly anfwer- 

C^eft 1. what U mam by [ Fewer ? ] Anfw. Any 


3 5 o Of due Obedience to Rulers, 

men in the Office of Governours, having Autho- 

Qneft. 2. What is meant by £ Higher Powers ? ] 
Anfw. All that are in Government, and (o above us, 
bat principally the Soveragin. 

Qoeft. 3 . What k meant by [ every foul t ] Anfw. 
Every perfon except thofe to whom we arc com- 
manded to be fubjed. For in that all are put under 
them, it is mamfreii that they themfelves are excepted 
to whom all are fub jeded. So far as they are Rulers , 
they arc excepted, though the fame perfons may be 
both Rulers and Subjeds in feveral refpeds, 

Q^eft. 4 What it meant by being [ fubjett ?]. 

Anfw. Perturb not the Order of the Common- 
wealth. Yield y our (elves voluntary fubjeds to your 
Governours , and behave your fclvcs according- 

Qaeft. 5. Whn is meant by £ v to <n5 3t* 71 -rjy.dv-i 
I <w ~] g ds ordaining them ? Is it an Ordaining by 
Decree , by Law, or by Providential difpofal of Event ? 
Anfw. The internal ecernal Decrees of God are no 
Rule of Duty tons, nor the thing here meant: But 
his Inftitution of the office by the Vniverfal Law, to- 
gether with thofe Providential diff of als that make over 
the Tower to the individual perfons. 

Q^elt. 6. But is it mt enough to oblige us tofub\efti- 
o* y if the Power have but the Ordination of Decree % and 
'Difpofwg* Providence de Eventu ? ^a/iv.Tbatsacon- 
tradidion. It muft have a Law, Grant, Commiffion, 
or other Moral Donation, or it is no Power , that if f 
no Right of governing. The Kings that give up their 
Kingdoms to the Beait , may fulfill Gods Decreeing 
and Providtncial Wili de Eventu : The death of Cbrift 


And tj Rt\i\tMct. 35 I 

by the Jews, may fall under a certain Decree and 
Providence : Buc it is a Grant of Right tbac rooft 
prove the Right. Pcjfr/Jion of firength if feparable 
from fojfe ifion of true governing Right. If a Plague 
come upon us , it i* by Decree and Di pjfing Provi- 
dence : And yet we may do our belt to refiit it. The 
Devil rules the children of Diobedience, not without 
Gods permiffive Decree and Providence ; but yet he 
hath no Right to Rule there, nor they any warrant to 
obey him. 

Qneft. 7. what it meant by £ the Pwetsthtt be} ] 
h it all that be in prefent Pcffeffion ? Anfw* I . It is di- 
redly all per fens that are in Power. Bat then remem- 
fcc that Potter is ftij regtnii , and not meer firength. 
2. Yet it imp : yetb,thae tojw*^ ;*f,and other fingle 
private perioni, he that iiitated in the Pofleffion of 
theefficej and excrcifcth ir, is to be taken to have 
the Right of Government, unlefs the contrary be no- 
torious. And therefore the Apoftle argueth for obe- 
dience and tribute from their exercife of the effice^ 
£ They attend continually , or labour **bout this vet) 
thin£. ] O^chs more anon. 

C^cit. 8. When did God £ erdaix 3 the Powers? and 
by what ail * Anfw. By the ad of Law or Inftitution 
he ordaineth the office ; and by Ads of dift»fin£ Pro- 
vidence he determmeth of the per/on ( ulually by the 
Inftrumentality or means of men. ) 1. In the begin- 
ning in the Law of nature, he fubjeded man to hire- 
feif, and the woman to the man, and ( by appoint- 
ment ) children to their parents , and in general, at 
lead after the fall, made Magiftracy and Subjrdion 
nccefiary to the world. The more men finned, the 
more he gave them up to humane Government, and 


3 5 2 of due Obedience u Rulers % 

as they rebelled and departed from bim,fo he forfook 
them, as to bis fpecial Government in way of mercy * 
He kept himfelf the Soveraignty over bis peculiar 
prople of Ifrael in a more eminent Way of excrctfc 
then over any other, i .He made their common Laws 
for Government. .2-rHe-cbofc himfelf their Sovc- 
raign Magiftrate •, a limited Monarch to be his Depu- 
ty or chief Officer. 3. He appointed a courfe for 
choice of the Sanhedrim. 4. He enabled them for 
their work. 5. He kept the chief Judicature in his 
hands, rcfolving their doubn^and deciding their moft 
difficult cafes by his Oracles. But when they were 
aweary of this Theocracy , he withdrew from thcra 
according to their corrupt defircs , and left them to 
their defircd King: Yet did he not wholly forfake 
them, but only in that weafure as they had forfaken 

Qneft. 9. Whs is meant here bj[° aVim^VV^ tw 
i%*ict 1 2 Anfw. The Contracrdinate , that beak out 
of the rank of fubjc&s f and fct themfelvcsagainft 
Government , as Army is fct cgainft Army in fight : 
All is here prohibited that is contra*] tefubjection^ but 
not all Re(iftance y nor is the word properly trar)flitcd 
by Refifting s There is a Rt ft ft ante that is contrary to 
(abjection , and that is forb dden : and there is *R(- 
fiftancenotcotttrarj tofubjettion: and that is not for- 

Qyeft. 10 What is meant by [ e Damnauon\ which 
the comraoriinatc ir rebellious do receive ? Anfa. Not 
only puniihment from man,but a moft beary punifti. 
ment, even evcrlafting roifery from God, wbofe or- 
der and power they oppofe : Unlefs by faith and Re* 
pehtance ic be prevented. 


And of Refinance. 353 

Qacft. 1 1 MhJI we obey no Rulers bat fuck as are here 
defcribed,as are notaterrourtothegtod, but the evil? 
Anfw. If the very drift and work of their Govern- 
ment were for evif works and againft good, then they 
afted as the Devils fubftitutes, and could not be Ma- 
gi ftrates, nor fervants of God,bur nallifie their office 
aito ihem. But if it be but in fome particular cafes 
that they are againft Good, and for Evil, andfoch as 
nullifie not their officc^hen we muft not deny fubje- 
ftion to them : bat how far we may or may not refift^ 
(hall be (hewed anon. 

Q^iert. 1 2 Hoft could Nero be f aid to be an encourager 
of Good ^ and a urror to evil^andfuch an one as is here 
defcribed? Anfw. 1. It is directly to Magistracy as 
Juch char i^a/requireth fubje&ion : And therefore 
he defcribetb it as it is in Godslnftitution. 2. Yet it 
is alio Migiftracy as in thofe particular men: But 
then the Apoftle confidereth them partly as obliged to 
be fucb a$ be defcribetb, and partly as profeffing to be 
Foch ■ for To did Nero : and partly as being a&oally 
fuch in many thing*. In matters of common equity, 
and againft moral evil, and for that good which the 
Law of Nature revealeth , the Roman Laws might 
well id the main be faid to be a terrour to evil works , 
and not to good ^ though in the matters of fopernatu- 
ral revelation they were perverfc : And Nero was to 
Govern by tbefe Laws : And there were multitudes 
of Officers befides Nero that were to be Judge and ex- 
ecute according to thefe Laws • And the Apoftle 
had refpeft to thefe. And the Senate bad pari 
ftill in the Soveraignty it felf. But of this more 

Qotft, } 3 r But kov could Ntro bt [aid to be tke 

A 9 Mini- 

3 54 0/<f*' Obedience u Rulers, 

Minifter of God, and a Pofter fit over them by God, 
( efpecially as to the Jews ) when he h*d no lawful Calif 
Anfw. i. Tbc ApofUe look! at the whole frame of 
Government, Laws, Senate, Officers, as well as at 
Nero. 2. Nero bad the Confcnc of Senate and peo- 
ple before Paul wrote this. 3 . Settled poffcffion fig. 
nifieth a Confeni : For the people are the ftrengrh : 
and theftrongeft can refill, if they will: and cfaey 
that can and do not, (hew that they will not. 4. The 
Apoftlc fuppofcth that tbc private Chriftians to 
whom he writetb, were not the Judges of tbc Titlci 
of Princes, Senates or People. 

Thcf. 318. A Chriftians fnbjeftion to Magiftrates 
muft be participativelj Divine ^ that is y to Magiflrates 
as Officers authorized by God the Vniverfal King. 

He that obcyeth upon any other account excluding 
tbii, dotb not obey a Magiftratc as a Magiftrate, but 
it an Idol , or as one that is able to do him good or 
hurt : and fo it is himfelfihut be fcrveth in his obe- 
dience ; and there is no Divine obedience in ir. But a 
Chriftian undcrftandeth that God is tbc Alpha and 
Omega ,the firft and laft ; and that of him, and through 
bins, and to him are all things, Rom. 11.36. And 
therefore he intendeth God in all, and dependctb on 
him in all; and doing all for him and by his command, J 
all things are fan&ified that be dotb, and from God] 1 
he (hall receive bis reward. Our Obedience is princi- 
pally denominated and cftimatcd from tbc principal 
Authority. In the laft Refolution all the Obedience * 
of a Chriftian to whomfoevcr is Whine : and all i 
ifee Obedience of a wicked man i$ 10 an /£/, or 


And ofRefiftdnce. 3 5 j 

to t*rk*i-ft1fi to which he fubje&eth even God 

Tbef. 3 1 9. -/*// pcr/onsjven Pafiors of the Churchy 
Ore bound to this fubjeftion to Magiftrates, as 1 have 
before proved , and it is a double wickednefs and tfeafon 
for them to exempt tbemfelves^that fhould Preach the 
doftrine of obedience to others. 

Beta on the Text ciceth Chryfofioms expofition 
before mentioned, viz. [ That this is commanded t* 
all, even Preiftt and Monks , *nd not only to them thai 
ate employed in thebafinefs of this life, as the Apofth in 
the very entrance declareth , when he faith, Let every 
foal be fub jed to the higher Powers : though m 
Apoftie, though an Eva ngelift, though a Prophet , or 
whoever elfetboube; For this (ubjetlion overthrow- 
ttb not Piety,'] Upon which Beta with exclamation 
faith, [GoodGod, if he bad but lived at this time, bow 
fbttply would that man inveigh agatnfi him ,r hat not on* 
ly refufetb fnbyiHion to Kings , but transferred 
4lfo Kingdoms and Empires, and yet would feem the Vi- 
tar of Chriji ij But oi this before. 

Thef. 320. RHlert muft be obejed in all lawful 

That is, in ill things that God bath not difablcd 
ithem to oblige as inland hath not obliged m himfclf 
|fO the contrary. 

tbefj2i. kitty 4*d Magiftrdtis m*fi ieoiejedj 

3 5 <5 of due obedience to Rulers, 

even about the Worfliip of God, in all lawf nil com- 

Somuchofthecircumftances of Worfliip as God 
hath left to be determined by men, we muft obey a 
Magiftratc in if he determine them : And much more 
when he doth but enforce Gods own Command- 
ments : Of this alfo before. 

Thef. 3 22. About the circumjlances of Divine Wer^ 
fhipjnucb more about fecular things, if the Prince 
command one thing ( not contrary to Gods Law) and the 
Pafiors ofths Church command the contrary , wemnft 
obey the Prince before the Paftors. 

I bring toot the Pope or any unla wfull Prelates into 
qneftion j who are not as fuch to be obeyed u all : 
But ie is the lawful Pallors of the Church , 
that Ifpeakof : In the fubfiance of their office, which 
God hinrfelf hath made ncceffary, they are not to be 
difobeyed, whatever Princes fay, becaafe it were a 
difobeying God : As if we were forbid to Hear, Pray, 
Receive the Sacraments, live in Church Communion, 
&c. But the circumftances of Time, Place, Uten- 
fils, &c though ordinarily they (hould be left to the 
Paftors determinations, yet are fucb things as a Magi 
Urate may determine of, and mail be obeyed in. 
And in tbefe works common to botb,he is the higher 

"thef. 323. We mufi *bey Magiftrates, thought 
know not that their Commands are lawful^ as long a 
they arefc indeed \and ftv hsvi nofufficmt Reafon to be 
lave them unlawful. I . ! 

And of Refiftdnct* . 357 

i. It is not our erroneous conceits thit a Lawful 
Command is unlawful, that will excufe any mm from 
the gujit of difobedierce ; For that very crrour is 
our fin : If you fay, that we muji go according to our 
confciences: I anfwer; Not according to an erring 
Confidence (it being doubcfnlwhejher that be truly 
Confcience : ) unlefs you will make nun a God to 
himfelf, asfeccing him above the Laws of God, and 
that by vertue of his errors. If you fay, that at leafk 
we muft not go again]} Confcience -^ I anfwer, lnfenfn 
divifo you mult •' Infenfu compoftto you muft nor. 
And yec you muft not go ac ctrding to it. So that cr- 
rour intangleth you in anecefficy of finning, if you 
will not dcpofc it. what then muft be done? Anfw. 
Gods Law fhnds ftiil the fame , and vary eth not with 
your erring mind. It binds you firft to lay by your 
errour, and then to Obey. Objed. But in cafe I can- 
not lay it by, what am I found to? I anfwer, you are 
ftill bound to lay it by, and to ufe the means that art 
neceflary thereto, with arightdifpofed mind, that 
you may be able or apt to do it. You cannot be inno^ 
cently impotent to your Duty. 

2. We know that Obedience to Magiftrates is a 
Duty : If therefore we know not, nor have fufficient 
reaion to belieye,that the thing is finfal to the obeyer, 
we muft obey. 

Thef. 3 24. Many things are finfullj commanded^ 
that art lawfully, yea necejfarily to be obeyed. 


I have given many inftances in cafes about Wor- 

ip f in my fifth Difput. about Church- government.- 

Aa3 It 

35$ Of d*e Obedience to Rulers, 

It may be finful in a Governour to lay an unneceffa- 
ry Tax upon the people; who yet may be bound in 
conscience to obey the impofition* If the thing be not 
evil in it felf, nor by a more weighty accident , then 
the Magiftrates command is to the doing it, we moft 

obey. Of this more ip the Negatives 


Thef 325. hula^fnl for fnbjtSls to fwear fidelity 
and obedience to Sover signs* 

!♦ If it be needful to perform it, ft is lawful and 
jaft that wepromifcand fwear it. For why (hould 
we deny to be engaged to that which we rouft per- 
form? 2. It if juft as to the Prince, wboisfwornto 
the Common-wealth ^ and obligations here (hould 
be mutual. Why (hould he hazard his life for a 
People that will not /wear fidelity to him? Princes, 
and Parliaments, and all Soveraign Princes go in con- 
tinual danger by reafon of the plots and malice of the 
enemies. And (hall we not fwear fidelity to them ? 
3. If crery husband expedetb it in marriage from his 
wife • and if %Abr*ham made his fcrvant fwear to be 
faithful in one particular duty, much more is it nccef- 
fary in this cafe. 

Yet upon a Hidden change, while times and Confid- 
ences are unfetled , it is a more prudent courfe for 
Princes to forbear exading oathes, left it occafion 
feruplcs and divifions ( unlcfs forac urgent*neceffi- 
ty require it) and to flay till Confidences arc 

Thef. 326. It U the fubjetts D*ty udefen&their 
Trince with their Jtrength, *nd hszAtrd cf their 


And of Re ft fiance. 359 

lives ^againfl all forr sign ani domefHckjnemies thatfeeK 
hi* life ermine* 

Tbe way of defence they may be limited in by the 
Law: Every man is to do it in bis place and calling. 
Fidelity rcquireth it. The common good rcqoirctb it. 
Elfe no man that is wife would be a King or Gover- 
nor. For if the people be not bound to defend bim, 
be is but fee up to be the objed of envy and a bait to 
the ambitious to entice men to invade bim , and exe- 
cute their fury on bim. 

Thef. 327. It is a mfl impious thing for Pipes t$ 
pretend r> dif oblige Chrijlians from their Oaths and fide- 
lity to thfir Soveraigns, and to encourage their fubjetts 
to rebel and murder them. 

That this is their Religion, I have already (hewed 
in the exprefs words of the Council at the Laterane un- 
der Innocent the 3. And that it hath been their pra&ice, 
Germany, France, England and many Nations know. 
Many Popes have done fo againft the German Empe- 
rors. Math. Paris calls it the [Papal Rebellion*} 
againft Frederick, -, which Chriftian people then la- 
mented and dctefted. Roger Hoveden (that flatters 
tbe Pope more then M. Paris) tells us (H. 2. pag. 
284.) i hat the Pope undertook to damn tbe Lavs 
and Cujtoms of England, in perpctuum ^and anathema- 
tiKed all that held them, or any way favoured them} 
not excepting the King himfclf. Thcfc Laws and cu- 
ftoms were no Novelties • but fucb as tbe King and 
Nobles called avisos confuetudines & Leges - y the en* 
fioms and Laws of their Ancsftors, ("And yet the Pj^ 
pills pretend thai Papacy if no Novelty, nor the Fa- 

Aa4 tber 

3^o Of due obedience to Rulers^ 

*her of Novelties. ) Matb.Paru fin Hen. 2.) tells you 
whit thefeXaws were. And Becket himfdf (that was^ 
Sainted for fuch fluff) cclkth the King, £Quia cer- 
tain eft, RcgesporefSaceiB foam ab Ecdefia acopere, 
& nonipfam abillis — — ergo vo) hab^retis Epi- 
fcopis praecipere abfolvere a!iquera , vel excommuni- 
care, trahere Clericos ad Seculai ia exacnina, judicare 
dedecimis,deEcclefiis — &multaalia quse in hunc 
modum fcripca funt inrer confuetudines veftras , qua$ 
dtckis avitas.] Here's holy Dodrine ! chat Kings re 
ceive their power from the Church and may not- 
judge of Tythes, or Churches, nor bring Clergy- 
men to examination at their Barr ! Rog H&veden H. 2. 
p. 2S5. And the fame Prelate of Canterbury Epift. ad 
fuffragdn.Molyeihall Bifhops from their obedience, 
fmd condemned and excommunicated) all the Exsft- 
eri , Counfcllors andObferversof theEnglifh Laws, 
£Omnefq-,vos Epifcopos a promiffiore qua contra in* 
ititocioneoa Ecclefiafticam,& ad carum obfervationem 
tenebamini,au(ftoritate Dei & noftra abfolvirau^Quis 
cnim dubitac facerdotcs Chfifti Regnum & Pnnci- 
pum, omniumque fidelium patres & Magiftros cenfe- 
ri? Nonne raiferabilis infania? efTr cognofcitur, fi fili- 
ns Patrem,difcipulus Magiftrum fibi conetur fub juga- 
re, & iniquis obligationibus Poteftati fuac fubjicere ? a 
quo credit, nonfolumfe in terra, fed ctiam in coelisli- 
gare poffs, & folvi ? ] O how would Paul and all the 
antient Church have detefted thisdodrinc of the Pa- 
pal Saint, that makes it madnefs for Priefts to be fub- 
jefted to Kings, forfooth becaufe (in another kind ) 
they are their Matters, andean bind or loofe them ? 
And fo their Tutors in Mufick , Phyfick or any Sci- 
♦;ccfhou!d b:no fubje&s? Yea a Prelate we (tt as 


And of Rcfifldttce. 161 

well as a Pope can abfolve the Subjc&s from their pro- 
mifcs and fidelity. The King hirafelf he had yet mercy 
on, and forbore to excommunicate ( which was then 
to depofe himj bat [jn proximo earn Uturf\ he was 
ready next to do > if he did not the iooner repent ^ of 
whac ? Of the Laws ^/England againft the Pope, and 
his Clergies pretended liberties . And thefe great ene- 
mies of Novelty and Friends to Antiquity, made Ri- 
chard the frfi fwcar at his Coronation, \jo blot out 
thefe ill Laws andperverfe cuftoms~] R. Hoved. p. 3 74. 
yea when the good Bifhop Rob. Groftheft had writ- 
ten a faithful Letter to the Pope , the Pope fwearcth 
by Peter and Paul £ Ni(i moveret nos innata in- 
genuita?,ipfam in ta-ntacn confufionempraecipitarem, 
ui toti mundo fabula foret, ftapor, cxemplam, 9c 
prodigiuro. NonneRex Anglorumnoftcr eftVaffal- 
lus, & ut plus dicam mancipium, qui poteft eum nuto 
noftro incarcerare&ignominia^mancipare? that is, 
[Is not the King of England our Vaffal , and to fay 
more, ottrflave? who can with our md imprifon him, 
and enflave hm to ignominy (or (hame) ] Math. 
Paris in H. g. *n. 1253. fag. 872. Here was p'ain 
dealing wiih Kings: And the Papal pradifes have 
bscn as plain, thatis,plain Hiftiliiy againft all(fhr\fti- 
an Kings and States. 

He that hath read but 'Math. Paris ' and the Hifto- 
nes of Germany colleded by Pifiorius y and thofc by 
Freberus, and thofc by Reuberus ; and Goldafttti de 
Monarch, and his Imferial Cenftitutions (to name no 
morej bath feen foeh trains and fuceeffions of Papal 
TrcafonsandHoftilities againft Chriftian Princet, ai 
may make him wonder that Princes fuflfer Arch a thing 
as a Pope upon the earth . 


3 6% Of due obedience to Rulers, 

Smith the Apolog. Henr. 4. Imperstoru (in M*rq. 
frekeri Tom. 1. fag. 172.) Scripfic Hildebrand 

Papa, ^quodipfe exemplo alicujus Roraani 

Pontificis Poteftatcm babqeric folvcrc i Sacramento 
Principcf Regni, ienmo folvere in eis Sacramcntum, 
quofidcravel padura promifcrant Regifuo. Mifere- 
mini O Principes regni coeteftis, populas Dei, fi camen 
eftispacifici t &(ieitis in Unitatc Ecdcfiar Dei: vos 
inq jam raiferemini & indignemini , quod aeftimavit 
vos talis roomenei,ut putaret vos poffe in banc fenten- 
tiam adduci,ui id quod non poteft fieri, eredacis poffe 
fieri. Nam Sacra tnen tuna dicitur quoquc j as jura n- 

dum f Jarabis inquicDominus , in vericate, in 

judicio & in jaftitia : Quis poteft hacc folvere , qua: 
fane opera roanumtuarum Domine? Opera quippe 

virtatis Dei fane Veritas, judicium & juftitia- ] 

%*?*&- I 74* Sed Hildcbrand Papa fie fcripfit, & fie 
praedicavic [Quidam ( inquiens) Romanus Pontifcs 
Regem Francorum non cam pro fuit iniquitatibus, 
quam pro co quod tanrg poceftati non erac ntilis f a 
Regno depofuit, & Pipinum Caroli Magni patrcra in 
ejus loco fubftttuit, omnes Francigenas i juramenco 
fidelitatis quam illi fecerunt abfolvic. J Mira qui- 
dem videmur nobis quae aftruit ! at fcilicct Rdigio- 
fus aliquis Romanus Pontifcx Sacramenrum fidci 
in aliquo abfolvcre rencaverit : quia fides Dei ma- 
gis quam alicujus xftimacur, quae alicui in ejus no- 
mine datur, arque promittitur ■ Quandoau* 

tern a fide aliquis folotas fuerit, & fidem non ba- 
bucrir, proculdabio mend ax eft, infapcr & per) urns, 

qualis regnum Dd non poifi debit . J Read the 

reft ibid. But of ibis I have faid more in othec 


And of Refiftance. 3 $j 

Tbcf. 328. It is a great Contreverfie 3 whither* 
fnbjtB may fight at a Princes command when he kjtow~ 
eth net the caufe to be jnft , *r when he knowetb it to be 
unjufi ? Anfw I . If he know it to be unjnfljee may not ; 
(except Accidentally ahorse fame further prevalent 
Reafon warrant it.) 2. If he Itnow it not tobeurjuft, 
when it is fa btcaufe he doth not his duty to know, he is 
bound to do that duty, and knowing to forbear. 3 If he 
know it not to be unjuft, becaufe he hath no capacity to 
difcover the unjufiice % nor to judge of it, then he may bear 

1. The guile of blood iifo heavy a thing that no 
roan {hould draw it upon bimtclf or his Prince 1 on* 
juft war U murdering : And no roan (hould murder 
in obedience to a Prince t when God condemneth it. 
Z. The Accidental exceptions it fine } icc. 1 fhall fpeak 
of among th4 Affirmative Propofuions. 3 . Wilful 
ignorance will not excufc a man from the guilt of 
murder, though a King command it. Bat the pcrfon 
is at once obliged to ufe means for bis berter informs* 
tion, to lay by bis erronr , and to forbear the fin. 
4. But when the (in or unjuftneis of the war is not 
notorious, nor within our reach ro know it, then wc 
mud obey our Rulers that are the Judges or difcern- 
ers of the cafe : For, 1. Rulers may not open all 
caufea of a war to all the Souldicrs : Sometime the 
cafe rcquircth fucb fccrccie and expedition , ai will 
not confift with that. 2. Subjc&s by reafon of di- 
ftance and difacquainrancc arc ufually incompetent 
Judgeaof fucb cafes. 3. And if they (hould never 
fight till they know the Joftncfs of the caufe, they 


3^4 Of he obedience to Rulers, 

would negleft the NecefTary Defence of their Sove- 
raign and Count rey. 

Yer, if there be not competent knowledge that it 
is a good caufe , men fhoold not thruft on them- 
felves, nor go to war without fome kind of Ne- 

Thef. 329. The fame anfwer ftrveth to that ether 
Controverfie, whether a fubjeEl may execute an unjufi 
Sentence of 4 "Prime or ^udge ? 

If it concern the Common- wealth direftly ( or 
nearly ) be mnft fufpend his execution till he have 
competent fatisfaSion : As if he were commanded 
to put to death fome perfons of great Eminency and 
Intereft in the Common- wealth. But if it be but 
againft a private perfon (as the hanging a man con- 
demned for felony, the {hooting to death a Souldier 
condemned for mutiny ) here if the un juftice be /iot 
notorious, and you fee no great caufe to fufped: it, 
and be not negligent in doing what concerneth you 
in your place, for due information, you may do exe- 
cution, if you are commanded. But not, if the un- 
juftice be notorious,or fucb as you may well difeover, 
without tranfgreffing yotis; bounds in the enquiry. 
In fuch cafes, Princes (hould find no Executioners : 
And the Executioners are guilty of the crime: For 
God is to be obeyed more theii man. Doeg was curfed 
for flaying the Priefti at Kiog'&w/'i coramand.lt coft 
the CaptaifK and Souldier* their livei that would 
have fur prized Eliot a: ;he Kings command. Obadiah 
is blcffed that faved the Prophets; and fo are the 
Egyptian Mid wives that faved the Ifrnclifes chil- 

And of JReftjlanct. 365 

dreR, whom the King commanded to deftroy. Many 
thai have been Executiones in the Martyrs death, 
have hid exemplary plague?. Its the Legal way of re- 
training Kings from unjuftice,to puntfh their Execu- 
tioners that are fubjefts, that others may fear obey- 
ing tbem in wickednefs. 

Thef. 330. A Sever aign that u an Heretic^ er 
wicktd man, ye a Infidel of Heathen, muft be obeyed in 
all lawful things : but with an Obedience anfwerable to 
hU Authority. 

I fhall open this together with the next Thefis. 

Thef. 331. He that hath no fuch Right to Govern, 
04 willjuftifie himfelf for it before God, majjet be fuck 
\tohom we are obliged to obey. 

We have here one of the weigbtyeft and difficukeft 
cafes about Obedience, before u*. It is very hard to 
conceive how an Intidel or Heathen can have any 
Right of Government bscaufe they deny the Uai- 
verfal Soveraign from whom they muft derive theie 
Right, or they can have non« : And how can a Rebel 
receive Authority? And whyfhou!d we obey him 
that hatb no Authority ? Nay is it not impofliblc, 
when Author it as Imferantis is the formal cbjett rf Obe- 
dience ? Alfo will it not follow that the Pope ihould 
be obeyed thai is no Infidel or Heathen ? 

And yet Cbrift,and Paul, and Tetir have (6 plainly 
decided the cafe, that the Heathen Magiftrates-tbac 
were in their daies were to be obeyed, that we muft 
needs take that fQr a certain truth. And therefore we 


$66 Ofiut Obtdknce to Rulers, 

have only to confider upon what ground,andhow far 
they are co be obeyed , and to anfwer cbc obje- 

Aquino* 22** ^.10.4.1 o.doth firft well diftinguifb 
between a Governor to fa chofen, and a f re-ex flent 
Governour : And then well concludech that an Infidel 
is not co be made a Governour, (that is, if be be 
eledive > ) but if be be already a Governour — • 
what then ? Why then he ill concladetb that the 
Church havinyGods authority % can take away from them 
their Jus Dominit & prxlationis • but till the Church 
dodepefcihcm, (which it for beareth fometime to avoid 
fcandtl) wemufiobej them, and pay them tribute to 
avoid fcandal too~\ And to he interpreted the Texts 
of Scripture that command fubje&ion to Infidel Prin- 
ces, as being only to keep as from offence. But this 
agrectb not with the word* of Paul, chat faith, Eve- 
ry foul muft befubjott even for conference fake ^ and as to 
the Miniftcrs of God. To obey only to avoid offence, 
is not to obey at all: It it but the matter of that which 
is Obedience in another : For the Form and Being is 
wanting, if it be not done for the Authority of the 
Commander*. Even as that n no 3< lief which is not 
for the Authority or credit of the a firmer. Bat Aire it it 
true f*bjcflion that is commanded us. 

The Tratb, as I conceive, lieththos. I. If the n- 
fidelitj of a Prince be not notorious, he is no Infidel 
to vou and me, and then there is no doubt. As in the 
Miniftry, foin the Magiflraey, if he be in the place, 
and not a mtoriom Vfurper , be is an Officer to me : 
The Benefit of thefubjeR from Mafifiracy (and Mr 
uiftry) i* firft confidcrable:They are means to our good. 
The Duty is iq order to the Benefit. We have Title 



And cf ReftjUnce. $6y 

to the Benefits of tbe office, though a n U fur per be in 
the place. And having right Co the Benefit , muft do 
the £>**;. 

2. If the Ruler be notorioufij an Infidel or Hedtbtn, 
yet be is fa ppofed to own a God, even one higheft God $ 
that is naoft pcrfed in Power, Wifdora and L>oodne(s, 
and to prate fs bimfclf a fub jc& of God , and an Offi- 
cer under him to punifti evil doers, and encourage 
well-doers : This the Heithens did profefs. Bue 
witball they knew not the Redeemer, nor the True God 
aright , with a faving knowledge, but difhonoured 
him by wor (hipping many Idols in conjunction with 
him. And in the execution of their offices, they per- 
fecnted Chriftianity, though they encouraged Moral 
Vertuc. What then muft we think offuch ? I. It is 
better for the world to have fuch Governors then 
none. And therefore they did more good then hurt* 
There never was among thofe Heathens fo bloody I 
periecuror , that did not favc tbe lives of many from 
pcrfecution, for one that they deftroyed. For it is the 
rabble rout of the Vulgar that arc the bloody eft per* 
fecutors : Where the Etnperours killed an hundred 
Chriftians, bad they but turned loofe the vulgar 
rabble, they would have killed a tboufand,or made an 
end of them. We (hould have ten tboufand Perfecu- 
tors for one, if there were no Rulers to retrain tbe 
Serpentine Malignant enmity that is in tbe multitude 
of the ungodly. 2* Seeing therefore that wt have 
prefcrvation and benefit by them as Governours, we 
owe them doty as Governours. 3 . They are Analo- 
gically R#lers 9 having an Analogical Authority im- 
ferfelii gentry. As they own a God , and pro- 
I fed to worlhip God , and to preferve peace 


and order in the world , and puniflh vice \ and 
promote vertue , according to tjic Law of 
Nature, fo thejr are in tantttm trnly Magistrates. But 
as they deny the Redecmer^nd corrupt the doSrine 
of the God-head , fo they fall (hort of that depend- 
ance on the fountain of Authority, that fbouldmake 
them folly men of power. 4. They are accordingly 
to be obeyed with obedience proportioned to their 
Authority, and no more. 5 How far an x\theift or 
Infidel is to be rejeded, I fhall mention anon under 
the Affirmative*. 6 Even thofe that by Atheifm , or 
doing more hart thengood^ do nullifie their Magiftracy, 
may yet be materially , though not formally obeyed 
to avoid evilsthatelfe would fall upon our felves,or 
upon the Church or Common- »raltb. 7. And pri- 
vate men may hoi lay hands on them, as long as God 
and the Common-wealth ( or body of the Nation ) 
forbear them. If a Jufticeof Peace renounce the 
King,and yet go on to execute the Laws , and if the 
Kiag be one that can feize on him at his plcafure, and 
willingly forbeareth him, the fubjed mutt let him 
alone, and obey all that he coraimndeth according to 
Law, till the King lay bands on him, or forbid obedi- 
ence to him. 8. Such perfons therefore have no nght 
Coram BeQ to govern, which will juftifiethem agamft 
the accufatiofi of Usurpation or Treafon againft 
God : But yet the people may be bound to 
obey them ( though they know this) not as fo 
Authorized, bur as being inthefeator place of Go- 
vernment, and commanding in Gods name by his vo- 
luntary pcrraiffion, If a Tray tor come and charge me 
to obey the KingsLaws J will obey them *t the Kings % 
though formally I obey not him; But if he be one 


jina oj &ejijtance. 3 09 

that the King permitteth in a place of power , I will 
obey ixwalio, foitbe not againft the King. So is 
ic in this cafe , about Infidel and Heathen Gover- 

And now rhe objeSions need no further anfwer. 
The grand Obje&ion (that they are Tray tors againft 
God, and have no Power from him , becaufe they 
deny him J is anfwered in th s that hath been faid. 
The other ObjediQn (that this would infer obedi- 
ence to the Pope) is eafily anfwered: The Office it 
felf of the Papacy is erefted by man againft the JVM 
ofChrift. An Infidel King is in an Office of Gods in- 
Ititutton, though the prfon be half unfit : Bat the 
Pope is in an Office that God condemneth , whatever 
the perfon be . And therefore a (inful office may not 
be obeyed by us at all. 

Thef. 332. Toebeyamanthatiiknovpn to have no 
PoWer^ isnotofitfelfnnlartfnl, fo the office or thing 
commanded be not forbidden. 

for we are commanded to fubjeft our fclves one to 
another, 1 Per, 5. 5. and in honour to prefer each 
other. I may obey any man that commanded! me, 
even if it be to give him my Cloak, or Coat, or go 
with him fo many miles : So be it there be not fome 
accident that makes it finful: As if it fees) to own an 
unjuft Authority to the publick fcandal ^ er if ic will 
encourage the Ufurper in his fin, &c. 

But this alfo is no plea for the lawfuloefs of obey- 
ing the Pope, whole Office is unlawful, and who is 
the enemy of Common- wealths, while he proclaim- 
ed) bimfdf the Lord of Princes. Saith an old Poet 

Bb and 

and Htftorian, Guntber. Ligurin. Lib. 6. pag. 376. 

Cogitet anttynos primtvitemporis annos, 

Fr&teritofa d^es^ &feculaprifcarevplvat 9 

Num Vetrut^ am Clemens v>um cater a turba prior nm 

Sceptra Latina dab At ? Romanes tempore prifco 

Pauper erat ptaful % regali munere crevit : ' 

Nee tamen ntfafces & regni jar* Latini 

Vel dare prafamat, velcuicjuam toller e poffit : 

JExceJfere mo A urn magnornm munera regum, 

Si tantum cuiquawjus infua regna dederunt : ■ » 

Hoc tamen ar barium Roman us tempore no fir 
Vendicat Antifles^ doeumenta^ vana §,gurU 
Bxprimit\ & cbartis datgrandia verba faperbis* 
Rtad the reft. 

When Princes ruled Popss,and placed and dicta- 
ted them as they faw meet , there was fome Peace to 
be had • but fince Popes have placed and difplaced 
Princes, Peace and Honefty are facriBced to odious 
pride and arrogancy : and if Princes will not re-af- 
fame their right, they ftiallanfwcr for betraying the 
people committed to them. Its a part of the Praife of 
the Emperour Otho , given bira by an antient female 
Poet, tbat he in a right zeal depofed.a faulty Pope , 
and put abetter in his place. Hrofwilhae Hiftor. fin, 
p. 1 01. ex colled, Rcuberi. 

Qualittr tfrrt&i compmBnt acxmnezeli 
Summnm Pentifcem quadam per verfa pair antew 7 
Ejtu nee wrhh fcgnanum ctdere crtbris, 


And of Refinance. 371 

SedU Ap§ftolic& fraudari fecit honor e, 
' Con/lit uenj alium Rettorunomive digntim* 

Thcf. 333. Private men disjunttly are not 

made Judges of the Title of their Princes 9 and therefore 

muft obey them that are in P off effion and Admiqjjtrati- 

. crt, unlefs their Vfurpatidn befo notorious at to he pajl 


Private men conjunctly art the Body of the Com- 
mon-wealth, who being kisfirength, muft defend their 
Princes right : and therefore muft Judge of it y \n order 
to fucb defence. Bat while the Body (real and re- 
prefentative) fubmit, it belongeth not to private 
members to cry or judge of controverted Titles of 
their Princes. For their diftance and unacquainted- 
nefs wicb State-affairs, doth ufually leave them un- 
capable of Judging, e.g. In the time of the Roman 
Eraperours, there were few private perfons fit to 
judge of their Titles % and therefore the Apoftlc fup- 
pofing this, commandeth them to obey the power* 
that then were. If a private man muft firft know his 
Princes Gencalogie, orhavefatisfadory evidence of 
his Title to the Crown 5 before he be obliged to obey, - 
then obedience would be rare, and Princes muft take 
another courfe to acquaint their fubjeds with their 
Title?, then hitherto they have thought meet toufe, 
How tew in England of the common people were ac- 
quainted with King James his Title? or with Henry 
the fevenths, or many of their PredeCcfibrs 9 from 
whom they pretended that theirs was derived. The 
vulgar muft fee reach by the eyes of the Nobles and' 
.Senate in thefe things. 


372 of due obedience to Rulers, 

Tbef. 334. // V'urpition be notorious t yet if it be 
mt to the injury of amther , the body of the Nation may 
lawfully afterward Confent, and having conferited, are 
obliged to obey, though JliS the Vfurper is accountable to 
Cjod for unjufi procurement of their confent. 

Of the cafe of injuring another, and of the change 
of Government from perfon to perfon, I have fpoken 
before. Bat out of that cafe, there is no prohibition 
of God to fub jed our felves to an Ufurpcr* 

Thcf. 335. ItisthefubjeElsT^utytofubmittofuf- 
fering y and not rejifi the Power of their Rulers, in cafes 
where they may not lawfully obey. 

Yet thofe raifunderftand the Apoftle Paul, that 
think by the © aV^iac^'^©-, Rom, 13. 2. is meant 
enly violent Refiflers : meer disobedience may make a 
man a Rcfifter in the Apoftles fenfe. It is Antifubjefti- 
on, or breaking out of the rank of fub jeds, which the 
Text forbids. And he that unwarrantably difobeyeth, 
may do that, though he forcibly refift nor. But when 
obedience in the thing commanded is unlawful , yel 
fubraifiion to Suffering may be a duty ; The excepted 
cafes are after to be mentioned. 


And of Refijtanct. 375 

Thef. 336. In many cafes where Officers may be re- 
fijttd, it may be unlawful to rejifi the Sovereign kirn" 

I ftnll onlyinftancenowin this general; In cafe 
the Law or will of the Soveraign allow us to Refift 
bit Officers upon fuppofition of fuch or fuch mif- 
carriages - but not to refift himtelf. 

Tfoef. 3 3 7. In many cafes when it is Lawful forcibly 
to refift a Prince, in fame one particular cauje or a&, we 
may jet remain obliged to honour and obey him in all 
things elfe y and not to dtpdfe him, or hurt hu perfon. 

As there is great difference between bis in jufticc in 
a particular aEl , and tbt Nullity of bis Power; fo is 
there great difference between Keftfting anunjuft ail, 
and Refifling his offia in the main, and denying him 
our fub je&ion. When the former may be a Duty ,the 
later may be a damnable fin. A man that holds the 
bands of an angry Prince from killing bimfelf^or ano- 
ther in his paflion, may ycc honour him and obey 
hi ai as faithfully as another man • and do him neither 
wrong nor hurt. 

Thef. 338. Every breach of Oath or Covenant by 
the Prince, will not warrant the peopk to dtpofe him, or 
difobey him. 

In two cafes this is evident, ("which contain the 
particular cafes.) 1. The Covenants between Prince 
and people contain fome particulars oft times that arc 

Bb3 not 

3 74 of due Obedience to Rulers 7 

not of Necefiuy to the Being of the common gooi f 
but only to the melius (Jfe, or to the good of fome 
particular p^rfons. If the Prince or Senate, or who- 
ever is Soveraign, break fuch Covenants, they offend, 
but do not thereby forfeit tfeeir Soveraignty •, unlefs 
( which is not to be fuppofed) it were agreed between 
them, that this (hould be a forfeiture : Nor may men 
lefift, in fuch a cafe of breach, in fmallcr things, on- 
lefs the Covenants, or Law allow it them: 2 If the 
Soveraign (hould violate his Covenants, or the Con- 
ftitution it felf in matters Fundamental , which the 
common good doth lie upon, and yet do this but in 
fome one Aft, which he pcrfifleth not in, but recurn- 
eth into his way, and is not a flared habi uated offen- 
der in this kind; it cannot be taken for a forfeiture of 
his Power ^ nor fufficient to warrant men to with- 
draw fubje&ion , unlefs it were fo expreffed in the 
Covenants or Laws. Such a deftru&ive Aft of bis may 
be £»Wrai,that is, Refifted, and yet the Regal ejlate not 
fubverted, while the crime is not ftaced. 

So much for the Negative, How far Refinance is 
unlawful/Now of the Affirmative,how far it is law- 
ful. A tender paint : but fo weighty, that confciecce 
(hcu'd not be unetled in it. 


And $f Rtfiflancc. 375 

Thcf. 339. ivhtn it is notorious that a man loath nd 
right to Govern, the people are not bouni to obey him, m- 
left bj accident. 

Elfc wc fhosld be bound to take every man for our 
Soveraign thatcaileth himfelffo: And fo the peo- 
ple (hould be bound to Treafon, and to have many 
Soveraigns , when many pretend to ir. Materially 
men may be obliged to obey (that is, to do the thing 
commanded ) in prudence to avoid an evil to the 
Nation or therafclves. Bat formal obedience is dpe 
to none bat fuch as are in Authority, or feem to have 
Authority, and fo quoad nos are truly Govcrnours, 
though perhaps their Tide csram Deo may not be 
good. Even as I am not to take any man for a Paftor 
of the Church that is not lawfully called to it, or 
being in PofTeffionand Adrainiftrarion doth feem fo 
fo the Church. 

Thef. 340. If a Lawful King be limited, if he 
Command the fubjefls beyond his Limits, in matters ex- 
empted from hu power , orelfein matters that the nature 
of his office extendeth not unto, that command is not 
an aft of power-, and therefore it is not a refinance of 
Power to di/ebej it. 

The Refiftance of a perfon in power , in a point 
wherein he hath no Power, is not to refift Power, 
(that is, Jns regendi) but the will of a private man ; 
For he is a private man in all things exempted from 
his Power. 1 . A School-matter hath nothing to do to 
command bis Scholars in matters about their trades 

B b 4 and 

376 Of due obedience to Rulers, 

and callings in the world, but only in matters of 
learning and manner*, becaufe it belongs h riot to his 
Office. A Captain hath no Power ( as fuch) about 
mensefhtes, but only about the manners and milita- 
ry aftions of his Souldiers, in order to his military 
ends. If a Judge of one Court ftep into another 
without Coramiffion, in alienoforo, his Sentence is 
null, and no man bound to obey it. So if the Mini- 
fter prcfume to commsnd in things belonging to the 
Magiftrate, and not to him, his aft is private, vain 
and noil. So if a Soveraign will turn Phyfitian , and 
command all men to take this or that Phyfick only, 
not in order to publike good, but private health » or if 
he will turn Paftor and do things proper to a Paftor 
of the Church, bis acts are private and null, as being 
without the verge of his vocation. 

2. And where his Covenants with his people limit 
him, be hath no power in the excepted points • e.g. if 
he be reftraioed from raifing Taxes without the peo- 
ples confent , if he yet command the payment of 
luch taxes, he doth it not by Authority : For nei- 
ther God nor man did ever give him Authority there- 
to. If the Confticution reftrain him from raifing war 
without the confent of the Senate, and yet he under- 
take to do it, it is not an aft of Authority , for he 
never had Authority thereto. 

Objeft. Who hath Power te limit* Prince, when hi 
h the Officer ef God ?< 

Anfy*. i. God bath limited him. 2.God hath not 
determined in Nature or Scripture of the (pedes of 
Government, nor of the perfon or family that (hall 
Govern : The People therefore being his Inftraments 
or means, may Imit their Soveraigns in things that 


And of Rtfiftdnce. 377 

God hitb not determined of. 3 . His own Covenants 
may limit him. And the people having (Irength and 
liberty % may force him to luch Covenants as are nc- 
cefliry to their fecurity , before they choofe him to 
be their Kmg.No man or family hath Originally more 
right to Govern a Nation then the reft, till Provi- 
aencctn&Confent allow it them. Few Princes will 
plead a fucceffi ve Right of Primogeniture from Noah. 
If the pcop'e then fay, \_Wt choofe you , ( and jour fa- 
mily fuccejfively) to Rule m on thefe and no ether terms ^ 
Accept the-e terms, or we accept not you. 3 If he thus ac- 
cept them, he obligcth himfelf, and all his fucceffors 9 
that will Rule on that foundation. And therefore he 
hath no more Authority then another man,in the ex* 
cepted points. 

. Thef.341. He thit thus commandeth beytnd hU 
bounds and wthout Authority, may be lawfully Reftfled 
in thofe Commands, unlefs the Law or C on flit ut ion for- 
bid fucb Refiftance : Provided that the Honour and Au- 
thority of the Ruler be preserved, and he be obeyed in all 
lawful things. 

Not obeying , is the firft and chief Refifting ^ Ani 
that « proved lawful before, which proveth this alfo. 
He Refifteth not Power or Authority, that Reffieth 
only the will of a man, that ( in that ) hath no Aa- 
, thority : Indeed if the Conftitution (hoald be (which 
is not to be imagined ) that the Prince (hall have no 
Power in this or that , and yet if he aflame it , none 
(hill refift him , then men are retrained from re- 
fiftance. Ocberwifcjn thofe points he is a private 
man. YeUfo^*;*//j' Refiftancc may become a fin 


378 Of due Obedience to Rulers, 

or a Duty. If it cannot be done without the com- 
mon lofsand hart, by dishonouring and dcpoling the 
Goyernoar, it is a fin by accident. If it be nctrfhry 
to reftrain bis ufurpation ., and to fecure the pubiick 
goad, it will be a duty, and no indifferent thing. 

If I be bound to obey or not refill, where there is 
m Authority to require my obedience,then it muft be 
fomewhat diftind and feparated from Authority 
that I am bound to : Aod what that is , muft be dif- 
covered. It can be but Accidental : and thai's no- 
tfaiag to the point. 

Thef. 342. No Law cm oblige m to Punijhment 
buffer difobedience ^ And therefore where the Obedience 
. Was not due , the difobedience is inculpable , and the pn- 
nijbment not due: And where it U not due, I am not obli- 
gtdtoit by that Law % though pojfiblj fome other L*w 
may bind me to/ubmit to undnefujferings. 

If there be a Law forbidding Refiftance, how un- 
due foevcj: the penalty be, that Law mutt reftrain us. 
But that Law it felf that obligeth ant adobeduntiam, 
autpanam, obligeth not to punilhment, but in cafe of 
difobedience. The a&ion therefore of fuch an unjuft 
aufli&cr, ii without Authority ; And therefore ie csn- 
QOt be formally in obedience unto him that I muft 
fubmit ( unlefs to forac cither Law. ) But it may be 
an ad of formal obedience to God, that requireth me 
to fubmit to the unjuft affii&ions of men, when they 
cannot be refilled without deturbing or difhonouring 
the Governours , to the injury of the Common- 
wealth. Rulers are not authorized to hurt the inno- 
cent at pleafure* 


And of Refiftance. 3 j 9 

Thef 343- lnferiour Rulers have no Authority but 
what it give* them from the Sovereign Porter 5 and 
therefore in all other things the fubjetti are not bound to 
obey them ^ but may forcibly njift them, bj the Confent 
of the Sovereign. 

They are Private men in matters without the 
verge of their Commifiions. If a Conftablc ufurpc 
the Office of a Juflice, or a Juftice of a Judge, or one 
Judge of another, (heir commands are null and may 
be refilled by difobedience, and by force too , unlefs 
where the Law for Peace and order doth forbid it. 
No man doubts but the Soveraign may authorize us 
to rcfift his Officers , when they tranfgrefs their 

Thef 344. No humane Soveraign hath Authority 
toforbd ft hat God commands >%or to command what God 
forbids - 5 but their Laws that are notoricujly contrary to 
the Laws of G*d, are nullities, and cannot oblige to obe- 
dience or punijhment. 

A Conft able or Juftice may a thoufand-fold more 
excufably pretend Authority againft the King, or in- 
dependent on him, then a King can claim Authority 
againft God, or independent on him. There is no 
Power but from God ; God giveth none againft hira- 
felf. All Laws or commands of men are null, or void 
of true obliging Authority , which are againft his 
Laws. They are not words of Authority, bnt of Re- 
bellion or VfitrpaiionjLhit command us to difobcy the 
God of heaven. To refill fuch a command, is not to 


3 So Of he obedience to Ruler s y 

Refill an aft of Power, bat of Vfurpation. For there 
can be no Power without , much iefs againft the 
fountain of all power , the univerfal Soveraign. It 
may be this is the meaning of the School-men and 
Politicians, that fay it is no Law -which is ur.juft ^ and 
of A uguftine that make* JufticeefTential to the Com- 
mon-wealth, de Civic. Dei \\ig. [ V hi ergo fufiitia 
vera non eft, necjtupoteft ejfe : ^uoi enim jure fit, pro - 
feclojufte fit : quod antem fit injufte , nee jure fieri po- 
teft. Non enim jura dicenda funt velputanda qu&libet 
iniqua keminum conftituta : Qu0ci*ca ubi non eft vera 
jttftitiajuris conf$nfuf$ciatus coetm h minum nonpoteft 
e JF*i & iieo nee popnlus : Etfi nonpopulm.nec respopu- 
li , fed qualifcm^ multituiinis qua populi nomine 
dignamn eft. Ac per hoc ft Refpubl ca Res eft Popvli,& 
Populus mn eft qui eon fin fu juris foeiatus non eft -, non 
eft antemjnsnbi nulla eft JufHtiajroculdubio colligitur^ 
ubi fuftitia non eft, non ejje Re mpublicam.] Of this mt)re 

Yet as God rcqaireth as to yield for peace f ike to 
men that have no Authority , and rather then be re- 
venged or break Charity and Peace, to go two miles 
with him that would compell us to go one , 8nd 
to give our coat to him that takes away our clo^k •, fo 
much more finis grath for the fake of Charity ,P<race 
and Order, he requireth ni to fuflfer wrongs from 
Kings and M*giftrates> and not difturb the publick 
peace for our private inceretl. But yet for all this, 
their ads againft God and his Laws,are not atts *f Au- 
thority % nor oblige to formal Obedience - y nor are wc 
tyed from Reftftance when the publick good requireth 
ir, and fo the end is fuch as we cannot difpence with. 

B jc yet if upon this pretence any private fubjeda 


Andef Refinance. 381 

or others take on tbem to jadge the Soveraigns afli- 
ons, rhat are uncspable, or not called to it , or (hall 
conclude that to be contrary to Godi Law chat is not, 
and (hall relift Authority under pretence of refitting 
a private Will, their temerity and errcur will not ex- 
cufe them from the guile. 

Tbef. 345. Tofpe*k.pr*perly^m Law cbligetbany 
man to [afferent only tofttbmit y andmt refft:Andthere- 
fore we are allowed to fly to ejeape undeferved offering. 

Chrifthimfelf allowethhis Difciples to fly in cafe 
of perfection , ur.iefs when accidentally the confef- 
fing of his name requiretb ihem to ftay. He that fly- 
eth dorb nor< bey, or fuffer : and yetoffendeth nor, 
becaufehedotn not diiobey a Command of Autho- 
rity, but of u'.'urpiiigtirt//, nor doth refift tothedi- 
fiurbancenf the common peace , nor to the difcou- 
r*gemenc or di paragement of Governours. And if 
flight, then any other lawful means may be ufed ro 
avoid unrighteous iuffering*, as by intreaiy ,and by 
mediation of friends, or as Paul by an Appeal ; and 
why not by forcible efcape out of prifon , or the infe- 
riour officers bands ? The A potties went out of Pri- 
fon when the Angel let them loofe*, and the fear of 
the People often refcucd Cbrift and them . Bafil was 
violently refcued from the Tribunal by the multitude , 
and many antientBifhops have fo efcaped : This is 
Reft/ling, and violent Refining : but when it is bot an 
efcapefrom the hands of perfecution and injuftice,and 
is no injury totheGovernour , ncr a difturbing of 
publick order or peace, it is not the refitting that God 
forbid^ nor any refitting gf Authority, 


381 Of dutObtdknu to Rulers, 

Thef.- 346. In many cafes it u lawful to Refiji the 
Officers and Inftruments of a King^ though againfi hii 

1. A? to their per fens ; chcy KXtfabjetis % and have 
notthemfclvcs the Sovcraign Power. 2. Every man 
that faith be comes in the Kings name, is not ro be be- 
lieved. 3< Unlawful commands fhould have no Exe- 
cutioners, if they may be known to be unlawful : 
And therefore the Executioners deferve punifhment, 
and not obedience. 4. A King may be limited him- 
fclf, and then cannot give the Power to his Officers 
that he hath nor. And when they arc fentby mecr 
Will without Authority fhty may be dealt with as pri- 
vate invaders of our rights. Eliot deftroyed two 
Captains and their Companies with fire from Heaven , 
that came to command him to come to the King > 
2 King. 1. 9, 10. Though the manner was excraor* 
dinary by Miracle , yet the matter (deftroying the 
Kings Souldiers ) was the fame as if it bad been done 
by war ^ and was done by his voluntary Refinance. 
Every fouldier is not the King : and the command of 
obeying the higher Powers ; obligeth us not to obey 
them that have 00 Power high or low h but are the 
mcerlnftrumeotsof will and Arbitrary invafion, and 
not of Power. A Kings will cannot ju&ifie his own 
ads that proceed not from Power but ufurpation : 
Much lefs his Officers or Souldiers ads. 

Thef. 347.-4 King muft not he obeyed that command- 
ttb dfubjftl f hill him, or unjuftly to kill anotlnr, or to 
do any evil that U $r may be known to befuch. 


And cf Refinance. 383 

David hewed in pieces him that killed Saul in obe- 
dience to him. He was a Tray tor that obeyed the 
King to his deftru&ion. Doeg was a branded wicked 
wretch that obeyed the King 10 killing the Priefts. It 
was foabs fin to fct Vriab in the place of danger, and 
be Davids infirument to murder bim, though by the 
enemies fword. Daniei would not forbear open pray- 
ing in his houfe for a few daies time at the will of the 
Kmg: The three witneffcs, D**. 3. boldly told the 
King to his face , that they would no! worfliip tbc 
Image that he commanded them to worfhip.Man may 
{no: be obeyed againft God. 

Thef. 348. Itu lawful and a Duty to Reftfi a King 
even bj viohnce Hp:n his per fen , to prevent the dtftru- 
Bion cf him/elf, jea or of the innocent y in cmfe it be dent - 
ypith the due regard ofh:s honour and dignity y and the end 
of Government. 

1. If a King (tsSsuI) would make away him- 
felf,tbe Subjeft is a Tray tor that doth not Refift him, 
and prefirrve him, though again ft hrs will. Nature 
and the common good require it. We muft do fo for 
1 fellow- fubjift ; much mt>re for a Prince. If in his 
ficknefs he would eat or drink that which would kill 
him, he may be birdrcd even by fcrce. 2. If in his 
Pafiion he would kill his wife or fervants , or faithful 
fubjeds, he is to be refitted even by force : and be 
that holds bis hands, and takeib the fword cut cf bis 
hands, may expect that he wiil praife him when the 
Paifion is over : But if he do ror,God and'goed men 
\vill praife him-, and the wickednefs of an obftinate 


384 Of due Obedience U Rulers % 

King, cannot make the good a&ion to be evil. He Is 
not £0 ttV77n*^V*p©-] that only hindreth a King 
from murder. 

Thef. 349. As it is lawful thus tofave another s life 
from a murderous King,fo alfo to fave our own ^ with 
the afore faid caution, and if no other accident for kid it. 

No man is bound to love his neighbour , b6t as 
himfeif. We arc bound to prefer ve our own lives as 
well as anothers : It is as great a fin in a King to mur- 
der you as another: And therefore you fhouid equal- 
ly endeavour to prevent that (in. You may hold h'sfj 
hands, or take away his fword, in cafe you cannot flic 
orotberwifeefcape. For, v i. It is not Authority but 
Paffion that you refift. 2. You hurt him nor, nor de- 
rogate from his authority, nor difturb the Order and 
Government of the Common-wealth. 3. You arc 
bound to preferveyour life by lawful means, 4. And 
~a!fo to preferve him from fuch deadly fin. David fl d 
from Saul with an A r my to defend him : And his 
queftion, £ Will the men of Ke»lah deliver me into the 
hands */Saul ? _] doch inriraace tha^he would have de- 
fended that town againft him, if the To wnftpen would 
but have ftuck to him. The peop'e refcued fonathsn 
refolutely from the fword of a King and Father , en- 
gaged by Oath to have put him to death , 1 Sam. 
14.45 . £ And the people faid unto Saul,«JW/ Jonathan 
die who huh wrought this great falvatian in Uracil God 
forbid* As the Lord liveth % there fhall not one hair of 

hii head fall to the ground So the people refcued Jo* 

nzthzhihathedjed not.] The other is,i Sam. 23* I2 # 

Thcf. 5$o. 

And of Re ft fiance. 417 

Tfaef.348. It is the But j of a Woman to Refift a 
King that would raviflj her^ and the duty of 9* 
t hers to ajfift her. 

For 1. To ravifti her is no aft of Authority, and 
therefore to Refill: is no Refilling of Authority ,but of 
luft. 2, Elfe the Woman fhould be guilty of Adul- 
tery, being bound by God, to preferve her chaflity, 
and fo fhouid thofe that being bound to affift her,do 
negleft it. 

Thef.349. Much more Jhould a Nation preferve 
themf elves, or their Reprefentative Body, from the 
nnjufl endeavours of a King, that woxld deftroy 

The Reafon is mod evident ^ 1 . Afortiore : if the 
life and chaftity of a fmgle perfon may be refcued by 
force from the Will and Inftruments of a deftroying 
and urichaft King, much more may a Nation or "par- 
liament be io refcued . 

2. We have a concurrence of many greateft obli- 
gations to fuch a refcue. 1 . Parliaments we call out 
about our work,and truft them to fecure our IntereiT:, 
and therefore to forfake them to the will of the unjuft 
is to betray them. 2. There is the higheft Reafon for 
Natural felf-prefervation, to preferve a whole Nati- 
on.3 .The honour and intereil of Godas moft concer- 
ned in publike intereft.He that thinks a Parliament or 
Nation fhouid lay their necks upon the block,or qui- 
etly perifh whenever a King would have it fo, hath 
loft fo much of humanity, that he is unfit to be Civ fa 
tX member of a Commonwealth, fonaihah was not 

V c more 

420 of due Obedience to Rubers, 

3 . if warre be juft, either as a meane j-,or as an end : 
The later no man is fo void of reafon as to pretend 
(that is fit for us to difpute with.) If as a meanes, it is 
either as a meanes to the common good, ox to fomething 
better, or to fomething Worfe : if warre be a meanes 
to the common good, or elfe unlawtull, then have we 
that granted which we feek : then the warre is finfull 
that is again fi [ the common goodli "it be undertaken for 
a lejfergoodjt muft needs befwfufl : for a greater good 
is not to be caft away in order to a lefs. Reafon will 
cry fhame on this. Though it were the Right and 
Prerogative of the King, it cannot be juftly preferred 
before the common good : For even his Prerogative, 
as his Office and Government it felf, are the meanes 
to this. 

Two things v indeed are above the common good of 
a Nation : One is the Intereft, Pleafure and Honour 
of God himfelf. The other is the good of the world ^ 
or of many and greater Nations rouml about. And 
the welfare of thefe ( and of the Church univerfal ) 

, he a higher end then a Nations good, but no- 
thing elfe ; ' 

Thef.352. Though a Nation wrong their King, 
and fo meritum caufae, they are on the 

worfer Gde, jet may he not law fully Warre againft 
thefu! like good on that account, nor any help him 
in fuck a Warre ^ but propter finem he hath the 
Worfer caufe. 

The Reafon it is plain in what is faid : 1 .If not on- 
ly his Rights, but his very Office and Adminifiration 
be propter bonum publicum, then may he not plead or 
defend thofe Rights contra bonum publicum • But the 


And of Re ft fiance. 421 

Antecedent is paftcontroverfie : therefore fo muft be 
the confequent. 

2. An exceflive penalty beyond the proportion of 
the offence,may make that cauf e bad,that elfe would 
have been good- The danger or ruin of the Common- 
wealth^ its felicity is fuch a punilhment . If a King 
be wronged,he mull: be righted according to the pro- 
portion of his wrong : whatever is againft the Com- 
monwealth, efpecially in the great matters of its fafe- 
ty and felicity ,1s incomparably above the proportion 
of his wrong : It is more in juftice to feek the deftru- 
ftion of the common good, for a real injury to a fin- 
gle perfon, then it was in them to do that injury. 

Thef.353, A tyarrc raifed again fi the Body of a 
Nation, is by them to be confirmed to be againfi the 
common good ; No Vtarre therefore again fi the Body 
of a Nation, by any of its members-, Prince or peo- 
fie, can be law full : At It aft except in the two fore- 
excepted Cafes, viz. the Command of God, and 
the Interefi of the many Nations near them. 

Reafons of the Antecedent : 1 . The very miferies 
of a warre do hazzard all the faftety and felicity,yea 
the being of the Commonwealth. 

2. He that raifeth Vvarre proclaimeth hofiilky with 
them- he warreth againft.He that proclaimeth hefiili- 
r/againft the iV^n^depofeth all friendly Relations, - 
and is fuppofed to be one that will deal as an enemy. 
An enemy is to be fuppofed to be one that intendeth 
not the good or felicity of the Commonwealth. 

Thef.3 54. It is net prof effing in Wa r as, that the ftarrz 

E e 3 ii 

4 2 * Of due obeditme to Rulers, 

is raifed againfi a rebellion* Party only, or that the 
King intendeth by it the common good, that fhovdd 
wtke the Nation take it as warrantable, and for 
their good, if they be the Party that it is aBually 
raifed again ft. 

i. Oherwife they fhould never ufe' meanes for 
their fecurity : For it's eafie to fay, / intend not the 
common hurt : And who will not fay it, how hoftile 
foe ver his aftions be. 

2. Quid verba audiam, cumfaEia vide am ? War 
is not an ad: of Government, but Hofillitj. Men are 
not in reafon to be fuppofed to intend their enemies 
good. If they fight, we are to believe they would 
kill : and nature believeth not killing to be an aft of 

3 . He that raifeth War but againft afattion of Re- 
bels, that hinder or difturb the common Peace, doth 
not make the Nation or Commonwealth it felf, but 
thofe Rebels to be a Party : He that makes the Na- 
tion the adverfe Party, cannot be fuppofed to intend 
only^r Party of Rebels. 

4. A Nation conquered by the fword, hath no fe- 
curity for their fafety ,Uberty or felicity : If they ever 
haveit,it nmft be from the mercy of theConquerour. 
He that puts hirnfelf into a garb and ftate ofHofiilay, 
is not to be trufted to for mercy,but when there is no 
other remedy. When a Nation hath loft their juft 
fecurity for fafety, liberty and felicity, they have in- # 
terpretarively loft their fafety, liberty and felicity it 
felf. In theConfitution it is now fuppofed, that 
they provided for the fecurity of the Common good, 
and put not the lives and ftates of all men, into the ar- 

And of Refinance. 42 3 

kitrary power of one man, that all (hould live or die a c 
his beck,and the Nation periflyf he fell into a phren- 
fie. Now Conqueft depriveth them of their fecuritj. 
They are then at the mercy of the Conquerour : 
therefore the Conftitution is aloered ^ and interpret a- 
tivelj all is gone. The King may mean better: But 
Kingdoms and common Felicity are not all to be ven- 
tured, upon the fecret unknown good meanings and 
good wills of Kings. 

5. A Prince is not his own ftrength. Ifhegoyern 
by his own W if dome and Vtrtnc, yet muft he execute 
byothersftrength. ifitbeb^y theP^p/?, it cannot 
be againft them ^ for they will not be againft them- 
f elves. If by Strangers, or a Fattion at home, (ef- 
pecially Delinquents, or irritated impious men) the 
Nation is not to trull them with its felicity. Thofe 
that the King conquereth by, maymafterhim when 
they pleafe : They are ftronger then he. His good 
meanings therefore are no fecurity to the Nation, if 
he conquer them by fuch as mean them hurt,or as the 
Nation hath no caufe to truft. Efpecially when it is 
fo commonly, that the Conquerours have a felf-inte- 
reft oppofite to that of the conquered h and that felf- 
intereft fo much ruleth the world. It is a plain cafe 
then,that whatfoever is fecretly intended,the Nation 
is to fuppofe it to be againft their felicity, when they 
are the party that War is raifed againft. And con- 
fequently that no War can be lawfully raifed by a 
King againft his people (that is, the Body of the Na- 
tion) becaufe none can be lawfully raifed againft the 
common Good. 

Ob je&. But then Princes are left without remedy, 
if the j are injured by the people. 

Ee4 Anfw. i. 

4*4 Of due obedienet to Rulers, 

Anfw. i. They think it meet that the People be 
left without remedy, if injured by them : and there- 
fore they fay, they are refponfible to God alone. 

2. A remedy is to be fought by Government or by 
War : By Government they may have remedy againft 
particular perfons, or the whole by fuch light and le- 
gal penalties, as are not againft the Commonwealth. 
But if this will not do, if their injury be too great to 
be born,they may lay down their Crowns at pleafure, 
Crowns are not like Lands, that men hold primarily, 
Jure Domimj : They are not primarily the matter of 
Propriety. Government ^that's Lawfull,and not Ty- 
ranny) is a meanes to publike good. When any mans 
pofleifion of his Crown doth ceafe to be a meanes to 
the publike Good find this without the peoples injury, 
it is then his duty to refign it, and no injury to be de- 
prived of it. For the meanes is no meanes when it is 
againft the end. If the Nation injurioufty deprive 
themfelves of a Worthy Prince, the hurt will-be their 
own, and they punifh themfelves: But if it be 
neceffarily to "their welfare , it is no injury to 

But the King that by War will feek reparations 
from the body of the People,doth put himfelf into a 
hofti/efiate, and tell them adually thatlie looks to his 
own good more then theirs, and bids them take him 
for their enemy, and fo defend themfelves if they 

Thef.355. Thoughfome injury to the King be the 
occofion of the War, it is the duty of all the people ,to 
defend the Commonwealth againft him^ jet fo as 
that the j proteft againft that injury. 


And of Refinance. 425 

This is a plain confequent of the former. 

1 . They reiift no true Authority, in refilling him 
hat warreth againft the Commonwealth, which is 
he end of Government. 

2. All are engaged to defend it. 

3. It being the end, no meanes can be pleaded a- 

4. Afimili. If my own Father or Mother w r rong 
mother by a foul word, and the injured perfon feek 
their ruine for it : I muft not forbear detendingmy 
parents, becaufe they were offenders ^ fo be it I pro- 
teft againft their Vorong doing. 

2. A Lawyer at the Bar may plead againft an ex- 
ceftive mul& or penalty, that wculd be impofed on a 
culpable Client. If his Client have done a trivial 
wrong, and another would therefore take away his 
eftate or life, the party that had the worfe caufe quo- 
adculpam, hath the beft quoad p&nam, and the Law- 
yer may defend him; And fo muft a Subjeft the Com- 
monwealth from hurt and danger. 

3 . If our own King had wronged the Pope or King 
of Spain, orafavage/#^#King/ 5 and a War begin 
upon it - 7 If it be juftly fuppofed that the enemy if he 
(hould prevail, would deftroy the happinefs of the 
Commonwealth, we may and muft all fight againft 
them, for the defence of: the Commonwealth ^ but 
not for the juftifying of the Princes caufe, which we 
may poffibly be called to proteft againft. Every 
wrong that's done by a King, doth not forfeit the 
peoples happinefs, nor warrant the enemies to invade 
it, nor exempt them from defending it. 

Thcf.356. If a Nation regularly cbcofea reprefex- 


taiive Body, of the mofi noble , prudent, interejfed 
members, to difcem their dangers and the remedies , 
And preferve their liberties and fafety, the people 
themselves are to difcem thofe dangers and remedies , 
by their eyes, and to judge that to be againft the 
common good, -which their Trufiees do rationally 
and regularly acquaint them to befo. 

Proved. If they muft difcern their danger«either 
with their own eyes immediately, or with ethers ^ it is 
not neceflary that it be by their own immediately. 
For Countrymen are unacquainted withState-affairs, 
and with enemies contrivances at home and abroad : 
And nothing more eafie then to bring them paft all 
remedy, before they can fee the evil themfelves. 
And what need thcyTruftets, if themfelves immediately 
were capable. Ifitmuiibe/jr others, either by the 
King, or their Trufiees. If they do trufi the King 
abfolutely and entirely ,they muft ftand to it : But then 
what need they choofe Trufiees. Kings being much 
trufted againft ftrangers, our cafe fuppofeth, that the 
people do not abfolutely trufi him, but that in the 
Conftitution, they have provided, that the publike 
peace and felicity fliall be held by reasonable fee uriry, 
and not meer trufi in the Princes will: And that Par- 
liaments are appointed to that end. And if fo f they 
are to be trufted accordingly. 

And as thcConfiitution and our Choice requireth it, 
fo their Interefts require it-, they being many, and 
their Inter efigr eat ,and not lying fo much within the 
temptation of an oppofition to the peoples intereft, 
as the Princes doth: And it is fuppofed that the Con- 
{Htutionofthe Government, appointeth them for 


lis very end,to fecure the people from the ufurpati- 
n and tyranny of Kings : and therefore in that cafe 
ingsarcnot by the people to be credited before 
hem ^ for then they (hould not appoint or choofe 

hef.357. Jf the faid Parliament or Trufiees he 
alfo legally the Kings chief Council y and Jo have a 
double capacity of difcerning the dangers of the 
Commonwealth, the people are the more to fee their 
dangers by their eyes. 

For 1. This fuppofeth them infulleft capacity to 
iifcern them. They that are legally the Kings chief 
Council, are to be fuppofed acquainted with State- 
iflfairs, and how things ftand between him and the 
people. 2. And the King himfelf having not his office 
for himfelf, but for the people, is to fee their danger 
tad remedies by the Council,which the Conftitution 
doth appoint him.The Law therefore fuppofeth them 
to be the moft credible Judges. 

Thef.358. Jf the King raife War againft fuch A 
Parliament y upon their Declaration of the dangers 
of the Commonwealth, the people are to take it at 
rzifed agaitift the Commonwealth , till it be notori- 
ous that the Parliament have deceived them and be- 
trayed them. 

The Reafons are plain ? 1 /Becaufe the dangers of 
the Commonwealth were firft declared by competent 
Judges,and credible WitnefTes. 2. Becaufe all their 
own dangers and oppofitions is juftly fuppofed to be 


if&\j \sj two winter***, ty n»tt/j> 

for the fake of the Commonwealth. 3 . Becaufe they 
are the Commonwealth, or people Representative! 
4. Becaufe being the only legal Truftecs appointed 
for the Nations fecurity from tyranny, when they 
are conquered, our fecurity is conquere4,and the ve- 
ry Confticution overthrown. 

Thef.359. If a Parliament be moreover the fu- 
preme Judicature, by the Constitution enabled to 
cenfure andpunifh Delinquents and enemies of the 
Commonwealth, and to raife the power of the Na~ 
tion again ft them, if they reft ft, the King himfelf 
having no Authority in that cafe to far don orproteEi 
them^ then isitjuftfor fuch a Parliament to raife 
Arms againft fuch Delinquents, to bring them to 
due punijhmcnt, andtofrofecutethem, though they 
have the Word or Will of the King on their fide. 

This cafe is plain: For 1. It is SubjeEls here that 
the War is raifed againft. 2. It is in a legal execu-' 
tion of Juftice. 3 . It is againft no Authority : For 
it is in a cafe, where it is fuppofed that the King hath 
no power to pardon or proteft,it*s fuppofed that his 
protecting power is reftrained unto certain cafes, of 
which this is none. 4. If all Delinquents or enemies 
fhal! fcape, that will but rife in Arms for their fecuri- 
ty, Commonwealths are deftroyed, and Juftice and 
Judgement are idle names, when a few Thieves may 
eafily kill the Judge. And if Kings (hall have power 
to pardon all Delinquents without limitation, the' 
common good is wholly intruded to their wils,where 
the King is absolute and above all Laws, he may pro- 
ted: all offendors. But where the Laws are above the 


And of Re ft ft wee. 429 

King, they muft be obeyed though his will be againft 
it, and he forbid it : For his will is not his Autho- 

Thef.360. If in the fundamental Conftitutions, 
any rights by contratl be referved to the people, and 
the King obliged to maintain them, the people may 
lawfully defend thofe Rights, ( ky means proporti- 
enable to their tyorth ) againft the King that vio- 
late th them, unlefs they have alfo conferred to be 
reftrained from fuch defence. 

1 . If the Rights be but fuch as are needfull ad meli- 
us efie, or thelofsof them be tolerable, the defence of 
them mufl: not be by depofing the Prince, but by 
gentler meanes : Though as Thiews are hanged for 
robbing one man, fo divers Sub jeds may be deftroy- 
ed for robbing the Commonwealth at tht Kings com^ 
mand, of its Rights and Liberties. 2. But if people 
to avoid a civil War, have exprefly tyed themfelves 
not to re ft ft a King or Sub jefts, that by his command 
do deprive them of their Liberties, then they are 
wholly at his will. 3 .But fuch a Confent or Obliga- 
tion is not to be fuppofed,unlefs it be expreflfed. For 
1. The very Covenanting for our Rights irnporteth, 
that we fecure them, and leave them not meerly to 
the Princes will. 2. And in Covenanting for them, 
we exempt them from his power •, fo that in invading 
them he is but a. private man •, and in refitting him we 
refift not Authority ,but Will. For if he have power 
of our excepted Rights, it is either immediately from 
God, or mediately by Confent of men. Not the for- 
mer : For we fuppofe it to be in cafes that God hath 


43^ of due Obedience to Rulers, 

left undetermined. The people can have no Right to 
that which God bimfelf takes from thefri :Not by man\ 
Fer it is fuppofed that the people have excepted thefe 
things from the Princes power, andheconfented. 

Tfcef . 3 6 1 . The Oaths of Kings, and the Charters or 
Laws in Which they have expreffed their Confent td 
Govern on fuch and fuch termes, together Vvitb the 
ancient Cuftomes of the Nation, are the difcoverers 
rf the Princes limits, and the Peoples Rights. 

Though every breach of Covenant forfeiceth not 
the Crown, yet every Covenant or Confent of the 
Prince doth (hew the limits of his Power. If he (that 
naturally had no more right than other men) do ac- 
cept the Government on fuch and fuch termes, or 
afterward Confent to them^ he hath no power be- 
yond or againft thofe termes : and therefore he may 
not break his Oaths. 

I Thef. 362. It is I aw full to refifi either King or Sub- 
jefts that are his Infiruments, by Law-fmts, or by 
force, where the Laws allow it, if he he not above 
Law, and do not Repeal them. 

I fpake before of the peoples Rights referved from 
the Kings power: I fpeak now of the allowance of tbd 
Law. If the Law be above the King^then may be do 
what the Law alloweth, though againft his will. If it 
allow us to fue the King in his Courts of Juftice, we 
inay do it : If it allow us to fue his Agents,as fub jefts 
that have broke the Law,though by his command,we 
ipay do it. If the King bid a man murder another, I 


And *f Refftanet. 431 

mayfuebim, and hang him againft the Kings will, if 
the Law allow it. If the Kings Tenant keep anun- 
juft pofleflion againft me, it is lawtull for me to lue 
him at Law, and at laft,if he forcibly refift, the She- 
riff may raife the Power of the County toeje&him, 
though againft the Kings will, when the Lawallow- 
eth it. And if the Law allow us to refill his Armies, 
we may do it : and fo doing,we Refift no Power ,but 
ftrength and will. But where the King is Absolute 
above the Laws, as being meerly his own Afts,therc 
we may Refift,till he repeal the Law,or forbid us, and 
no longer (on that account.) 

Thef. 363. Where the Sovereignty is diftribxted into 
fever al hands, ( as Kings and Parliaments, ) and 
the King invade the others part, thtj may lawfully 
defend their own by warre, andthefttbjeti lawfntl] 
ajfift them, yea though the power of the Militia be 
exprejly given to the King; unlefsitbe alfoexprefi 
that it /ball not be in the other. 

The Conclufion needs no proof ^ becairfe Sove- 
raignty as fuch hath the Power of &rms, and of Laws 
themfelves. The Law that faith the King (hall have 
the Militia, fuppofeth it to be againft enemies, and 
not againft the Commonwealth, nor them that have 
part of the Soveraignty with him. To Refift him 
here, is not to refift Power ,but Ufurpation, and pri- 
vate will. In fuch a cafe, the Parliament is no more 
to be Refilled than he^becaufe they alfo are the high- 
er Power. 

Thef 3 64. Names are not the only nctes cf Sove- 
reignty : 

43 2 * of due obedience to Rulers, 

raignty : If a King have the Title oftheSttpream 
bead, or only Sovereign of his Dominions, and yet 
a Senate have an eftentirallpart Without the Names, 
they lofe not their fart, 'nor is it to be judged of by 
the Name. 

A people may give an honorary Title to the 
Prince,and not give the fame to others that have part 
in the Soveraigncy ; and this is ordinary : fometimes 
for the Nations honour,which they would have to be 
abroad confpicuous in their Princeiand fometimes to 
pleafe him inftead of fuller power. Thofe therefore 
that will judge of the power of Princes by their Ti- 
tles or Names, and thence fetch Arguments to re- 
folve mens confidences, know not what a narrow 
foundation they build on : Of which fee Mr. Lawfon 
againft Hobbs his Politicks. 

Thef.364. Where the Sovereignty is in fev:ral 
hands, and fo the Conflitution fuppjfeth their a- 
greement, the dividers are the dijfulvers, and upon 
a Divijion barely among themfelves, in -which thz 
Commonwealth is not concerned, the Subjeftsfliould 
obey neither of them againft the other, as having no 
fewer againft each other: but fhould be againft them, 

[ that In obedience to either part do raife the War. 

The Reafon is plain: Becaufe though they are ma- 
ny natural perfons, they are all but one civil perfon^ 
and becaufe that all the power of Arms here is either 
defenjive againft Enemies, or vindictive and punitive 
againft offending SubjeEls. But none in foveraignty 
while fuch, are to be taken a$ enemies : And neither 


And of Reftfiance. 433 

part that have the Soveraignty, as fuch,can be offend- 
ing Subjects ^ for they are no Subjects. Indeed in 
fuch a Senate, the perfons confidered dlsjunBly may 
be Sub jeds : but it is conjunctly as a houf&br body, that 
they have the Soveraignty. Moreover, ail lawiull 
War is for the common go'od&riz the diffolution of the 
fundamental Conftitution, is not to be taken for the 
common good, but grievous hurt and ruine,though 
when neceflity diffolvethir, the beft parts mud be 
fitft fecured from perdition: 

Thef.365. Vpon [itch a dhificn among them that 
have thehighefi fower, if feme Subjects will un- 
lawfully begin as infiruments of the divifions, the 
eftzrc then obliged to fiend up, and that for the 
fafetyefthe Comwcr^vealth, more then for either 
bf the forties; and f of that party ] that is for it ^ and 
again]} them buik, if thy be both again flit. 

1. Ii is notorious to the Nation; when the King 
and Senate (that are now fuppofed to be fharers in 
the Soveraignty) dodiiagree,- and fall into hoftility 
and open War, that the frame of the fundamental 
ConfHtution is diffolved. And when the fhip is fplit 
or finking, it's time for the pafTengers to faye them- 
felves and their goods as well as they can : When the 
houfe is on fire, we muft fnift for our felves and that 
we have: When the Government diflblveth itfelf, 
they that poffefTed it turn us loofetorule our felves, 
and defend our felves. If a man fight againft himfelf, 
he is to be held as a diftra&ed man: And fo fhould 
King and Senate be in fuch a cafe, being but one civil 
perfon : But if any will rufh in a and help one hand a- 

Ff gainft 

434 °f due Obedience to Rulers, 
gainft the other, the people muft either fall on them> 
or otherwiie fecure themfelves.In this cafe the Prince 
hath no offenfive power againft the Senate, nor the 
Senate againft the prince:and therefore we (hould fo 
obey neither, nor help neither, as fuck : But if we 
fee that all Vti/lnot be lb wife or honeft,but fome De- 
linquents W/// adhere to one of the parties, and fome 
foolifh people to the other, we mult then look to the 

And here if one party have the jufler caufe ceteris 
-paribus ,we muft adhere to that part • not as authori- 
zed primarily againft the other, but as juftly defend- 
ing themfelves againft them. "Rut Ji cat era nonfwtpa* 
rja, that is, if the welfare of the Commonwealth lie 
on one fide more then the other ,yea though that fide 
had at firft begun the wrong,(much more if that par- 
ty were juft and innocent) we muft joyn with that 
part: yea or againft both, ifthefafety of the Com- 
monwealth require it. lor then - we go not againft 
Authority ^ neither King nor Senate having Authori- 
ry (unlefs to defend themfelves and the Nation) a- 
gainft the other. And furely whether we may fave 
the Commonwealth againft Authority or not, there 
is no doubt but we may fave it without any governing 
Authority /when it is not againft it. Nature that al- 
loweth felf-prefervation to all, that forfeit not their 
lives, doth eminently requires Nation to preferve 
themfelves •, their common welfare being a thing that 
can be forfeited to none but God,and neighbour Na- 
tions ; not to any within themfelves. It is not the 
falling out of King and parliament that forfeiteth the 
Nations happinefs, or can make it unlawfull to pre- 
ferve it . If you fuppofe them both to be guilty of an 


And of Re fi fiance. 43 j 

unjuftWar, as having no power againft each other, 
then may the people defend themielves againft the 
Souldiers of both, as being but pr<edones & grajfato- 
res : Or make ufe of either to further their detence. 
But if one of them as a defender, or on other ac- 
counts have the more righteous caufe,the people may 
joyn with them fo farre as it is righteous, fecuring 
ftillthe Commonwealth. A King may have caufe ^ 
blame a Parliament, when he hath no caufe that will 
juftine raifing a War againft them ^ and a Parliament 
may have caufe to blame a King,and yet none to raife- 
] Var againfi him. In this cafe, when one is originally 
in the fault, or it's ten to one, both of them infome 
fault before a War, but neither of them in fitch faplt 
as will warrant a War againft the other, ( which is a 
diffolvingofthe Government itfelf, and is an injury 
to the Commonwealth,more then to themfelves) the 
people may joyn with neither of them as offenders a- 
gainft the other, but muft firft look to themielves and 
the common fafety which the contenders do forfake, 
and next confider what ufe may be made of either to 
that end-, andinfubferviency to it, rather to defend 
"the innocent then the guilty : The Law knowes not a 
Divifton, but fnppofeth an Vnity ^ and therefore it 
hath nothing to do in dire&ing any of the Sub jefts to 
fight againft either King or Parliament : When it 
comes to this, the bufinefs is refolved into the funda- 
mental Lawes of God and nature, antecedent to all 
humane Lawes. The Defender may have a juft War 
againft the Invader, by the grounds of nature : But 
neither of their caufes is to be preferred to the Com- 
monwealth .And if finis gratia for the common fatety, 
the people (hould take part with the more culpable 

P fz fide, 

43 6 of due Obedience to Rulers, 

fide,not as owning their original caufes, but as joyn- 
ing with them for the common fafety •, this maketh 
not the people guilty of the ill begumingot caufe of 
thofe they joyn with. e. g. Asl laid before, ifrfie 
King abufe the Pope or Turk, and they mfe War a- 
gainft him for it,the people taking hk part to prevent 
theNationsoverthrow,do not thereby engage them- [ 
lelves in theoriginaLof the quarrel,nor become guil- | 
ty of his fault, nor of any unlawfull War • for they j 
mana^fe it but as defenfive, againft fuch as would take [ 
unjuft revenge of the innocent. And fo if a Ptrlia- { 
wentihould fomewhat diftionouror abufe a King, j 
(whenyetneidierofthemfhouJdgo to War for k) j 
the people joyning with the Parliament, are not | 
guilty of that abufe- nbr of an unlawfull War, while 
they interefle themfelves only in the bufinefs of their I 
own preservation, and not in the original of the dif- | 
Terence. The Law of nature ftands, when men do fin- J 
fully diffolve (the Commonwealth. 

Thef.366. If in cafe of fuch divificn, the Ccnfti- 
tution (fore feeing it) have determined Vvhich fide 
V?e mu ft adhere t o> then that part becomes the So-\ 
veraign, which we muft obey againft the other. 

If it be faid in the fundamental Contracts, that in I 
cafe the King and Parliament differ, the Sub jeft fhall j 
adhere to King againft Parliament, or to Parlia- 
ment againft King ^ then in that cafe the other lofeth I 
l;is Authority, or rather had but a diminutive part, I 
which might be refilled. But this is a cafe that fel- j 
dcm happens : For were there fuch a determination, 1 
that one muft not be obeyed, they would not enter! 

And of Rejijlancc. 437 

into the contenfion , unleis by force to make a 

Thcf.367. If the Senate be fides their fart in the 
Sovereignty, hc.ve a ju(i off en five War agtin ft de- 
linquent Subjects, and profefs no \Vs/r againft the 
Kingunlefs defenfive, and alfo be the Trufteesof 
the people for the fecunty of their liberties and haf- 
pinefs, and fxjfer danger, and enter into War upon 
no account of their own, but the peoples :, then are 
the people bound to adhere unto them by many oblige 

Thisismoft evident from all that isfaid before, 
and needeth no more proof But I fuppofe fome will 
fay here, that then the cafe is hard "frith Kings that 
have Parliaments to joyn \X?ith them in the Soveraign 
power: for the people mitft ahvayes take part with the 
Parliament, though they do the wrong, becaufe it is 
they that are their Trustees andReprefentatives , andfo 
Kings ?nufl evvr be at their mere y. 

Ianfwer, 1. Where this is the Conftitution y it is 
fuppofed that a King mull never tight againft his peo- 
ple, or parliament : and if he receive the Crown on 
thefetermes, he meeteth with nothing but what he 
confented to ^ he might have refufed it, and may 
leave it when he will. He muft never e^peft upon any 
pretence of felf-prefervation, to have the peoples 
confent, that he (hall have power to deftroy them,or 
make War againft them or their Truftees. 

2. But yet there are cafes in which we all muft take 
part with a King againft 'a Parliament : As 1. if they 
would wrong a King, and depofe lum i;a juftly, aa4 

Ff 3 "cha 

45° vj am vbeatzme to snier$ y 

change the Government, for which they have no 
power,thebodyof the Nation may refufe to ferve 
them in it, yea may forcibly reftrain them. 2. If they 
notorioujly betray their truft, not in fome tolerable 
matters, but in the fundamentals, or points that the 
common good dependeth on, and engage in a caufe 
that would deftroy the happinefs of the Common- 
wealth • it is then the peoples duty to forfake them, 
and cleave to the King againft them, if they be ene- 
mies to the Commonwealth: But this is not to be fuf- 
pe&ed till it be notorious. But Parliaments are inde- 
fedible:Should they ever be fo corrupt as to feek our 
ruine,we fhould not think our felv'es obliged to obey 
them or defend them. They may forfeit their power 
as well as Kings : But no fuch thought muft be enter- 
tained of either, till neceffity force it. 

Thcf.368. If a King deliberately and obftinate- 
iy engage himfelfin the change of the Conftitution 
inthe fab ft annals, to the dcftruStlon of the fafety 
and happinefs of the Nation, he may not only he re- 
ftfted, but ceafeth to he a King, and entreth into a 
ft ate of War Vvith the people. 

1. *Tis not a change in fmaller matters, but the 
fubftantials of the Government that we fpeak of. 
2. It is not a fudden paffionate ad, but a fetled en- 
deavour that we fpeak of. 3. And fo the cafe is 
plain. For 1 . In Contracts each party is conditio- 
nally obliged : And we are bound to him, on condi- 
tion he be true to us.lf one party (hall remain bound, 
though the other violate their fidelity, the Cove- 
nants are vain. In other Relations it is fo,and there- 

And of Refijlanct. qjp 

*ore in this. 2 . He diffolvech the Government : and 
then he can be no Governour. 3 . He becometh an 
enemy, and therefore can be no King. A deftroyer 
cannot be a Ruler and Defender. He proclaimeth 
hoftilicy, and is not to be trufted. 

Thef.369. It belongethto the people to difcern a- 
mong competitors and contenders for the Govern- 
ment, Vvhofe caufe is be ft, and to re ft ft ufurpers and 
enemies to their Peace. 

That the Nation is thus to have a Judicium difcre- 
tionisis evident: 1. Becaufeitistheirintereft that is 
principal in the bufinefs: the good or hurt will be 
principally theirs. 2. If they do not j udge (difcern- 
* n gty) they cannot execute ' And then the people 
muit not help their Soveraign againft ufurpers. But 
iftheymuft, (and who elfe ftiall) then muft they 
difcern whofe caufe is right, that they may know 
whom to help, and whom to refill.' 

Thef. 370. Though an Infidel or Heathen King have 
a Power fecundum quid, end maybe the Head of 
an Infidel or Heathen Commonwealth, yet may he 
not be voluntarily chofen the Head of a Chriftian 

Not only becaufe the Commonwealth cannot be 
called Chriftian when the Head is a Heathen 5 but be- 
caufe it is treachery againft God and the Redeemer, 
for a People that have their free choife of their 
Governours to choife fuch as are enemies to the U- 
niverfal Soveraign : They fhould hereby be guilty of 

F f 4 feme 

44° Of due Obtdunu to Rulers, 

fome degree of a National Apoftacy: The Kingdoms 
of the world {hould be the Kingdoms of the Lord and 
of his Chrift \ therefore they muft not be given up to 
Infidelity. But if a Nation be not free to choofe their 
Go vernours, but are by che Sword or otherwife for- 
ced to fubrmt,then whether they (hould fubmit to an 
Infidel to a\ cid deftrudion,is a cafe that I am not now 
to determine;But it is uo be deeided,not by g the perfo- 
rm! prefent fuffering which the Nation byfuchfub- 
miffion may avoid ^ but by the intereft of their ,po- 
fterityand the Nations round about them. If the 
prefent fpoil andruine of a Nation might prevent the 
captivating ofpoilerity or neighbour Nations more 
considerable to perpetual Infidelity, or tyranny of 
Infidels, it {hould be born: But if they can make 
better terms for themfelves and pofterity (without 
greaier hurt to the Chriftian caufe and Nations) by 
fuch fubmiffion,thenJwithout, I fee not but they may 
fubmit co the Government of Infidels ; And if they 
fubmkand promife obedience, they muft obey in 
lawfull things,and be faithfull to them : But if Chri- 
flians live (as the primitive Chrifiians did) ina Com- 
monwealth where Prince and people are Infidels, 
there they owe obedience whether they promife it or 
not : For rheir being fubjefts, and members of the 
Commonwealth containeth their obligation. While 
they have the protedion, they owe obedience. 

Thef.371. The chief part of the common goad, or 
hrfpinefs, is the enjoyment of the meant s which 
God hath made neceffarj to (alvation : tt is there- 
fore as lawfull for a Nation to fight for the prefer* 
vation oftheje meanes to themfelves andpoflerity, as 


And of Reftftarce. 441 

for their worldly goods and liberties, at letfi ; 
though for neither, -without jufi Authority and 

TheLiberties 3 Goods, and other accommodations 
of the fle(b,which worldlings fo much value and con- 
tend for, are dung and drofs in comparison of the 
things of everlafiing life. If therefore we may not 
fight for Religkn, much !efs for Liberties or Lives 
that are contemptible in cemparifon thereof. It is 
therefore either confufion and ignorance of the Rate 
of the QuefUon, or palpable errour, in them that 
maintain, that it is unUypfr.ll to figh for Religion. It 
is one thing to fight to make others Rtligk its, and a- 
nother C hing to fight to preferve our , a r d 

to preferve the meanes of Religion to us an tk n 

and ourpofieritj. They graxit themfeh es what they 
deny, when they fay that we may fight for our L 
and Liberties ; for though all that fight Li- 

berties, fight not for their Religion , \ et all thac thus 
fight to preferve Religion, do fight for their La 
alfo. perfecutors will take away our Lives or Liber- 
ties, if we worlhip God according to his vs ,,and ufe 
the neceflary meanesof falvatitm. In rig againft 

this perfecution, w r e fight prirc r d ultimately 

for our own and pofteritiesfaRaaon, ar.d next for 
the neceffary means thereto,and proximately for our 
lives and liberties. 

And it is but a delufory courfe of fome in thefe 
times,that write many volumes to prove jh&tfvbjeftt 
may -not bear Arms againft their Princes for Religion, 
Asifthofethatare againft them did think that Reli- 
gion only as the end, yea or life or liberty, would 


44 2 Of due okdienee to Rulers, 

juftifie Rebellion ? or that the efficient authorizing 
Caufe were not necefTary as well as the final? It's as 
true that fubje&s may not fight againft their Princes 
for their Lives or Liberties, as that they may not for 

There are other things necefTary to warrant an a- 
<5Hon befides tht final Caufe. All things are not a 
means to a good end : nothing can be a means that's 
againfl the end : but many things may be unwarran- 
table,and no juft meane$,whicli by man are intended 
to the beft end. No man may do any thing againft 
his falvation, nor againft the publll^egood^ efpecially 
in matters of f/v/r falvation : Butyecall is not iaw- 
full that men do with an intent to further their own 
or other mens falvation. Where bearing Arms a- 
gainft Princes is warrantable quoad fundamentum, 
this will warrant it quoad finem. No better end, but 
there muft be a good ground alfo. 

And yet as to the end, it is not every matter of Re- 
ligion, much lefs every erroneous conceit of men,that 
is fufficient. If men that are Equals, yea or Superi- 
ours, fhould think indifferent things to be necefTary, 
or thofe that are necefTary only ad melius ejfe, to be 
limply necefTary • or thofe that are evil to be good, 
and hereupon (hall force them by fire and fword-on 
other men, they fhall anfwer for their errour, arro- 
gance and cruelty together .If Papifts will firft believe 
their fond opinions to be articles of faith,and necefTa- 
ry to falvation,and then will think that the falvation 
of men, and the publike good dependeth on them, 
and therefore will propagate them by the fword, or 
' rebell againft princes to maintain them, their errour 
will not juftifie their wickednefs. It muft be truly the 


And of Refinance. 443 

caufe of God, and the truly neceffary meanes of life, 
and of the_coinmon good,and not miftakes or fmaller 
matters, that mud be the fufficient end of Warre, 
even ia Princes themfelves, that fight for Religion: 

Much more in people 5 of which in ihe next. 


Thef.372. In a Chriftian Commonwealth , where 
Rulers in their Oaths or Covenants have obliged 
themfelves to maintain the Chrifiian faith, and 
necejfary meanes of the falvation of their people, 
and have taken the: Government en thefetermes^ if 
after this they breal^thefe Covenants, and cafi off 
Chrifiianity, or cafi cut the meanes of falvation, 
which they bound themfelves to defend, it is law- 
full for the body of that Nation to refifl them, and 
defend their welfare : Much more if thofe that 
have but part in the Soveraignty, do this. 

Note here 1 .That I fpeak not of an Infidel Nation, 
where the people never make fuch Covenants with 
their Princes, but would doubly perfecute, were 
they not reftrained : There an Infidel Prince may be a 
protection and blefling to thofe few among them that 
believe. Whereas in a truly Chriftian Nation,either 
no Governour would be better then a perfecuting Infi- 
del, (the people affociating in Communities) or at 
leaft,they may eafily choofe a better. 2 . I fpeak not 
of thofe Chriftian States and Nations, that have al- 
ready promifed obedience to kno wn Infidels. But of 
thofe that have limited the power of their Princes, in 
thefe things: And if the Conftitution limit them,their 
Acceptance of the Government is an impliciteCon- 
fent and Covenant though there were no more. 

3. I 

<<H% Of atie oveaienct to Knurs, 

3. I fay not yet that every private man may refift, 
but that the body of the Nation in this cafe may. And 
the Reafon is evident : becaufe 1 . They are naturally 
bound to preferve the common good, cfpecially in 
the greateft points. 2. And info doing,ic is no pow- 
er, but arbitrary ufurpation which they refift For 
God giveth j£mgs no power againft himfelf ^ and it is 
here fuppofed that the People have excepted this 
power from their Princes: And therefore in this chey 
have no power,and to refift them is to refift no pow- 

And to break the Covenants, and rejeEt the termes 
on which they did receive their Crowns, \s to difoblige 
the people to whom L "hey Covenanted, and && away 
theirCrownSj and turn into a ftate of enmity, if it 
be habituate, and if it be in the Effentials of the Cove- 
nant ^ and efpecially if they profecute it by a Warre. 
What man can pretend to be fo independant, and a- 
bove the God of Heaven, as to have an Authority a- 
gainfthim, and confequently not from him, which 
no men may refift. But if the Caufe be Gods, and 
the Prince difabled to oppofe it by the Constitution, 
the cafe is then moft clear. 

Here I (hall again annex a Caurion, and thenan- 
Twerfome Obje&ions. 

If private men in doubtfull cafes will take on them 
to be judges of their Governors, and conclude them 
to violate their Covenants, or their Conftitution, or 
the Common fafety when it is no fuch matter, they 
grievoufly fin againft the Ordinance of God, and the 
publike Peace. And in cafe of a private or lefs publike 
injury, it is rebellion to make a publike refiftance, by 
raifing a warre. A woman may by perfonall private 


And of Refiftdjtce. 445 

refiftance defend her Chaftity againft a King • but {he 
may not raife a warre to defend it. The Priefts did 
lawfully ( AzAriah withfonrfcore more valiant men) 
with ft and Vz,^iah the King "when he went into the 
Temfle to burn incenfe ^ and told hint it beknged not to 
him, and bid him go out of the SanRnary : yea when 
the Leproiie rofe upon him, they thruft him out, 
2 CAr0».26. 16,17,18, i9,20.Butit they had raifeda 
warre againft him for this, they had do'neili. 

And when a people are neceffitaced to a defenfve 
warre • if thy will proceed beyond a jiift defence, and 
depofe their Kings or Governours that have notde-. 
pofed themfelves, nor notorioufly made thcmfelves 
uncagabje, they vCill be Rebels in depoiing them, 
tflough their defence was juft. 

A Civil warre doth hazzard the happinefs of a Na- 
tion, and therefore is not to be enrerprized for any 
fmaller crimes, or for the avoiding of any tolerable 
evil, but for that which is nororioufly more dan- 
gerous to the Nation than the warre it felf. 

Indeed where all the Na. ion agree (as in the de- 
fence of Jonathan againft Saul ) or fo many that 
there is no party to make warre againft them, then if 
the Kin g reak his Covenants, or violate their 

Libertiesina lower cafe (as f :s death- was) 

they may as one man fay, This fbaR not be : and hin- 
der the execution of the evil, without a warre • yet 
fo, that they neverthelefs obey and honour the King 
in all things elfe. 

And now concerning a Peoples defence of their 
happinefs and fafety againft a King,that was reftrain- 
ed by the Conflitution or his Content ; I muft anfwer 
fome of the Learned Hadrians Stravias Objections, 


44 £ of due obedience to Ruler* 7 

de Imperan. author. & Obed. li. 4. cap. 4. He arguech 
from the ft ate of Marriage , 1 . That many Covenants 
about Dowry, foyntures,ik£. may beviolated,withoi:t\ 
diffolving the marriage. 2 . That the effential condi- \ 
tions may be violated without fuch diffolution. 3 .That 
no stimulation can be made that wUl warrant the offend- 
edparty tofeparate. 

To thefe I anfwer : 1. Igranthim,that tiilaKing 
do aftually caft away his Government and become an 
Enemy, or elfe habitually make himfelf incapable or 
be made fo by God, the people may not depart from 
their fubje&ion. It is not casing off f abjection in 
* ft ate, but reftfiing in a particular cafe thatis now in 

2 . The cafe of Alarriage and Civil Government^ 
much vary,that the Objection is of no force. For 

1 . God hath already dated the power of Husband 
and Wife, and fub jefted the Wife to the Husband by 
his Laws,and that for all alike • fothat they are not 
left at liberty to make any alterations, nor feveral 
Species of Husbands, as Commonwealths may have 
feveral Species of Government. God hath not deter- 
mined in his Word,whether this or that Nation fhall 
be governed by a Monarch, by the Optimates, or by 
a mixt Government. He hath left it free to them to 
put the Soveraignty into the hands of one, or two, 
or an hundred,or a thoufand ^ and to make the divi- 
fion equall or unequall : much more to limit Rulers 
in the things that God hath left to their prudentiall 
determination. 2. Moreover God hath determined 
that Marriage (hail be for life, and not for a limited 
time^nd that it (hall not be dilfolvable on any terms 
but thofe of his defcription : But he hath not done fo 


And of Refinance. 447 

by Governours. He hath no where made it necef- 
fary that Kings (hall be for life, and unremoveabie : 
A Diftator for a year, or two year is not forbidden ; 
A King for feven year,is not contrary to Gods Word. 
If a people that are free, may choofe whether they 
will have a King or none, then may they fay, if you 
-frill accent the Crownforjeven years ,we vpiUfuhjeEt our 
[elves to you, elfe not. if they refolve to have 
Kings by Rotation as Rome had Confuls, that every 
yearor feven year they might have a new one,though 
I think it not fit,yet it is not againft any word of God. 
And if they may absolutely Stipulate with them, to be 
Kings but forfuch a tlme,x\\zn may they conditionally 
ftipulate to be Kings no longer then they dofo crfo. e. 
g. To forfeit their Crowns, if they {hall raife War 
againft the Nation, or if they introduce a forraign 
power, or if they fet up infidelity, or banifh the 
Gofpel, or if they difpoffefle the people of their 
Proprieties . There is liberty for fuch contracts here, 
when there is none in Marriage, which God hath 
not left fo much to the will of man. 

3 . And yet even in the cafe of marriage, I deny 
his conclufion that the violation of the effentiaj Con- 
ditions doth not warrant afeparation. He confefTeth 
that Adultery and wilfull deferticn^re juft Caufes of 
divorce : and thefe are the violations of the eflential 
Gondirions.An obftinate perpetuated negatio congref- 
fus, isadeferrion, His inftances otfterUity, fnorofi* 
ty, and adventitious imfotency, are not initances of a 
violation of the eflential Conditions, kfcold vio- 
lateth not the eflential Conditions and volmtaryfte- 
rility, and impotency fubfequent were never Cove- 
nanted againft. Voluntary felf 'debilitation (yea in- 

448 of due obedience to Rulers, 

voluntary) in many Chriftian States, is allowed 
as a juft caufc of Divorce. But if it be not fo 

4. The cafe diflfereth in this : A Nation muft 
needs have Government: : But a man or a woman are 
notiniuchneceflity of marriage: If a Husband be 
impotent, the woman may lawfully live without his 
ufe. Bui a Nation may not live ungoverned : And I 
therefore if a King fall diftra&ed, or ftatedly incapa- 1 
ble, they muft be governed by others. ^ 

5. And laftly I anfwer,That even about Joynture, 
and Peace and outward Privi!edges, though a Wo- 
man may not be divorc't for injury in thefe,yet hath 
(he her remedy from theMagiftrate,who isfuperiour 
to her Husband. By your fimilkude then,you fhould 
allow a Nation their remedy, in asgreat and much 
greater cafes, which yet will not warrant a divorce^ 
or withdrawing of their fubje&ion. 

There is fomewhat in.cxcrcitio, that is effentia! tol 
Governing-, and fomewhat that percainech but tol 
better Governing. As he that nfeth not the former is[ 
no Governotir, To he that is mcapable of it, is uncafa 
ble of Governing. If the ejfential qualifications hi 
wanting, or the ejfential conditions vi^cUed, andthd 
ejfential ends be ftatedly fub verted, the Government 
nullified : Or elfe the effence is not thejffence. if thaiji 
part of the happinefs of the people be* iubverted thaij! 
is next to theeffential end, they may retain anc j 
exercife the power of feeking a due Remell 

The commoneft remedy that Nations have thought 
meet to life in this cafe is, to keep all Subje&s unde 
the known Laws, and Courts, of Juftice, that the 



And of Rcftftanct. 44^ 

may not dare to execute unlawfull Commands,and to 
reftrain Kings from pardoning or defending ftich ma- 
lefactors as do endanger the Nations Rights and 
Peace : And fo to let the Perfon of the King alone, 
and co punifti the Subjects that break the Laws, 
though he command them. This is a refitting the 
J ufts, and the Wills of Princes, but not them, as to 
their per ions or their Power, 

Augufiine thought that feme Juftice wasEffentiat 
ro a C ommoi; wealth (Lib. 1 1 Je CMm.DcL cited 
by a great defender oi Kings, jiptJog.VLenvid.+.Jni- 
ferdti ris in l : rchrr. Vc L I .. pag. 1 77. ) \_Rcpulmn nun 
omnem t ceium mtdtitHdlms , fed coetxmpiris confenfu 
G J utilltatls comrnnnicne fociatum ejfe determinant-, & 
diixnt, tt;nc cjfe Rewpubliccrrn, id eft, rem fofxll 
(jHumbene ac folic gericar, five ab uno\Rege> five a. 
panels opt Mat ib its y five ab univerfopopu/o. $Vftm 
vero injuftm eft Rex, quern Tyra?:nam, more Gr&co 
appellant, av.t injuftl Qptimates, quorum con[er.fiu?n 
die tint ejfe fa&ionetti, ant injuftus ipfe populus, cut 
women ufitutum nan rtfcri~UHt t nifx etiam ipfitim Tyran* 
nam vocent , nenjarn dicmt Wix^i^Xificut priusfue- 
rat disput at urn, fed fie ut ratio ex his illis rations bus 
connexa docuijj] :r,Omnino nullam efle Rempubiicam: 
Jthtcni.im non rjftr Res Popu/i qnum Tjr annus earn 
Sattione capejferet. Nee ipfe Populus jam- Populus 
effctiieflct injuftus. Qiioniam non ejfet multitude 
juris confen[pt& utilitatis communionefocietas > fictn 
Populus fuerat definitns. 

To conclude this point : If princes violating their 
Covenants, and changing the Conftitution, be not 
to berefifted, then all Princes have equal power,that 
'Is, theit pow<?r is abfolute and unlimited as to man: 

Gs lor 

45° Of due obedience to Rulers, 

For then they may all do what they lift •, which if we I 
tell them, their///? to exalt their Wills and Intereft 
will be invariable : And Covenants are vain, and af- 
ford not the leaft fecurity for our .peace or Welfare, 
wheninforo exteriori, the keeping and breaking them 
is all one. If Princes were fent down from Heaven, 
or meer Nature produced Governing Families, this 
Doctrine might have fome pretence,which now hath 

Thef.373. A notorious Atheifl , and Enemy to 
the Ejfentials of Godlinefs, that fet s himfelf to 
root it out, is an op en Traitor or Rebel a gain ft 
the God of Heaven, from whom all Power mufi 
-proceed : And therefore as he is a Afagiftrate 
but fecundum quid, fo it is but an anfwerablt 
obedience that we owe him, as one that is tole- 
rated by God in his Rebellion, for the maintain- 
ing of external Order among men, for the com- 
mon good. 

Thef.374. If a Prince that hath not the tvholt 
Soveraignty, be conquered by a Senate that hath 
the other part , and that in a jufi Defenfivi 

e Warre, that Senate as the conquering part, can* 
not affume the whole Sovcraignty, but mufl fnp- 
pofe the Government in fpecie to remain, a^ 
therefore another King mufi be chof en, if the forme* 
be uneatable. 

I here refpeft the Senate as the remaining Sove- 
raigntj, and not as the Peoples Reprefentative : Anc 


And of RtfiftaMe. 451 

fo the cafe is plain : Becaufe, i . They conquered not 
the Species, but the Individual. 2. They conquer- 
ed not the People^ but the Prince : And therefore 
they have no Power to change the Confii tut ion, which 
was formed by Contrail with the People. The Com- 
monwealth hath not forfeited its form of Government 
when a Prince hath forfeited his Inter eft : And there- 
fore- Re. v non moritur : The Conflitution remains 
good,and the Conquerours have no power to change 
it, without the Peoples Confent. 

Thef.375. If 'the whole Family with whom the 
People were in Covenant be extirpated , or be- 
come nncapible , the People may new forme the 
Government as they fleafe> ( fo they contradict 
not 'the Lew of God : ) not by Authority, but 
by Contraft with the next chofen Governours; 
nor as Subjefts, but as Free men, the Govern- 
ment being dijfolved. 

When one party in Covenant is dead(raturally or 
civilly)the other is tree: j *ubje Bs asfuchfaxt nothing 
to do to change the Government : nor SubjeEls while 
fuch, unle fs they exprefly referve that liberty. But 
when a whole Royal Family is extin&,or all that they 
were in Covenant with for fucceffion,thcy are difob- 
Jiged,and may offer the next,what terms they pleafe> 
that are confident with the Laws of God. But they 
cannot fettle the new Government, either as Subjefts, 
or as Rule r/,but by Contrail : For they can command 
Jio man to become their Governour, an^ fubmitto 
their terms^but they may ofer it to any that is fit,who 
is as free to accept it, or refufe it. 

Gg2 Thef. 

4J2 of due 'Obedience to Rulers, 

Tbef.376. Where there are not Affemblies Repre- 
senting the People, or feme Truftees enabled to 
be the Preservers of their Liberties, it Vritf -be 
hard to imagine how a War re can lawfully be 
raifed for their Defence , in any of the fore- 
mentioned Cafes, unlefs Where they are almoft all 
of a mind. 

Foric mcftbe fome private men that muftbethe 
beginners, whofe aftions are not the a&ions of the 
Nation^ nor can they know wheriier the Nati- 
on approve of them, and would* concurre : fo 
that the PojfibUity and Lawfulnefs of Defence 
will be queitionable, where there are rio Trn- 

Thef.377. Though too many lay their Religion and 
Salvation at the feet of Princes, becaufe they 
have fir ft laid them at the feet of their flejhly 
interefi and lufts, yet moft men have more neea 
to be called on to obey their Rulers, then toU 
how far re they may difobey cr refift : And in 
donbtfull cafes, it is fafefi to fuffer, rather that 

Every man is naturally felfifh and proud, and apl 
to break the bounds that God hath fet us, andtobl 
Kings and Laws unto our felves. This Rebelling difl 1 
obedient difpofition, therefore fhould befirft refiftem 
and fubdued, &s a greater enemy to the peace of Nat 
tions (at leaft of many) then the faults of Princel 


And of Refinance. 45 J 

Tlief.378. The proud cenforioufnefs of Subjetts, 
that thir\ them ft Ives caf -able of fudging of all 
their Rulers alt ions , when they are fo diftam 
as never to know or hear the Reafuns of them, 
is the common Caufe of ftnfvll wurw firings and 

The moft ignorant Country people are exceeding 
prone to pafs their cenfures upon the adions of 
Kings and parliaments, and flioot their bolt before 
they ever faw the Mark. How confidently will they 
blame and reproach their Superiours,as it they were 
able rheinfe! ves to Govern better, or at leaft were fo 
much honefter then their Rulers, that their honefty 
would fupply their lack of wit. In all ages, mur- 
muring againftSuperiours, and ignorant cenfuring 
them, have been the common finne of the people: 
Though alas, Princes have given them too much oc- 
cafion and provocation. 

Thef.379. The moft excellent Policy is true Piety: 
and the principal ..way for Princes to oblige 
the Subjects to them, and remove all fears of 
Seditions and Rebellions, is heartily to devote all 
their Power and Inter eft to the Caufe of God, and 
the common aood. 


This will engage the Lord to own them, that is 
the King of Kings, and the difpofer of all, inwhofe 
"avour alone their fafety lieth. And this will endear 
:hem to all that are good, and caufe them to be as 
tealous in loving and honouring them, as children to 

G g 3 their 

454 of du$ Obeditnte to Rulers, 
their lather. Yea, it will breed much Reverence in 
the minds of common and ungodly men, who will 
fpeak highly of Godlinefs in a prince, though they 
like it not for themfelves. And when they fee that 
Princes are Fathers of their Countreys, and feek not 
themfelves, but the common good : it is the moft 
excellent means to procure them common Love and 

Thef.380. A Prudent, Godly, Righteous Prince 
is fo rare, and fo great a mercy, that the Peo~ 
fie that enjoy fuch , are hound exceedingly to 
Love, Honour and Obey them, and daily fray 
for them, and cheerfully fay the Tributes they 
demand, and willingly venture their lives for their 

Oh how few fojhuah's, David's, Jojiah's, Conftan- 
tine's, Theodoftus's, &c. have the Kingdoms of the 
world enjoyed 1 At this day alas, how few are the 
Princes that have any zeal ,for God, and preferre his 
Kingdom and Intereft before rheir own I How many 
arc fighting their own warres, arifing from the lulls 
that warre in their members, and making havock of 
the Church of God? But how few are itudious to 
promote the Gofpel, and the union of the Churches, 
and Peace of Chriftians, and the Converfion of the 
enbelieving world! Let them that God enricheth 
with fo great a mercy, value it highly, and take heed 
of murmuring and ingratitude, or of negledt of 
thofe earned prayers, and cheeriull obedience, by 
which fo great a mercy may be continued and im- 
proved. How fad a blow was it to .England that 


And of Rtpftancc. 4S* 

Edward the Sixth was fo foon taken away I How 
many would have after redeemed his life with the 
deareft price, that before too much undervalued 
their happinefs ! One ferious thought of the 
ftateof moft of the Nations of the world, fhould 
turn the murmuring humour of too many into 
hearty Praife, and earneft Prayers to God for our 
Superiours. if that Nation "that is moft happy 
of any upon Earth, in a Government Anted to 
the higheft Intereft , - -and to Gods Defcription, 
( Rom. 3. 5. ) ftiould yet murmure and defpife 
that Government, it would be a moft hainotts fin, 
and a terrible Prognoftick, efpecially to the guilty 
fouls. * 

Gg+ CHAP. 

45<* of the late Wanes 

Of the late Warres. 

HAving laid down thefe fore-going Grounds, 
it would not be hereunfeafonable to render 
a publick account of my own a&ions, in an- 
swer to that Queftion, which I have been urged 
with byfo many, £ By what Reafons was I moved 
to engage my ft If in the Parliaments War re ? 2 But 
(thougn I have not leifure to render fo full an account 
to each particular Quxrift, as may be fatisfaftory, 
and therefore could be content to difpatch it here at 
once for all, yet ) it will require fo long a Hi- 
floryofmy own affairs, and alio fo many ungrate- 
full recitals of the abufes and evils of thofe times, 
that I fball not undertake fo unpleafant a task, 
till I am called to it by fuch neceflity, as will ex-< 
cufethefe inconveniences: but only curforily fhall 
caft in thefe following brief accounts inftead of a ful- 
ler Declaration. 

§. I. The malignant hatred of ferioufnefs in Reli- 
gion, did work fo violently in the rabble where Hi- 
ved, that I could not ftay at home with any probable 
fafety of my life. My life was fought before I went 
away : Sober, pious men of Nvighbour-P<*rifhes, 
that thought the rabble had been upon my head in a 


Of the Lite Wanes. 457 

tumult ( when indeed I was out of Town ) were 
knocktdownin theftreets, to the hazzard of their 
lives, when they went amoLg them to look after me^ 
and meerly becaufe they were accounted Puritans, 
And all this was but on a falfe rumour, that the 
Churchwardens were about to obey the Parliaments 
Order, in taking down the Images .of the Trinity 
about the Church. TheWarre was begun in our 
ftreets before the King or Parliament had any Ar- 
mies. The hatred of the Puritans, and the Parlia- 
ments Reformation, inflamed theignorant,drunken, 
and ungodly rout, fothatl was forced to begone 
even before the Wanes ^ but when I returned, and 
the Armies came among us, I could then ftay no 
longer ^ nor had I any place of fafety from their 
rage, but the Armies and Garrifons of the Parlia- 
ment: And multitudes of my Neighbours as well as 
I, were forced into Garifons to fave their lives, 
that elfe would have lived at home in peace. And 
I only propofe it, Whether thofe Subjeds, that 
are utterly undeservedly deprived of the protecti- 
on of Magiftrates and Laws, are not difcharged of 
their obligations, and turned out of their Relati- 
ons to them, and are put to feek for other Pro- 
tedours ? 

$. II. A Parliament (as farre as I have been 
able to learn) hath all thefe four or five capacities 
1. ItisaReprefentativeofthe Peopleasfree. 2. Ie 
Reprefenteth the People as Sub jeds. 3. By 
the Constitution they have part in the Sove- 
raignty. 4. They are the Kings chief Counce!. 
5. And they are the Kings chic? Court of Judi- 
cature. Of 

458 Of the late Wanes. 

Of the Antiquity of their Power, and its Extent, 
I referre you to Mr. Ba.com Treatife of Parliaments, 
and Mr. Prins Book of the Power and Priviledges of 
Parliaments (to pafs by others ) But it is no way 
neceflary to the caufe in hand to -prove the Antiquity 
of their Being, or their Power. When ever they 
were eftablilhed in that Power, it wasjby an Explicit e 
or Implicit e Contratt, between the Prince and Peo- 
ple,there being no other Ground that can bear them, 
except an immediate Divine Inftitution, which none 
pretend to. And the Prince and People have as much 
power in this Age to make fuch a Contrad:, and al- 
ter the Conftitution,as they had three thoufand years 
ago. And therefore if I find them in pojfejfi on of the 
Power, and can prove but a Mutual Consent of 
Prince and People, I need no other proof of their 

§. III. When I fay that the Parliament Repre- 
fenteth the People as free, I take it for undeniable, 
that the Government is constituted by Contract, and 
that in the Contract, the People have not Absolutely 
fub je&ed themfelves to the Soveraign, without re- 
fcrvinganj Rights or Liberties to themfelves-, but 
that fome Rights are referved by them, and exempt- 
ed from the Princes power : And therefore that the 
Parliament are their Trvftees for the fecuring ofthofe 
exempted Rights, and fo Represent the People as free - y 
not as wholly free, but as being/0 farre fret as that 
exemption fignifies. The Rights and Freedom of the 
People as a People, are in order of nature before the 
Confiitution, and excepted, and fo eftablMhed and fe- 
cured ik it. And this is the firft Capacity of Parlia- 

of the UtcWmes. 459 

merits, To Reprefentthe People as a People, to fecttre 
their Liberties as Trufiees. if any man deny 
them this Capacity, he makes us abfoluteljfubjeEl^o 
an unlimited arbitrary power, contrary to all Law, 
and our long poffeflions, and to all reafon. To have 
no Rights, and to have none but what are wholly at 
the Princes will, and which we have no fecurityfor, 
is in eflfed all one. 

2- The Parliament as they Repr eft nt the People as 
Subjetts, can do nothing but humbly manifeft their 
grievances, and petition for Relief. 

3 .The Parliament as having part in the Sovereign- 
ty by the Confutation, hath part in the Legiflative 
power, and in the final Judgement. 

4. As it is the Kings chief Councel, he is ultimate- 
ly to hear them in cafes that concern the fafety and 
Peace of the Commonwealth. 

5. As it is bis higheft Court of Juftice, they have 
power of judgement and execution, over all the Sub- 
jeds •, fo that from them there is no Appeal : The 
King being to judge by bis Judges in their fever«tl 
Courts, this is his higheft Judicatures yet fo as that 
the Power of Judging was not equally in both 

The Difputers that oppofe the Parliaments Caufe, 
do commonly go on falfe fuppofitions, about the ve- 
ry Being and Power of Parliaments, and take it for 
granted, £ That the Soveraign Pcwer was only in the 
Ki'ng, and fo that it was an Abfolute Mcnarchy, and 
not a mixture of Monarchy, Arifiocracy and Demo- 
cracy ^ and that the Parliament had but the propofiftg 
of Laws, and that they were enabled only by the Kings 
Authority, upon their Re que ft, and fo that the Power 


46o Of the late Wanes. 

of Ar me s^ andofWarre, and Peace > was^tn the' King 
alone j and therefore they conclude, That the Parlia- 
ment being Sub)e&s way not take up Armes without 
him, and that it is Rebellion to refifi him •, and mofi of 
this they gather from the Oath of Supremacy, and 
from the Parliaments calling themfelves his Sub- 

But their Grounds are fandy, and their Superftru- 
Aure falfe, as I (hall manifeft. 

i. The Oath of Supremacy fecureth the Kings 
Title againft all forrain claim, either of the Pope or 
any other, and consequently againft all home-bred 
Ufurpers: But the Name of j^m^/, or Sovereign, 
given peculiarly to the King,is no fufficient difcovery 
of the conftitution.of the Commonwealth, nor any 
proof that it is an abfolute Monarchy, and not a 
mixt Government, and that the foveraign Power is 
wholly in him; When the contrary is known in the 
Conftitution, the Name or Title is no difproof. It's 
ufualto honour the Prince with the Title of Sove- 
raign, (for divers weighty Reafons) when yet the 
Senate or Nobles have a part in the foveraign Power. 
Such Oftthes therefore bind us only to acknowledge 
the Kings Soveraignty a^it is in the conftitution, im- 
plying the Power of the Parliament, and they cannot 
be interpreted to be againft the Conftitution : Politi- 
cians and Lawyers commonly warn us to take heed 
of judging of the Power in the Commonwealth by 
meer Titles. 

2 . That the Parliament are Sub]eUs is confefled •, 
but as they are Subjefts in one capacity, (both in their 
pejrfonal private ftates, and as the Reprefentative of 
ihcSubje^is as fuch) fo have^ they part in the Sove- 

of the late Wanes. 461 

ratgntj alfo, in their higher capacity, by the Conftitv- 
t ion, as (hall be proved . The fame perfons may have 
part in the Soveraignty, that in other refpe&s are 

3. Some go further, and would prove from Scrip- 
ture, the full Soveraignty of the King,as from 1 Pet. 
2. I3,&c. As if the Species of Government were um- 
verfally determined of in Scripture •, and fo all forms 
of Government made unlawfull,except abfolure Mo- 
narchy. If they could prove this, they might dif- 
patch many Controverfies inChriffian States about 
their Conftitutions, and all muft be reduced to one 
form : But there is nothing in Scripture againft other 
forms, but fomewhat for a mixt Government in 7/"- 
rael. God hath not told us whether Englandznd all 
other Nations fhall be Governed by One or Two, or 
four Hundred : but Vrherc the King is the Svfream 3 
it is the will of God that the people (hould obey him, 
which is all that Peter requireth. The Romans hated 
the Name of a King : It was neither the intent of Pe- 
fcrhere, or otPattl, Rom. 1 3 . to determine whether 
the Emperotir or the Senate were Supreaimmuch lefs 
to determine that Kings muft have the full Suprema- 
cy through the world . 

This folly poffeffeth' the Democratical party alfo, 
(that call themfelves Commonwealths men: ) they 
imagine that God himfelf hath given the Sovetaign 
Power to the people-, and confequently that no Go- 
vernment,but Popular is lawfull. Whereas itV cer- 
tain, that God hath not tyed the Nations df the 
world to Monarchy, Ariftocracy, Democracy, or 
any one form, but left that free to their own choice, 
under the Direction of his general Rules, and the or- 

4*2 Of the late Wanes. 

dering of his Providential difpofals. 

2. And as the Objeders Grounds are manifeftly 
t otten, fo that their fuperftru&ure is unfound, and 
that indeed the Parliament hath a part in the Suprea- 
macy, I (hall undeniably prove. 

i. Legi flat Ion is the mofb principal eminent part of 
the Sovereigns Right : But Legijlaticn belonged to the 
two Houfes of Parliament as well as to the King : 
therefore the Right of Soveraignty belonged to the far- 
liament in part y as well as to the King. 

The Legiflative Power j4 is not only eflential to So- 
veraignty, butisthecwW/ ofitseflfence, and the 
firft and chiefeft pare. He that deny e eh this,renoun- 
ceth Policy and Reafon. But that the Parliament had 
a part in the Legiflative power, (even of Enabling, 
and not only oipropofwg,) is undoubted. I will not 
run to Records, or to Writers for proof, becaufe 
here a contradicting wit may find fome work ^ but I 
will give you two proofs, that nothing but immode- 
fty can contradid. The firft is,Common Experience 
defatto. Parliaments do make Laws : the King was 
fworn to Govern by thofeLaws,^//^ vulgtts elegerit : 
the Lawes exprefly fpeak their Authors, £ Be it 
Enabled by the Authority of Parliament ] or £ by the 
Kings Majefty, and the Lords, and Commons in Par- 
liament Affembled, &c. ] It is not [_ upon their Peti- 
tion or Propofal~\ only, but [bythemj or [by their 
Authority. J 

2. The King himfelf (by the advice of his delin- 
quent Council in the time of his feparation from Par- 
liament) doth confefs as much as I defire : i . That 
the Government of England is mixt of Monarchy, 
Ariftocracy, and Democracy. 2. That it is not an 


of the Utc Wanes. 463 

Sl>folute Monarchy. 3 . That the Ballance muft hang 
:vcn between the three Eftates. 4. That the King, 
:he Lords,and the Commons, are thefe three Eftates. 
j . That the Laws are made in England by a King,by 
1 Houfe of Peers,and by a Houfe of Commons ch'ofen 
by the people joyntly. 6. That the Houfe of Com- 
mons are an excellent Confer ver of the Peoples Li- 
berties. y.That they are folely entrufted with the firft 
Proportions concerning the Levies of Monies, the 
finews of Peace and Warre ^ and the Impeaching of 
thofe that violate the Law. 8. That the King is 
bound to proteft the Law. 9. That he may not make 
ufe of his power to the hurt of thofe for whole good 
he hath it. 1 o. That the Commons are to Avivife him 
fortheProte&ionoftheLaw. 11. That the Lords 
are trufted with a power of Judicature. 12. That 
they are a Screen or Bank between the Prince and 
people,toaffifieaeh againft the Encroachments of the 
other and by juft Judgement topreferve the Law, 
which ought to be the Rule of every one of the 
Three. 1 3 . That the Parliament have a Legal power, 
more than fufficient to reftrain the power of Tyran- 
ny. 14. That the encroachffig of one of thefe Eftates 
upon the others power, is unhappy in the effefts to 
all. 3 All this you {hall have in the Kings own words 
in his Anfwer to the Parliaments 19 Propositions. 

£ There beingthree kinds of Government, Abfolute 
Monarchy, Ariflocrac) , and Democracy • and in ail 
thefe their particular conveniences and inconvenience s y 
the experience and wifdome of jour Ance flours hath 
mouldedthUoutvf a mixture of thefe, with the con- 
veniences of all three, without the inconveniences of 
anyone, as long as the Ballance hangs even between the 


4^4 Of the late Wanes. 

three Efiates ; andin their proper channe 11 (begetting 
verdure and fertility in the meddows on both fides J and 
then overflowing of either on either fide, raifed no de- 
luge or inundation r The ill of Abfolute Monarchy is 
Tyranny ; The ill of Arifiocracy is Faftion, and Di- 
vifiun: the ills of Democracy are Tumults, Violence , 
and Licentioufnefs. The good of Monarchy is the %J± 
siting of a Nation under one Head, to repfi Invafioti 
from abroad, and InfurreEkion at home. The good of 
Arifiocracy is the conjunction of Councils in the aklfi 
Pe'rfons of a State for the publique bene ft. The good of 
Democracy is Liberty, nad the courage and indufiry 
Vchich Liberty begets. 

In thy Kingdowe ike Laws are joyntly m&de by a 
King y by a Houfevf Peers, and by a Houfe of Com- 
mons choftn by the People, all having free Votes, and 
particular Priviledges ^ the Government ofthefe Eaws 
are intrufied to the King •, Power of Treaties of War 
and Peace, of making Peers, of choo/ing Officers and 
Counfellors of State, fudges for Law , Commander s for 
Torts andCaflles, giving Commifiions for rai/ing men 
to make War re abroad, or to prevent or provide againfi 
Invafions or InfurrettiiMat home, Benefit of Confif cap- 
tions, power of 'pardoning, and fome more of the likj? 
kind are placed in the King. And this hind of regula- 
ted Monarchy havingthe power to preferve that Au* 
thority, without which it would be di fabled to preferve 
the Laws in their force, and the SubfiBs in their Liber- 
ties, is intendedio draw to him fuch a 'reflect andrcii- 
tionfrom the great ones as may hinder the ills^of Divifi- 
on and Faction, and fuch a fear and reverence from the 
people -^as may hinder tumults, violence, and licentioufnes. 
Again, that the Prince may not make ufeofthis high. 



uj %ht late wanes. 305 

*d perpetual power, to the hurtofthofe for whofe good 
e hath it, and make nfe of the name of piibjick^necejjity 
)r the gain of his private Favorites and Followers, the 
Jcnfe of Commons (an excellent Ccnferver of Liberty, 
uf never intended for any fhort in the (7c- 
ernment, or the choofwr of them thai He mcanct.i 
,, ' v ■ r i- a. J •/ the execu- 

GvVttn,) is fatly intruded with t - Vc in> 

he firfi Prcpofricns, ccncerninftheL-- 
lesof Afoncts (the finews of Peace and ] \ . 
be impeaching of thofe, v?ho for their own ends haf&e 
related that Law, which he is bound to pr.-teft, and it 
ie protection of which they were bound to aavife him, 
Ind the Lords being tr utied with a judicature power, 
ye an excellent Screen or Bank between the Prince and 
\ople, to ajfi ft each again]} the En.; . nts if the 

her, and by jtfft Judgements to preftrve that Law 
} hich ought to bt the Ride of ever J one of the three — 
nee therefore the Legal power in P&riixments is more 
)an( efficient to reftrat wer cf Tyrannie—fmce 

h em rvaching of one of thefe Eftates uf 
r the ether, is unhappy in the efftfi to alLj 
You fee bete all the Wfliaments capacities acknov/- 
dged : 1. Thctthe Commons are chofrn by the 
eopie, asTruirees for their Liberties j (and that 
ley reprefent them as Subjefts none deny.) 2. That 
ley are the Kings Advifers. 3 That the Lords have 
ie power of Judicature, as the Commons of im- 
*aching,#r. 4 .That the Legiftarive power/thac is, 
le Sovereignty) is joyntly in King, Lords and Corr- 
ons as three Eftates • and fa that the Goven m£nt 
mixt of Monarchy, Ariftocraey and Democracy 
nd thus far we are agreed of the Gonfticurior . 
3. And if it were not thus confefTed, we might 
H h prove 

prove the Parliaments interefi: in the Supremacy, by 
fome Judicial Inftances, with the reftraints of the 
King:, ( but that it's needlefs to debate a confeffed 
thing.)Grotius faith,^? Jmperiof^mmar.Poteftat:circa 
facra c.i.p.y,2.\^Sunt qui objiciant,Rcges q Murium im- 
perare non poJfe,ni/i confcenfus Ordinum accejf^rit : fed 
hi non vide'nt quibus in locis id juris eft, ibi fummum 
Imperium, non ejfe penes Reges, fed aut penes Or dines, 
aut cert e penes id corpus, quod Rex & f until conftitu- 
unt^ m Bodinus, Suarezius, Victoria, alijque abunde 
demon ft rarunt. Certe fummum Imperinm totum ha- 
bere, & aliquidimperare nonpojfe, ideo tantum quod 
alter vetat aut inter cedat, plane funt *Wsa-ra.J (But 
in this laft I diflenc from him,unlefs that aliter illepo- 
te ft at em habeat illudimperandi,qnod Reximperare non 
poteft : For meerly to limit the power of the Ruler in 
things not neceffary unto Government, proveth not 
a Copartnerfhip in the Limiters : for it may be done 
by ContraB and Re ferve, by a people that will be Go- 
verned fo farre and no further.) 

§. IV. I was fatisfied by Reafon, andconfentof 
Lawyers,even thofe that are moft zealous for Monar- 
chy, and moft judicious, that in many Cafes a King 
may be refifted : I will Xnilance thefe following out of 
Grotius (and Barclay, with whom in divers of them 
he contents, and adds the reft': ) de Jure Belli & 
J } acis,li.i,c.d..pag.%6$'7 J 9Q,9T. which I will not fo 
much as translate, that none may mfped me to cor- 
rupt the words by the tranilation, cr to tempt the 
vulgar to mifunderftand them. 

. ^Graviar ilia eft JQueftio, An Lex de non Rejiften- 
di) nos obliget in gravijfimo & certiffirno difcrimine. 


of the late Warrei. 467 

Nam L?ges etiam Dei qu&dam, qnanquam generaliter 
prolate jatitam habent exceptionemfumma neceffitatis. 
—Qua exceptio probata efi ipfi Chrlfto: met in kge al- 
tera de non edendis panibus propofitioms.EtHebrxorum 
Jidagifiri legibus de cibis vetitis, alijfque nonnullis ex 
vetch traditione tandem addunt excepticnem^ refte 
quilem: Non quod Deo jus nun fit ad certam mortem 
fubeundamnos obfiringere-Jed quod Leges qu&dam ejus 
fwt argumenti, ut mn credibile fit datas ex tarn ri- 
gidavoluntate, quod in legibus humanis magis etiam 
procedit. Ncn nego a lege etiam humana quo] dam vir- 
tutis aStus pojfe precipijub certo mortis periculo ^ ut de 
ftatione non defer enda : fed nee temere ea voluntas legis 
condentis fuijfe intelligitzr: neque viaentur homines in 
fc, & alios t ant urn jus ace 'epiffe, nifi qutotenusfumma, 
necefjitas id exlgat. Ferri enirn leges ab hominibus 
foL nt & debent eumfenfu humane iwbecillitatis. Hxc 
autem Lex de quaagimus ptndere videtur a volunta- 
te ecrum y quife prim-urn infocietatem civ'dem confoci- 
<wt, a quibus jus pcrro ad imper antes manat. (He 
tneaneth chat it is a contraft between 1 he Confti tutors 
of the Policy, and not a proper Law, that muft de- 
cide this cafe. ) Hi vero fi interrogaremur, an velint 
omnibus hoc onus imponere ut moripreoptent, quam ullo 
vafu vimfuperiorum armis arcere, nefcio an vellefe 
ftnirefponfuri, mfi forte cum hoc additamento, fire- 
ffii mqueat nificum maxima reipublica perturbati- 
vne 3 aut exitlopluriwrutainncentium. ^uodenim 
tali circumfiantiaCharitas commendaret, id in legem 
quoque humanam deduct pojfe, non dubito. Dicat 
diquis, rigidam illam obligaticnem, mortempctiusfe- 
rendi,qgam ullam unquam fuperlorem iri^miamrepel- 
lendi non ex lege humana fed divina prbficifci, fed 
Hh Z notandnm 

468 of the late Wanes. 

notandum efi, primo homines non Dei pracepto, fed 
fponte adduttos experimento infirmitatis familiar urn fe- 
gregum adverfxs violentiam, in focietatem civ'dem 
eoijffe y unde urtum habet pet efi as civilis, quam ideo hu- 
manam crdinationem Petrus vocat : ( but here he i$ 
out, or dark, in his Politicks, and Expofition: Men 
are (ordinarily) obliged by the Law of Nature and 
Scripture, to Political Relations and Duties, and fin 
if they joyn not to fome Commonwealth, when 
they may ,) quanquam alibi & divina ordinatio voca- 
tufj quia hominumfaluhre infiitutum Deus probavit, 
(This is true of the Species of Policy, and of the' In- 
dividual Rulers, though not of Government in gene- 
re) Deus a tit em humanam legem probans, fenfetur 
probareut humtnam, & humano mo do. Barclaius, 
Regij imperij ajfertor fortijfimus, hue tamen defcendit 
Mpopulo,& injigni ejus parti jus concedat fetuendi ad- 
verfus immanem f^vitiam, cum tamen ipfe fateatur 
tor urn pupulum Regifubditum ejfe.Ego facile intelligo, 
quo pluris efi id quod convcrfatur,eo major em effe <zqui- 
t fit em, qua adverfus legis verba exceptionemporrigat : 
fiittamen indifcriminatim damnere aut fingulos, am 
yartempopulimimrem, qua ultimo nece Jfit at is pr&fidio 
fie dim uf a [it, tit interim & communis boni, refpe- 
Bum non defer at, vix aufim. Nam David, qui ex- 
irapaucafaUa testimonium habet vita fee undum leges 
exafta, armatos circa fe primum quadringentos, de- 
ind^p lures aliquandohabuit : quo nifi ad vim ar c en- 
dam ft inferretur ? Simile pot efi videri faUum Alac- 
cabaornm. T — -Nihil efi quod Maccabaeos tueatur pra- 
ter fummum certijfimumquepericulumr-Illa interim 
cautio tenendaefi, etiamintali periculo per/one Regis 



Of the Lie Wanes. 469 

T)ixims fummum imprrium tenentibns rejlfti jure 
non pejfe : Nunc qu&damfunt qu& Letiorem monere 
debe?hus, ne putet in banc legem delinquere eos, qui re- 
ver a non delinquent. 

Primum ergo, qui principes fub populofunt,five ab 
initio talem acceperuntpcteft^te?n , fivepoftea it a con- 
venit ,ut Lacedxmone y fifeccent in leges ac Rempublica, 
non t ant urn vi repeliipojj\nt,fedfiopusfit,puniri morte. 
2. Si Rex aut alius quis i?r;periumabdicavit , aut 
manifefle habet pro dtreliUo, in eum pofi id tempus o?r„- 
■ ■1 licent qu<t in privatum— 
3- ExiftiW6tti&vchius,fi Rcxregnumdknet, aut 
alii fubjkixt, amitti ab eo regnum. Ego hie fubfifto 
ST fit amen Rex rcipfa etiam trader e Regnum aut fub- 
jicere mcliatur^quin eirejifiiin hocpoffit, non dub it 9 . 
Aliudeft cnim, Imperium^ aliudhabena. qui 

ne mutetur cbfiare potefl populus (N. B.) Lienimfub 
Imperio comprehenfum non eft. £lm aon male aptes u- 
ludfeneca in re non diffimi U:\_Et fiparendum in omni- 
bus Patri,in eo nonparendum quo effcitur ne Patrr fitf\ 

4. Ait ideyn Barclaius, amitti Regnum ft Rex vere 
heftili animo in totius populi exitiam feratur : quod 
concede. Ccnfiftere enifn fimul rwn pojfunt voluntas 
imperandi, & voluntas perdendi. Quare qui fe hoftem 
populi totius profit etur, is eo ipfo ab die at Regnum, fed 
vix videtur idaccidere pojfe in Rege mentis compote, qui 
uni populo imperet : Quod fi pluribus populis imperet 
accidere poteft, ut unius populi] in gratiam alterum 
velit,perditum, ut colonics ibi faciat. 

5. Si Regnum comm'ittatur, five ex fe Ionia in eum 
cujus feudum eft, five ex claufulapofita in ipfa delati- 
one imperii, ut ft hoc aut hoc Rex faciat, fubditi omni 
obedient ia vinculo falvantur, tunc quoque Rex in pri- 
vatamperfonamrecidit. Hh 3 6. Si 

47 u Of the late wanes. 

6. Si Rex partem habeat fumwi Imperij, partem 
alteram Pop. vel Sen. Regi in partem non fuam 
involanti vis jufla opponi piterit ^ quia eatenus Im- 
perium non habet : J$uod locum habere cenfeo, 
etiamfidittumfit, Belli potefiatem penes Regem fore 
( N. B. ) id enim de bello externo intelllgendum efi : 
Cum alioqui quifquis Imperij partem h'abeat, non pojfit 
non jus habere earn partem tuendi. Quod ubi fit, po- 
t efi Rex etiamfuam Imperij partem belli jure amit- 

7, Si indelatione Imperij diElum fit , utcerto even-. 
turefifii Regi pojfit, etiamfieo paBo pars imperij re- 
tent a cenferi non pojfit, certe retenta eft aliqua Libertas 
naturalis, & exempta Regio imperio.P ctefl autem qui 
jusfuum allenat, idjuspaUis imminuere. 

You fee here divers Cafes in which Reiifting is law- 
full. In general, it's lawfull for them that have part 
in the Soveraignty, to defend their part : and it's 
lawfull for the people to defend their Liberties^ in 
points exempted from the Princes Power : (but this 
muft be with the exceptions, limitations and Cauti- 
ons, which I have before expres't .) 

$ . V. The Laws in England are above the King : 
Becaufe they are not his Ads alone, but the Afts of 
King and Parliament con jun&ly,* who have the Le- 
giflative (that is, the Soveraign ) Power. This is 
confeffed by the King in the forecited Anfwer to the 

" §. VI. The King was to execute Judgement ac- 
cording to thefe Laws, by his Judges in his Courts of 
Juftice*/aiid his parliament was his higheft Court 

( as 

Of the late Wanes. 47 x 

(as is faid) where his perfonal will and word was not 
of fufficient Authority to fufpend or crofs the Judge- 
• mentof the Court, except in lbme particular cafes 

§. VII. The peoples Rights were evidently inva- 
ded; Ship-money, and other impofitions were with- 
out Law, and fo without authority : The new Oath 
impofed by the Convocation, and the King: the 
ejeding and punifhing Minifters for not reading the 
Books for Sports on the Lords Daies, for not bowing 
towards the Altar, for preaching Ledures, and twice 
on the Lords Day, with many the like, were without 
Law, and fo without authority. If Bifliops jure JEc- 
chfiaftico might have commanded them, yet could 
they not lay any corporal penalties or mulds for 
them,nor fhould any man have loft his temporal live- 
lihood or Iiberty,which Ecciefiafticks have no power 
over. Many thoufands have fuffered,or been forced 
to remove out of theLand,upon the account of illegal 

§. VIII. The Parliament did Remonftrate to the 
Kingdom, the danger of the fubverfion of Religion, 
and Liberties, and of the common good and intereft 
of the people, whofeTruftees they were. And we 
were obliged to believe them both as the moft compe* 
tent WitnefTes and Judges, and the chofen Truftees 
of our Liberties. We are our felves uncapable of a 
full difcovery of fuch dangers till it be too late to re- 
medy them : And therefore the conftitution of the 
Government having made the Parliament the Tru- 
ftees of our Liberties, hath made them o^ureyes by 

H h 4 which 

47 2 of the late Wanes. 

which we muft difcern our dangers. Or elfe they had 
been ufelefs to us. 

§. IX. The former proceedings afforded us fo much 
experience as made the Parliaments Remonftrance 
credible. We had newly feen a general endeavour to 
change the face of things among us. Many new or- 
ders in the Church-, abundance of the-moft painfull 
Preachers f though peaceable) caft out : Abundance 
of ignorant, idle, fcandalous Readers kept in ^ and 
pra&ical ferious godiinefs made the commonfeorn^ 
though found in the conformable to all the legal Or-. 
ders. I will forbear to rake any further into thofe 
calami ties.Only I (hall fay, that I fuppofe my Reader 
to have been acquainted with thofe times, and with 
the courfe of the High Commiflion, and the Bifhops 
Courts, and to have read the Articles in Parliament 
againft Bifhop J^aud, Bifhop Goodman, Bifhop Wre n % 
Bifhop Pierce, &c. and the charge againft the Judges 
about Ship money ^ and Mr. White's Centuries : and 
Mr. PHns Introduction , or Works of Darknefs 
brought to Light:, and his Canterburies Tryal,and his 
Popifh Royal Favorite, and his Romes Mafter piece - r 
and efpeciaily the fworn Articles of the Sfanljh and 
French Match. 

§.X. It was time for us to believe a Parliament 
concerning our danger and theirs, when we heard fo 
many impious perfons rage againft them ^ and when 
theArmy then in the North was (by the confeffion 
of the chief Officers) about to have been drawn tap 
towards London -, to what end is eafie to con je&ure : 
when fomany Delinquents were engaged & enraged 
v againft 

of the late Wanes. 473 

againft them, who all took refuge with the King. 
And when we fay the odious Irith Rebellion broke 
forth, and fo many thonfand barbaroufly murdered^ 
no lefs (by credible teftimony) then an hundred and 
fifty thouland murdered in the one Province of VI- 
fteronly: I fuppofe himthatldifpute with to Save 
read the Examinations by the Irifh Juftices, and Mr. 
C larks Persecution of the Church in Ireland : elfe he 
is incompetent for the debate.lf you fayJVhat tpm all 
this to England ? I Anfwer, We knew how great a 
progrefs the fame party had made in England^ and it 
was them that we were told by the Trufteesof our 
fafety, that we were in danger of, and the fire was 
too near us to be neglefted •, and our fafety too much 
threatned, to be carelefly ventured in the heat of the 
peril 5 or to be wholly taken out of our Truftees 
hands,when thoufands were thusfuddenly butchered 
by the Papifts in our own Dominions, and thofe 
Papifts likely to have invaded England^ when they 
had conquered Ireland^ and their "Friends werefo 
powerfull about theCourt,& through the Land, aijd 
the parliament hated by them for oppofing their at- 
tempts (the Irifh profefling to raife Arms for the 
King,to defend his Prerogative & their own Religion 
againft our Pariiament)l fay,in fuch a time as this,we 
hadreafonto believe our entrufted Watchmen, that 
told us of the danger, & no reafon to fuffer our lives 
and liberties to be taken out of their Truft, & wholly 
put into the hands of the King. We had rather of the 
two be put upon the inconvenience of jnftifying our 
defence, then to have been butchered by thoufands, 
or fall into fuch hands as Ireland did : For then com- 
plaining would have been vain. It would not have 


474 Of the late Wanes. 

made dead men alive, nor recovered England out of 
their hands, for the furvivers to have aeculed them of 
perfidioufnefs or cruelty. It was then no time to 
discredit our Watchmen. 

§. XI. WefawtheKingraife Forces againft the 
Parliament, having forfaken them,and firft fought to 
fei^e upon their Members, in a way which he confeft 
a breach of their privitedge. 

Ob j.The Tumults at Weftminfter drove him away. 

Anfw. Only by difpleafing blm^not by endangering 

him, or medling with him. 

Ob yThe Parliament was net free by reafon of them. 
Anfw. The Parliament knew beft when they were 
free. If the major part had thought fb, why did 
they not Vote againft thofe tumults, and forbid,and 
bring the rude Petitioners tojuftice? Thediforders 
on both fides among the tumultuary, were unexcufa- 
ble:but no juft caufe to caft the Nation into a Warre. 
A Prince may not raife War againft his people, be- 
caufe Apprentices fhewfome rudenefsin their beha- 

Objeft. But the Parliament began the War. 
Anfw. For my part, I am fatisfied ot the contrary : 
but the caufe dependeth not on that. And the debate 
is not eafily managed to fatisfa&ion on either fide,be- 
caufe we agree not what was the beginning of the 
Warre. If the Apprentices tumultuous petitioning " 
were a Warre, then it was begun long before on the 
other fide, when the Army was to have been drawn 
up towards London ^xA by other waies ^ as when the 
King fet a Guard on them againft their wills,when the 
Lord Digby raifed Forces near the City^ and the King 


of the late Wanes. 475 

afterward in Torkfnre ,the Parliament had no Army ; 
fo that if adual raifing force was the beginning of the 
Warre, itfeemshebegun. Put yet he faith, Their 
Commiffions Vvere dated before his. It may be fo : ( I 
knew nothing of that.) But Forces may be raifed 
before they have any written Commiffions. It was 
long before that the Lord Dlgby wrote to him to 
withdraw into a place of fafecy, 10 thefe ends which 
hepurfued. If you fay, that tbofe began the War 
that gave the firfi occafion • 1 . We muit follow that 
fo high as will make the difcovery difficult, and the 
debate irkfome. 2. And when we have done,no doubt 
(as in moft fallings out) we (hall hnd that both fides 
were too blame, though not equally too blame. 

§. XII. Ail the Kings Counfellours and Souldiers 
were Subjefts, and legally under the Power of the 
Parliament. They had Power to try any Subje #,and 
judge them to punilhment for their crimes. The Of- 
fendors whom they would have judged,fledfrom Ju- 
ftice to the King, and there defended themfelves by 

Ob jed:. But the Parliament would have injured 

Anfw. Who (hould be Judge of that, if not the 
Supream Court of Juftice? The Laws are above the 

Ob je&.X/tf Parliaments Souldiers were SubjeHs of 
the King, as well as the Kings St uldiers to the Parlia- 
*ment 4 

Anfw. True : but ifSubje&s break the Laws, the 
King is to judge them by his Courts of Juftice, and fo 
the King can do no wrong. 

§. XIII. 

4?£ of the Ute Warns. 

§,XHI.lfinferiour Courts of Juftice may profecute 
the execution of their fentences, in feveral cafes a- 
gainft the Kings Will, and the Sheriff may raife the 
Power of the County to afiift that execution, much 
more may the Higheft Court do thus : But the An- 
tecedent is commonly acknowledged to be true : 

§. XIV. The Parliament did not raife War 
againft the Perfon or Authority of the King-, nor did I 
ever ferve them on any fuch account : But their caufe 
was, i. To defend themfelves and the Common- 
wealth from evil Subjects, that flying from Juflice, 
had made up an Army by the Kings confent. 2. To 
bring Offenders to a Legal Trial. 3. And confe- 
quently eo Defend themfelves againft the Kings mif- 
guided Will. So that their War was dire&ly againft 
Subje&s, but remotely againft the Will of the King, 
but not againft his Authority or Perfon. And Sub- 
jects ceafe not to be Sub jeds, when they get into an 
Army, and procure his confent to their illegal enter- 
prife. Unlefs every one of his Souldiers was a King, 
orfomeof them at leaft, I know not that I ever 
fought againft the King. Nor really do I believe that 
every man is againft him,that is againft a Subjett that 
hath K^Commiffion, when by the Law which is 
above the Will and Commiffion of the King, he is a 
SubjeB flill^ and anfwerable for his offences. 

That it was ^ubje&s that the War was raifed 
againft, and not the King, appeareth, 1. In all aie 
Parliaments Declarations of their Caufe (though his 
mifdoings they alledge as the occafion of their ne- 



of the late Wanes. 477 

ceflity.) 2. In their Commiffions to their Souldi- 
ers. All that ever I faw were for King and Parlia- 
ment : Yea it was the common word of their Soul- 
diers, if they were asked, Who they were for ? ro 
fay -[ For King and Parliament. ] 3 N We had two 
Protections, and a Solemne League and Covenant 
impoled on the Nation, to be for King and Parlia- 
ment. And if Declarations, Profejfions, Commijfi- 
ens, and National Ottht and Covenants will not 
tell us , what the Caufe of the War was, then 
thereisnodifcovery., I refer the Reader that would 
know the Parliaments Caufe,to their Eemonfirance cf 
thefiateofthe Kingdom-, and A Declaration of the 
Lords and Commons ajfembled in Parliament, fet- 
ting forth the Grounds and Rcafons, that necejjitate 
them at this time to taks u f Defenfive Armes, for 
the Preservation of his May flies Per/on, the main- 
tenance of the true Religion, the Laws and Liber - 
ties of this Kingdome, and the Power and Prlvi- 
/edges of Parliament. Auguft 3. 1642."] Thefe 
fully tell you the Parliaments Caufe, being their pro- 
feffion of it. 

§. XV. When the Parliament commanded us to 
obey them, and not Refill them, I knew not how to 
Refill and difobey them, without violation of the 
Command of God, Rom. 13. Let every foul befub- 
jett to the Higher Power, Sec. And without incur- 
ring the danger of the Condemnation there threat- 
ned to Refifters. I think none doubts but that Com- 
mand obliged Chriftians to obey the Senate as well as 
the Emperour. When it was confefTcd by the King, 
that the Legiflative Power was in the three Eftates 


47<> Of the late Wanes. 

conjund:,and the State wasMixt, and confequently 
that the Parliament had a part in the Sovereignty, I 
thought it Treafon to Reiift them, as the Enemy did^ 
apparently in order to their fubverfion,&nd unlawfull 
to difobey their juft Commands, fuch as I thought 
thefe were. 

§. XVI. When the Sub jefts were in doubt of the 
fenfeoftheLaw, (into which m oft of the Contro- 
verfiewasrefoived) I took the parliament to be the 
Higheft Interpreter of Lowes that was then exiflent 
in the Divifion. And therefore that it was Law to 
us, which they declared to be Law, fo it were not di- 
reftly and clearly againft our own Knowledge, or 
againft that truth which in our callings we might well 
attain the Knowledge of. I knew no higher Judge of 
the Law t hen to appeal to. If in cafe of Ship-money 
the Judges of inferiour Courts did faiisfie the King^ 
then in cafe of the fafety or danger of the Common- 
wealth, I thought the Judgment of the higheft Court 
ihould fatisiie me. 

§. XVII. I had great reafon to believe, that if 
the King had conquered a Parliament, The Nation 
had lofi all feevrtty of their Liberties, and been at 
his Mercy, and not only under his Government : 
and that Warre is an aft of Hoilility; and that if 
he had conquered them by fuch perfons as he then 
imployed, it had not been in his power to havepre- 
ferved the Commonwealth it he would : Hisimpious 
and popifh Armies would have ruled him, and ufed 
him as other Armies have done thole that entrufted 
them. And checefore when Ireland was fo ufed be- 

of the latt Wants. . 47^ 

fore our eyes, and thePapifls there foftrong, and 
tho. Queens, and the Earl of New-cz files forces (be- 
fides others) fo many of them Papifts, and the com- 
mon Souldiers of the King were commonly known, 
where ever they came, by horrid Oaths and Curfes, 
being called Daww-me's, becaufe [_God damnwe~\ 
was their common word, and when a man was ufed 
by them as a Traitor, that was but noted forapuri- 
tane, or was heard to read the Scripture, or to fing 
apfalminhisFamiiy-, I fay, when thefe were they 
that were imployed to conquer us, I knew that the 
fafety of the Commonwealth lay in refilling them, 
and that they could have conquered the King, when 
they had conquered us. Jb 

§. XVIII. I had fufficient ground from what is 
cited before from Grotius (and more fuchlike) to 
conclude that the Parliament having a part in the So- 
veraignty, might defend their part againft any that 
invaded it : and exercife it upon any Subject. And 
that their part was invaded, the fore-mentioned evi- 
dences, with what is in their Remonftrances fhew : 
And the very intermiffion and almoft extin&ion of 
Parliaments (heweth it yet more. The King wasen- 
trufted with the Calling of parliaments, on fuppofiti- 
on that called they mult be : The feafondlenefs 
which he wasentrufted with,was but a circumftance ; 
and if tinder pretence of feat end le calling them, he 
will c. II none, or to no purpofe, or brea^ them 
up before they can do the work to which they were 
appointed, this is but to betray the truft of the 
Commonwealth. Parliaments by Law were to be 
held yearly, and fay fome, before the Conqueft 


^ou uj we Mte wanes. 

twice a year. See An. 56. £. 3, & 4. £.3^ £**¥* 

m*/^.r Edgar, r^. 5. Cook Infiitut. fart 4- /?. 7. 
(Of their Honour and Antiquity, fe€ Mr? Bacon and 
Prj^ 3 and C^ 7^/?//-. P,^r 1 . <SV#. 164. <£• Prafat. 
Ii&i9. Of Reports, /*/. 1.2, 3,4, &c ^ 7- H. 6.) 
They that trufted the King to call aParliament,there- 
by expreffed that they were to be called ,& it was not 
in his power to extinguifh them,by not calling them. 

§. XIX. I knew, that as the Parliament was the 
ReprefentativeBody of the People of the Common- 
wealth, who are the fubjed: of the Common Good, 
fo that the Common Good is the Effential End of 
Government, and therefore that it cannot bea juft 
War That by their King is made againft them (ex- 
cept in the fore-excepted Cafes : And that the end 
being more excellent than the means, is to be preilr- 
ved by us,and no means to ftand in competition with 
the End. And therefore if ] had known that the Par- 
liament had been the beginners, and in moft faulr, 
yet thr mine of our Trttftees and Re$refentatives y 
andfoof a!l the Security of the Nation, is a funifh- 
ment greater , than any fault of theirs againft a King 
can from him deferve ^ and that thdr faults cannot 
difoblige me from defending the Commonwealth. I 
owned not all that ever they did •, but I took it to be 
my duty to look to the main end. And I knew that 
the King had all his Power for the Common Good, 
and therefore had none againft it ^ and there- 
fore that no Caufe can warrant him to make 
the Commonwealth the party, which he ftmllexer- 
cife Hoftility againft. And that War againft the Paiu 
li^ment(efpecially by fuch an Army,in fuch a Caufe) 


of the late Wanes. 4 81 

is Hoftility againft them, and fo againft the Com- 
monwealth •, all this feemed plain to me. And efpe- 
daily when I knew how things went before, and who 
were the Agents, and how they were minded, and 
what w^re their purpofes againft the people. 

§. XX. When I found formny things Conjundr, 
as two of the three Ejtates againft the lV///of the King 
alone- the Kingdoms Reprefentative and Truftees 
aflaulted in the guarding of our Liberties , and the 
higheft Court defending themfelves againft offending 
S*bjetts^nd feeking to bring them to a Legal Tryal, 
and the Kingdoms fafety, and the Common Good 
involved in their Caufe (which may be more fully 
manifefted, but that I would not fiir too much in 
the evils of times paft.) AJlthefe, and many more 
concurring, perfwaded me, that it was ftnfull to be 
Neutrals, 'and Treacherous to be againfl the Parlia- 
ment in that Cattfe . Thefe were my apprehenfions, 
and on fuch grounds as thefe here briefly hinted .And 
itfomewhat moved me to fee what the Farcies on 
both fides were, of whom I will now fay no more, 
but that it were a wonder* if fo many humble honeft 
Chriftians, fearfull of (inning, and praying for dire- 
ction, fhould be all miftaken in fo vyeighty a cafe,and 
fo many Dam me's all in the right. But yet this 
was not the Rule I went by , but fome Motive on 
the by. 

So that the Caufe of the Parliament which they 
engaged us to defend, 1. Was not the Sovereign 
Power of the People, u above the King,- and the 
Original of Authority ^ as if the State of the Com- 
monwealth had been Democratical. 2. Nor was it 

Ii ^ td 

to procure a change of the Conftitution, and to take 
down Royaltie , and the Houfe of Lords, but clean 
contrary, it was the Defence of the old Conftitution 
againft the changes which they affirmed were attem- 
pted. 3. Nor was it the altering of Laws, which is 
not to be done by force.but freely by the Law-givers. 
And therefore it was not to procure a cefTation of 
the Magiftrates Power in Religion, for encouraging 
well-doers, and reftraining intolerable Deceivers, 
which fome call Liberty of Confcience. 4. Nor 
was it to offer any violence to the Perfon of the 
King •, but to refcue him from them that hadfeduced 
him into a War againft his Parliament, to his peril. 
Thefewere the Grounds that we were engaged on, 
and I knew no other. 

And therefore whereas fome Pamphlets now flie 
abroad, that would defame the Parliament and their 
Adherents, as having engaged in a Treafonable 
Caufe, and make that Caufe to have been, 1. The 
Changing®? the Government into Popular. 2. Or 
the Defence of it as Popular already^ as if the People 
had been the Sovereign Power. 3 . The depofing or 
deftroying of the King. 4. The vindicating of an 
illegal or unlimited exemption from the Magiftrates 
Power in matters of Religion, which they call, Reli- 
gious Liberty^ thefe need no further confutation then 
the reading of the Parliaments Remonftrance and De- 
claration aforefaid, and the reft of their pubiifhed 
Profeffions, and Oaths, and Covenants. The clean 
contrary to thefe they openly profeflfed: As, 

1. That King, Lords and Commons in parliament 
were the Legidators, and fo had higheil power. 

2. That it was the Peoples Proprieties and Liberties, 


Of the Ute Wanes. 483 

(and not their pcrfonal Sovereignty) chat they defen- 
ded. 3 . That it was the Defence and not the deftrnfti- 
0/* of the Laws that they endeavoured. And, 4. That 
it was former connivance at Popery that they were 
offended at, and not a Liberty for popery that they 
fought for ^ and that Herejie and Popery wereCVw- 
nantedagzinft by them, is well known- chough the 
Liberty of Truth and Godiinefs they defended. AneT, 
5. That they intended no hurt , but prefervaiion to 
the King. This was iheiv prcfejfedCxufe. 

I know Grot ins in che lore-cited paffages goeth 
higher, Th? t a Ring may lofe his own part in the So- 
vereignty in a War, in which he invadeth the part 
of thofe that had a fhare with him : And I know that 
he condudech that Hoftiii:y isinconflftent with Go- 
vernment^ and chat other Learned Politicians con- 
clude, That if a King will make himfelf the Enemy 
if the People , and engage In War again/} them, he 
depofeth himfelf \ and may be ufed {j them as an Enemy. 
But thefe things belong not to the Old Cattfe of the 
Parliament ^ nor, for my own part, have I ever in- 
:ereffed my felf in any feirh Cauie, and therefore am 
lot to be accountable for it. Every man muftanfwer 
: or himfelf. Ic is only chat Old C \:uft that I have been 
engaged in. And many things that fince have been 
lone, my foul lamenteth and difcteimeth. 

Yet mufti add , That though I own not all the 
vaysof men, rhac have had a hand in our Changes, 
t.I am confident chat thefe that have been caft do wn> 
*ad great cauie to acknowledge the Juflice of God 
igainft them , efpecially for their encouraging the 
corn of Holinefs through the Land, and the perfe- 
ction of multitudes fearingGod, which the righ- 

Ii 2 teous 

484 of the late Wanes. 

teous God would not put up. 

2. That I am bound to fubmit to the prefent Go- 
vernment, as fet over us by God, and to obey for 
Con fcience fake, and to behave my felf as a Loyal 
Subjeft towards them* For, 1. A full and free 
Parliament hath owned it, and fo there is notoriouily 
the Confent of the People ^ which is the evidence that 
former princes had to juftifie their bed Titles. They 
that plead Inheritance and Law, muft fetch the origi- 
nal from Confent (Though, as I have {hewed before, 
that Confent doth but Jpecifie , and then defign the 
Perfons , on whom Cod himfelf doth confer the 

When Gr onus queftionethzveninvaf ores Imperii 
(De Jure belli, lib a. pag.91.) he excepteth from 
any Queflion the Cafe, 1 . Poftquam longapoffefftone. 
2. Aut Pa£lo\ jus natius efiMnvafor^ and even of 
others, he acknowledged! lbme obligation to obey 
them. And ib. cap. 4. pag.93. §.20. he giveth 
that fafe and general Rule, which fuchas I that are 
private men, and not made Judges of the controver- 
tible Title of Princes muft be guided by, and which 
Paul commended, itfeemeth to the Chrifiians in his 
times, yea and before him, Chrift himfelf \_Maxlme 
tiutem in re controversy judicium fibi privatus fu- 
mere 'non debet , fed poffeffionem feqni 3 fie tributum 
folvi Caefari Chrifius juvebat (Mat. 22. 20. ) quk 
ejus imaginem nummus praferebat , sid eft 3 quia in 
Poffeffione erat Imperii f\ That is i Efpecially in a 
controverted matter i a private man ought not to be- 
come a fudge y but to follow Poffejfion* So Chrift 
commandeth that Tribute be paid to Cadar, be A 
caufe the Money had his Image > that is, be A 


Of the late Wanes. 485 

caufe he was in poftejfun of the Government^ 

1 have made tins Confeifion to the world of my 
former adions, and the reafon of them, r. At once 
to fatisfie the Many that demand fatisfaftion. 2. That 
it" 1 have erred, I may not die without Repentance, 
but may be recovered by their advice. 

And therefore 1 will further confefs how I ftand 
affeded to thefe anions in the review, 1 . The expe- 
riences of War , and the evils that attend and fol- 
low ie^ "hath made me hate it incomparably more 
than I did before I tried or knew it : and the name 
of Peace, much more the Thing, is now exceeding 
amiable to me. 2. I unfeignedly believe that both 
Parties were too blame in the late Wars: The one 
Party in the things forementioned: and 
the other in too impatient nndergoings S ^ e M thc *; lfe 
the Prelates perfections and fome in l^lmX 
too peevilhlcrupling and quarrelling, clarfo Mar- 
where there was no caufe, or not fo tyrology,^, 
much as was pretended. But who can 4*8. about 
be free from fome cauflefs fcruples, ^ c ^ in 8 s 
that hath any Faith of hi?own, and is 
not carelefs of his foul. 3 . I think that all of us did 
rufti too eagerly into the heat of Divifions and 
War , and none of us did fo much as we fhould 
have done to prevent it: And, though I was in no 
capacity to have done much , yet I unfeignedly 
Repent that I did no more for Peace in my place,then 
I did , and that I did not pray more heartily a- 
gainft Contention and War before it came , and 
fpake no more againft it than I did ^ and that I fpoke 
To much to blow the Coals. For this I daily beg for- 
givenefsof the Lord , through the precious blood of 

J13 the 

4oo cj tut late wanes. 

the great Reconciler. 4. The hatred of Strife and 
War, and love of Peace, and observation of the 
lamentable miscarriages fince , have called me oft to 
fearch my heart, and try my ways by the Word„of 
God, Whether I did lawfully engage in that War 
or not ? (which I was confident then was the great- 
eft outward fervice that ever I performed to God :) 
And whether I lawfully encouraged fo many thou- 
fandstoic? And the iflue of all my fearch is this, 
and never was any other but this , 1 . The cafe of 
blood being a thing fo dreadfull, and fome wife and 
good men being againft me, and many of their Ar- 
guments being plaufible, and my underftanding be- 
ing weak, I {hall continue with felf-fufpition to 
fearch and be glad of any information that may 
convince me, if I have beenrniftaken ^ and I make 
it my daily earneft prayer to God, that he will not 
ibflfer me to live or die impenitently , or without the 
difcovery of my fin , if I have finned in this matter : 
And could I be convinced of it, I would as gladly 
make a publick Recantation, as I would eat or drink : 
And I think I can fay, that I am truly willing to know 

2. But yet I cannot fee that I was miftaken in the 
mainCaufe, nor dare I rep -nt of it, nor forbear the 
fame, if it were to do again in the fame ftate of 
things. I fhould do all I could to prevent fuch a 
War- bw: if it could not be prevented, I muft 
take the fame fide as then I did. And my judge- 
ment tells me, That if I fhould do otherwife I 
(hould be guilty of Treafon or Difloyakie againft 
the Sovereign Power of the Land, and of perfi- 
dioufnefs to the Commonwealth , and of prefer- 


Of the late Wanes. 487 

ring offending Subjects before the Laws and Ju- 
ftice, and the Will of the Kkig above that fafety 
. of the Commonwealth, and confequently above his 
o ¥ wn welfare-, and that I fhould be guilty of gi- 
ving up the Land to blood ( as Ireland was ) or 
too much worfe, under pretence of avoiding 
blood, in a necefTary defence of all that is dear 
to us. 

And it were too great folly , by following acci- 
dents , that were then unknown , forme to judge 
of the former Caufe. That which is calamitous in 
the event, is not alway finfull in the enterprife. 
Should the change of times make me forget the 
ftate that we were formerly in , and change my 
judgement by lofing the fenfe of what then con- 
duced to its information , this folly and forgetful- 
nefs would be the way to & finfull. and not to 
an obedient Repentance. Nor can I be fo unthank- 
full as to fay, for all the finnes and mifcarriages 
of men fince , that we have not received much 
mercy from the Lord : When Godlinefs was the 
common fcorn , the prejudice and {harne moft la- 
mentably prevailed to keep men from it , and £0 
encouraged them in wickednefs : But through the 
great mercy of God , many thoufands have been 
converted to a holy upright life, proportionably 
more than were before , fince the reproach dia 
ceafe, and the prejudice was removed, and faith- 
full Preachers tooJt the places of fcandalous ones., 
or ignorant Readers. When I look upon the 
place where I live , and fee that the families of 
the ungodly , are here one , and there one in a 
Street 5 as the Families of the godly were hereto- 

Ii 4 fore 

LOO \J\ IfJC lUVl Vf nuts* 

fore (though my own endeavours have been too 
weak and cold) it forceth me to fet up the Stone 
of Remembrance, and to fay, \jilTHERTO 
V S.l 

And now I mufl fay (to prevent the Cavills 
of malicious Readers J That though I have here 
laid down the Grounds upon which I think my 
Ergagement in the late War to have been jufli- 
fiable , yet I intend not that every one of thefe 
diftinctiy , is a fufficient Medium to inferre the 
Conclufion ; But all together fhew you on what 
Grounds I (hall proceed with any man that will 
ingenuoufly difpute the point. I muft profefs, 
that if I had taken up Arms againft the Parlia- 
ment in that Warre, my ' Confcience tells me I 
had been a Traitor , and guilty of Refitting the 
Higheft Powers. And fuch Writings , as the 
(pretended) French Difcoverj of the Scotch and 
English Presbyterie 9 abound with fo much Igno- 
rance of our Caufe , or Serpentine malice, that 
they are much uncapable of changing mens judge- 
ments that know their vanity. But the Reading 
of fuch Books doth make me lament the mifery 
of the World , through the partiality of Hiftori- 
ans : This Book, and Sanlrrfons Hiftory, and 
many more that I have lately feen , upon my 
knowledge do abound with falftioods, and delu- 
fory omifiions, and are (in my judgement) as 
unfit to give Pofterity a true Information of our 
late -affairs, as the Alcoran is to tell thepi the 


Of the Ute Wanes. 48$ 

right way to Heaven. I know I (hall highly of- 
fend the Authors with faying fo- 5 but not fo 
much as they offend God and wrong Pofteruie by 
their fallhoods. The forefaid (pretended) French 
Anti-Presbyterian , takes it for granted , that the 
total Sovereignty was in the King,and upon that,and 
many fuch falfe fuppo(itions,he makes the Presbyteri- 
ans the odiouieft Traitors under Heaven-So that I do 
not wonder that Porreign Nations do fpit at the 
very name of an Englljh Proteftant , as at the 
name of the Devil : And that Papifts make their 
Ideots believe , That the Proteftants in England 
are run ftark mad , and turn'd fuch Rebels as 
can never more for fhame upbraid them with their 
Laterane Decrees, their Powder-plot , or their mur- 
dering of Kings: And what have thofe Proteftants 
to anfwer for , that by odious lies do feed thefe 
reproaches of the ways of truth , and of the in- 
nocent fervants 'of the Lord ? Yea the faid (Eng- 
Ufi) French Calumniator , moft palpably contra- 
di&eth himfelf , and telleth all the world that he 
lieth : When he hath charged the Presbyterians 
with Hypccrifie and Treachery in their Oaths and 
Covenants for the fafety of the King, the Privi- 
leges of Parliament, &c. he proves by the breach 
of thofe Covenants , that they were falfe in ma- 
king them : And yet confeffech , that it was other 
men that broke them , and pull'd them down, to 
enable them thereto. Our only comfort is, That 
malice and lying {hall not carry it at^ laft , nor pafs 
the final fentence on us. 

If any of them can prove , that I was guilty of 
hurt "to the Perfon, or deftru&ion of the power 


4PO Of the Ute Wanes. 

of the King, or of changing the Fundamental Con- 
ftitution of the Commonwealth , taking down the 
Houfe of Lords, without Confent of all Three 
Eftates that had a part in the Sovereignty ^ or 
that I violated the priviledges of Parliament by im- 
prifoning or excluding the Members , and invaded 
the Liberties of the People, I will never gainfay 
them, if they call me a moft perfidious Rebel , and 
tell me tfiatlamguiityof far greater fin than Mur- 
der, Whoredom, Drunkennefs, or fuchlike. Or if 
they can folidly confute my Grounds, I wilU thank 
them, and confefs my fin to all the world. But mali- 
cious railings of them I take for Rebellions them- 
felves, Khali not uegard. 



April 2$. I 6 J 9. 

When I had gone thus far, and was about to 
proceed a little further, the fudden News of 
the Armies Reprefentation, and of the dif- 
folving of the Parliament , and of the dif- 
plealure againft my Book againft Popery, 
called, A Key for Catbelicks , and fome 
other paflages, interrupted me, and caft 
me upon thefe M E DITATIO NS and 
LAMENT AT 10 NS following. 


GO D is not the God of Confufton , but of Or- 
der : Wonderfull I Whence then are all the 
wofull disorders of the world \ Why are they 
permitted, while infinite Wifdom , Goodnefs and 
Power is at the Stern ! He loveth and tenderly lo- 
veth his People : Why then are they tofi up and 
doVrn the world, as a Sea-rackt vrffel , as the foot- 
ball of contempt ! His Spirit is the Spirit of Love 
and Peace ! and his fervants have learn d to be meek^ 
and lowly 3 and his Difciples are all humble , and 



teachable , and tradable as little children : How 
cones it to pafs then that their habitation is in the 
fiances ? and that they are hurried about the -world 
with tempefts ? and dwell fo much in the jlormy Re- 
gion ? and that his Lambs mufl be fent forth amcncr 
Wolves ? Nay that Homo homini Lupus, is turned 
to Chriftianus Chrifliano Lupus ! Surely a word, a 
bech^, a will, of him that ruleth over all, is able to 
compofe this raging World y and ft ill thefe waves, 
and bring all into perf eft order : How eaftly could he 
difpell cur darknefs > andreccncile our minds, and heal 
cur breaches, and calm eur pafjions, and fubdue cor- 
ruptions, and bring us into the way of pleafant Peace ? 
Andean Infinite goodnefs be unwilling to do us good ? 
Aftcnifhing Providence [that the Vejfelfljouldbefo toft 
that hathfuc h a Pilot I and the Kingdom fo difordered 
that hath fuch a King I and the Patient fo almoft de- 
florate that hath fuch a Phyftcion, that is able to cure 
us when he Will ! what a woundis it to our fouls, that 
the Churches enemies of all forts ft and by, and laugh 
at our folly and calamity, and hit us in the teeth with 
cur God, and our Reformation, andourGodlinefs, and 
our Hopes ! with our Fa fling and Prayer, and all-cur 
pretended brotherly love ! And thus it hath been from 
stge to age I and while we glory in the hopes of better 
'days, and thought that Charity was reviving in the 
world though it cooled when iniquity did abound, new 
fiorms arife -, our hopes delude us ^ we find our J elves 
in the tempeftuous Ocean, when even now we thought 
we, had been almoft at the fhore I What Age, what Na- 
ticn hath fo followed Holinefs and Peace, as to over- 
take them ? Doth the moft perfett Govemour of the 
world dtlight in impious, confufw ? 



Oh no 1 his works are glorious , and bear their 
(hare of the imprefs of his excellency. Shali we pre* 
fume to call the heavenly M a jefty to account? Muft 
he render a fatisfa&ory reafon of his ways, to every 
worm? Is it not enough to affaire us that they are 
thebeft, in that he is their Author who is infinitely 
good? We that are in the Valley of Mortality, and 
the {hadow of death , are yet uncapable of feeing 
that,whkh on the Mount of Immortality we fliall fee 
to our fatisfa&ion. We fee but pieces of the works 
of God,bbth as to their extent and their duration. As 
all the Letters make one word^ and all the words do 
make onefentence, and all the fentences and fedions 
and chapters make one Book 5 & the ufe of the letters, 
fyllables, words and fentences, cannot be rightly un* 
derftood or valued^if taken feparatedfrom thewhole: 
no more can we rightly underftand & value the works 
of God , .when we fee not their relation to the 
whole. We parcel Arts and Sciences into fragments, 
according to the ftraitnefs of our capacities, and are 
not fo panfophical as uno intuitu to fee the whole ^ 
and therefore we have not the perfed knowledge 01 
any part. As the whole Creation is one entire frame, 
and no part perfedly known to any , but the compre- 
henfive wifdom that knoweth all ^ and as the holy 
Scripture is an entire frame of holy Dodrine-, and 
the work of Sandification is one new man-, fo alfo 
the works of difpofing providence, are perfedly har* 
monious, and make up one admirable Syfteme,which 
our non-age hindereth us from underftanding. We 
muft learn the Books of God by degrees ^ word by 
word, and line by line> and leaf by leaf \ but we 
fliall never be ripe Scholars till we have learnt all : 



And then we fhatl fee that Nature and Grace, Scrip- 
ture and Creatures, Phyficks and Morals, and all the 
works of God for man, do conftitute one moft per- 
fed frame, which we {hall admire for ever. The 
knowledge of method , is neceffary to our know- 
ledge of the feveral pares : They borrow much of 
their fenfe from their afpeft on that which goeth 
before and cometh after • and the firft hath fome 
connexion to the laft. The Wheels of aWatchcon- 
fidered feparatedly , are ufelefs toys : but in the 
Frame the fmaileft Pin is ufefull. God fetth all his 
works at once : were it pofsible for us to have 
fuch a fight, it would anfwer all our doubts at once. 
The works of Providence are yetunfinifhed, and 
therefore not to be feen in their full beauty : fix 
days fufficed to the Work of Creation ; but aU 
moft fix thoufand years have not ended the difpofals 
of this prefent World. Had we feen the Creation 
after the firft or fecond or third days Work , we 
ihould not have feen it in its tuil beauty : But on 
thefeventh day God relied in it all as very good. A 
fcrap or broken parcel of the moft curious pidure 
containeth notthe beauty of the whole ^ nor is feen in 
its own beamy but as joyned to the reft. One ftritg of 
thislnftrument maketh no great melody .But when we 
are perfected, we (hall have a more perfeft knowledg 
of the Providences that now we do but fpell. What 
Chrift is doing in planting and pulling up in all thefe 
diforders of the world, we know not now, but here- 
after we (hall know. The day makes hafte, when 
all thofeaftionsfhall be opened at once to a com- 
mon view : when the men that make this bufsle in the 
world are dead and gone,and Prince and people,Par- 



laments and Armies are off this Stage, and appear 
jndreft before the Lord , and have received their 
*verlafiingrecompenee,from him that is no refpe&er 
of Perfons, then Judge of thefe prefers ways ot Pro- 
vidence : The end will expound the actions of this 

Till then, as we know they are the ways of the 
moftwife, fo we muft confider how many minds he 
hath to govern 1 every man hath an underftanding 
and will of bis own 1 arid, Ohow different! When 
fo many thouland millions of men are of fo many 
minds, or are principled and tempted to fo ma»y. 
We may wonder that fuch order is preferved in the 
world. Efpecially confidering that their Interefts arc 
almoft as various as their minds. Where they (hould 
agree they differ h where they axe uncapable of a 
joynt poflefiion , they agree in the defire of that 
which is impoffibie. How many have a mind of the 
fame Crowns, the fame Honour or Office, or Land, 
or other bait of worldly vanity ; And how eafily 
might Satan fet all the world together by the ears,by 
cafting fuch a bone among them, if God were not the 
uniwfal King. Mens interefts engage them againft 
each other: And tbeir vices are fuited to their carnal 
interefts : When humane nature is fo corrupt, that 
vices fwarm in the hearts of the ungodly, as worms 
in a Carrion •, when ignorance, felf-conceitednefs, 
Hnbelief, fenfuality, pride, worldlinefs, hypocrifie, 
and paffions of all forts abound 1 When fo many 
hearts are blinded and byaffed : and all men by cor- 
rupted nature are enemies te a Holy Peace, & honeft 
Unity muft be attained by croflifcg the very natures 
and interefts of fo many*, when the beft have fo much 



of ihefe corruptions, and grace that miift overpower 
them is fo weak • when the tempter is fo fubtile, dili- 
gent and unceffant, our temptations to evil, and hin- 
derances to good, fo'many and fo great, how won- 
derfull is that overruling Providence,that keepeth up 
io much order in the world 1 and preferveth us from 
utter confufion andlnormity? It is infinite power 
that fo far uniteth fuch incoherent matter, and that 
fo far reftraineth fuch corrupted fouls:that every Na- 
tion are not Cannibals, thn every Prince is not a Ne- 
ro fit Dionjftus, and every perfon is not a Cain, is all 
fr^p the wifdom and mercy of our Almighty King. 
Let God therefore have the honour of his tranfeen- 
dent Government^ He attaineth bis ends by that 
which feems to us Confufion. He is a perfed: Go- 
vernour that perfectly attaineth the ends of Govern- 
ment ! His ends are known to him, but much un- 
known to us. The night is ufefull as well as the day, 
and darknefs is no difhonour to the Creator. Nor 
isitdifhonourableto him that there are Toads and 
Serpents on the sarth,&that he made not every worm 
a man, or every man a King, or an Angel : Much 
lefs that wicked men do wickedly , when he hath 
refolved to govern the world in a way confident 
with the Liberty of their wills. If fin were per- 
fectly reftrained, and the world reduced to perfeft 
order, we (hould not have the benefit of persecution, 
which muft be expefted by thofe that will live godly 
in Chrifl: Jefus. How (hould we ever exprefs and try 
our patience & felf-denial and contempt ©fall for the 
fake of Chrifl:, if we had all things here as we would 
have them ? It argueth too carnal a frame of mind, 
when we are hearkning after felicity, or too great 



things on earth , and with the Jews would have a 
Kingdom of this world , and a Saviour that (hould 
make us great on earth : Should we not exped that 
God in equity and wifdom fhould keep a proportion 
of our comfort to our duty, and caufe our profperity 
to be anfwerable to our fidelity I If we have leffe here 
then we exped- and fuffer after our faith and dili- 
gence, eternity is long enough to make amends tot 
ali; But that a finfall; carelefs, hypocritical world; 
fhould yet be a profperous world , is utterly incon- 
gruous,unlefs we would have our portion here.While 
the world is wilfully fo vile, no wonder if it be fo mi- 
ferable. When finne makes the greateft breach of or- 
der,and divide th our hearts from our Creatour,whac 
wonder if leflet diforder do attend it , and we be all 
divided from each othersfAnd whofe conference will 
fcruple rebellion, refiftance , or difobedience againft: 
the higher powers, that is hardned in rebellion j re- 
fiftance, and difobedience againft God $ 

It is a great miftake to exped perfection of fo excel- 
lent a thing as holy order here on earth. If we are furc 
th^it there will be no perfection of knowledge , cha- 
rity, felf-denyal, patience, and ali other graces ne- 
ceflary to our perfed order, how then can that or- 
der be perfeft that muft refult fromthefe? Can ig- 
norant, froward , imperfect men , makeup a per- 
fed Church or Commonwealth ? Or can we be great- 
Iyer miftaken , then to afcribe to earth the Preroga- 
tives of Heaven ? Have we daily experience of im- 
perfedions and corruptions in our felves and others? 
Is not every foul imperf^d and difquieted,and disor- 
dered ? and every Family fo too ? and every parifli. 
Corporation i and fociety fo ? And can it then be 

K k 6ett« 


better in a Commonwealth ? Can it be peffefl: and 
ordered aright, that is compofed of imperteft difor- 
dered materials f The whole cannot be gold, where 
all the parts are ftone or iron. Unbelieving fouls / 
repine not in your ignorance againft the Lord /When 
you come to Heaven 3 and fee the perfed order of 
bis Kingdom, and look back with better underftan- 
ding on the affairs of the world that now offend you* 
then blame the Lord of imperfection in his Govern- 
ment if you can I All mercies on earth are but hatch- 
ing in the (heikNone are here ripe / We muft know 
what earth is, that we may the more thankfully know 
what Heaven is. We muft fow in tears, if we will reap 
in joy. We muft know what finneis, before we find 
what grace is- and what grarc is, before we find what 
glory is. if finne were not fuffered to (hew itfelf in 
the worlds and play its part , it would not be fuffici- 
ently hated : nor Grace, or Chrift , or Heaven fuffi- 
ciently valued. We love the godly much the better, 
becaufe the neighbourhood and tryal of the ungod- 
ly ,flaeweth us the difference. We are the more thank- 
full for our own grace , becaufe of the experience of 
our corruptions. Holy order will be the fweeter to 
the Saints, becaufe of the odious confufions that 
ftand by. And as itisneceflary that Herefie arife, 
that thofe which are approved may bemademani- 
fieft • fo is it necefTary that Warres, confufion , and 
rebellions arife, that the meek, arid pcaceable,and 
obedient may be manifeft. 

They are good works as from God , and as to the 
finall iffue, which he accomplifheth by badlnftru- 
ments. And when the work is rough, and below his 
upright ones i he ufeth to leave it to polluted hand^ 



Even evil Angels are oft his Inftrumentsin affiift- 
ing : and God can do good by the Devils i But when 
there is fuch a difference between the principal caufe 
and the inftrument in the work, and each worketh as 
he is, and bringeth fomewhat of his nature to the 
effed:, no wonder if there be a mixture of order and 
confulion in the world : and that be finfull and con- 
fufion as from men, that is good and orderly as from 
God. If there were nothing in the world but what 
is of God, there would be nothing but what is good 
But when Satan hath got fo great an Intereft , and is 
become a Prince that ruleth in the Children of difo- 
bedience, (hall we wonder to find the works of Sa- 
tan ? Or (hall we dare to impute them to the Lord? 
or blame his Government becaufe the enemy makes 

It is the reckoning day that fets all ftraight. Many 
are now triumphing whom God laughs to fcorn, be- 
caufe he fees that their day is coming. Till then we 
muftlivcalifeof Faith. If flefhly props be taken 
from us, and we be left to live on God alone; our 
comforts will be the more pure,as having little of the 
creature to defile them. A fenfual life is a beaftial life. 
If God were not refolved to holdliis fervatxts to a life 
of Faith, with little mixture of fenfible evidence^ 
we (hould not have fuch feldorri MefTengcrs from 
the other world; and from age to age have fcarce any 
more then Faith to tell us of the invifible things; 
When all men that we trufted to are gone, we fhall 
tomfortourfelvesonlyinthe Lord our God; And 
is he not enough for us alone? Hovy apt are we t6 
draw out from God to men ? But when fome prove 
inefficient* and others treacherous,and their friend- 

K k 2 Jtap 


{hip is as the waves and weathercocks ,we {hall cleave 
the etefer to the Rock of Ages, and retire ourfelves 
with mortified and Heaven-devoted fouls to God. 
And the more we converfe with him, and fee him in 
all the Creatures and their Produds -, the more we 
fhall perceive his order in their confufions, and their 
confufions making up his order, But O when we fee 
his bleffed face, and behold the glory of the univerfal 
King, how fweet an harmony {hall we then perceive 
in the concord of all the motions and affairs that now 
fee'm only tumulcuary and difcordant. We {hall fee 
how all thefe diftanc lines do meet in God,and in him 
we fhall fin4 all providences reconciled, and making 
up one beauteous frame. 


TIZ/t it is not the diforder that is fo much offence , as 
^the quality of the perfons from whom it doth pro- 
ceed. Shall the worh^ of God be hindered by them 
that feems his mo ft refolved Servants ? Afufi the 
eaufe of Chrifl be abufed by its Friends ? And his 
Church diflrejfed by its Members ? Thefe are -works 
that better be\eem the enemies , even Satan himfelf 
then the Servants of the Lord. Shall we be guilty 
of the impenltcncy of the Churches enemies , while 
wejeem to jufiifie their attions by our own ? Mufi we 
receive thefe wounds in the Houfes of our Friends? 
Did we once thinly > hat the Goffrf muU have fuf-* 
ferec- fo much by them that were fo zealous for it? 
Our familiar friends , that tooh^fweet counfel with 
us ,. and w*nt wirh us In company to the Houfe of 
God? Ttaftill it is profejfedly for God, that God is 

MED IT AT 10 NS. 501 

abufed and diffjcnoured : It is for Christ that Chrift 
it fo much refisied ; It is for the Gofpel that men 
have liberty to deny theGsspel , and dilute against 
it 5 and for the Scripture that men have lewv&o re- 
vile and argue again ft the Scripture , and draw as 
many as they can into the fame condemnation ; It 
is for the Church , that the Church is wounded and 
torn in pieces , and that the Favours of it are by 
lifenfe vilified. It is for the godly that the godly 
are cast out ; and it is for the interest of the Saints 
that liberty is granted to draw men from the Waies of 
fanBity : It Is for mens falvation , that liberty is 
granted to tempt and draw the people to damnation. 
And it is for the fecurity of the Nation , our i2>- 
ligion , Peace and common good , that the Trustees 
of it are fo ufed, and. our fecurity feiz,ed upon^as 
they have oft been : It is for Authority that Autho- 
rity hath been brought into ecntempt : and made the 
football of the world ; And if God were not wifer find 
faith fuller then man , the Church would be utterly 
destroyed in order to its prefervation : and q/ur com- 
mon good would be procured , as the Irifi did procure 
the Peace of Ireland : Our Brethren that hate us, 
and caft us out for the Lords Name fake , fay \ Let 
the Lord be glorified, lfa.66.%. O lamentable 
cafe , that God alfo must be called upon , and engaged 
in the Caufes which he (0 abhorres ! That he is feiJn- 
ed to be the Author of Sat ans works ?That fr&yt r 
are engaged against Prayers ? and fo many Parties 
fait and pray , and cry to God from morning untill 
night , with greatest fervency , that he would direct 
them in his way , and acquaint them with his Truth 
and Will 9 and own his caufe , and help them in his 
K k. 3 wor k> 


work, againft their Brethren : and all rife up with 
ftrengthened confidence, that their caufe is right, and 
Are by Prayer animated to their contrary wayes, 
which in fome of them mufi needs be very evil. A- 
^as, that the ungodly fljpuld be thus temped to fcorn 
the Prayers of the Saints ^ and weak^ ones temped to 
fufftett their force. 

But did we not know till now that offence muft 
come?and that it will be woe to the world becaufe of 
offences? (and to them alfo by whom the offence doth 
come ? ) Is it fuch a wonder for purblind men to 
{tumble? or for children in their hafty running to 
catch a fall ? May not friends fall out and hurt 
eachuother ia their paflion ?Friend(hip is not feen, 
nor Judgement feen, when Paflion is up-, but 
a friend doth feem a very enemy , and a man of 
Reafon feemeth mad. Much more if paflion turn to 
phrenfie 1 What wonder then if the deareft friends 
have foul words and blows from the diftrafted ? 
dpeciaily if they areloofe and armed. The rem- 
nants' of ignorance will have their effe&s, accor- 
ding to the matter that we are imployed in. So 
far as corruption remaineth unmodified Satan hath 
fomuch intereft in us: and therefore hath fome- 
what to make ufe of, and may eafily make men 
ipftruments in his work, when he gets the advantage 
againft their, graces. But inftead of being fcanda- 
Hztfd with my God , or with his holy Truth and 
Work, let my foul be jealous of it felf , and from all 
thefe things receive Inftru&ion. 

i. Andfirft, I fee here what Man\$! How un- 
meet a pHlar for our confidence? too fickle to be a 
certain Friend : tpo feeble to be a fure Support : 



too frail to ftand in ftrong temptations, without 
relief from the Almighty ftrength : coo vile for 
us :o glory in: too blind, too felfifti,iin full, and 
infirm , to be*the Guardian of the Church ! Were 
Godlineffe chiefly entrufled in fuch hands, and 
did the Caufe and honour of the Lord , depend mod 
on their wiidom, fidelity and innocency, how 
foon , how certainly would all be loft • and pro- 
ftkuced, to the enemies fcorn f Ctafe then from 
man 9 whofe breath is in bis Nostrils : for wherein is 
he to be accounted, of? lfa. 2. 22. Thus faith the 
£ord y curfed be the man that tru&eth isnman , and 
rnaketh flefh his arm , and whofe heart departethfrom 
the Lord. For he Jhall be like the heath in the de- 
fart , and fhall nut fee Vvhen good cometh , but fiiall 
inhabit the parched places in the Wildern 
a fait Land 9 not inhabited, file {fed is the man 
th.t trusleth in the Lord , and whofe hope the Lrrd 
is : Tor h Jhall be as a tree planted by the waters ^ 
and that sfreadeth out her root by the Rivers , and 
Jhall not fee -when heat cometh , 'but her leafe JJjall 
be green , and Jhall not be carefull in the year of 
drought , neither Jhall ceafe from jceldyng frattjer. 
7-5A?,8. Though grace do elevate the foul, and 
tend to ks perfection, yet being imperfeft, it leaves 
man frail , and meeter to be our trouble then our 

2. How dangerous a thing is it to have a miftaking 
Judgement, in praAicals of greateft moment ? How 
iamentabiy will it mifguide their Prayers, their 
Speeches, and their practices ? And the greater \% 
eheir zeal , the forwarder will they be to p;*of^cure 
#*hat evil which they take for good. While they 

K k 4 are 


?re pulling down the Church, fuppofing tjiat they are 
building it, how refolutely will they proceed? Lee 
but a zealous mans underftanding be deluded % and 
it will engage him in acourfeof hainous finne. He 
will diftort all that he readeth or heareth , to the 
ftrengthening of bi$ finne. Sermons and Prayers,and 
Providences , fhall all be preft to ferve him in his evil 
way. Hov/ earneftly will he beg of God for afliftance 
in his iniquity, when he thinks it is his duty? How 
joyfully will he give God thanks for profpering him 
in doing mifchief? What evil will not a man do, if 
you can but make him think it good? If he kill the 
holieft Servants of the Lord, he will think that he 
doth God fervice by it, and that his peoples blood 
is ar\ acceptable Sacrifice. Were it the killing of 
Chnft, the Lord of life, they would not ft'ick at 
it, but fay, Let his I hod be on us , and on our 
Children. It will drive back all the motions to 
Repentance , and confirm them in impenitency,and 
makethem angry with all thofe that approve not of 
their tranfgreffions , and will not be as bad as 
they: It will caufe them to milinterpret all Gods 
Providences , and mifappiy his promifes and 
Threatnings^ and their hearts will rife, with Zea- 
lous indignation againft all thofe that would recover 
them ; Reproofs , though moft necetfary , th?y 
will call Reproaches : and thofe will be taken for 
fenforions railers , that tell them of their crimes, 
though with the tenth part of the plainnefle and 
ferioufnefle as the cafe' requirerh. In a word, 
the difeafe is ftrengthened , and frcqred from the 
' power of all Remedies. Let us therefore bsg of 
God , that he would not leave us to a deluded 



mind , nor give us over to the errour of our hearts. 
Owhat caufe have we to be jealous of our under- 
ftandings, and diffident of our felves, and to 
prove our way before we make too much haft in ic^ 
left the fafter we go , the further we go out of *mr 
way I What caufe have we to hearken to the Judge- 
ments of the wife , and to be much in learning,and 
diligent intheufe of holy meanes to increafe our 
knowledge? What need have Babes to know their 
weakneis, and keep their due dependance on the 
ftrong, and thofe that lack^ w if dome , to ask^it of 
God, and withall, to feel^for it as filver , and dig 
for it as for a hidden Treafure , and to be fearful 
of falling into forbidden paths t 

3. How dangerous a thing is Pride of heart? 
When once it grows to an enormeous height, it will 
make men fwell with felf-conceit , and think none 
fo fit to govern Countries and Nations as they : 
Nor any fo fit to teach the Church: Nor any fo 
meet to judge what is good or evil to the Com- 
monwealth. They will think that God hath qua- 
lified them to hold the reines • and if he bring 
them within the reach of a Crown , or lower Go- 
vernment, they will think he offereth it them. 
How defpicably look they on the Judgments and 
Coirtifels of men much wifer then themfelves? 
Pride makes every Conftable a Juftice, and every 
Souldier a Commander, and every man a King, 
a Parliament, and a Pope in his own eyes. O what 
caufe have we to watch againft this tumifying 
deluding vice, and to learn of Chrift to be meek 
and lowly , and to behave our felves as Children 
in his School , and to fufped our underftandings, 



and walk humbly with our God : What Slaughters, 
what Scandals , what Breaches in the Church , what 
Triumphs for the Devil, hath Pride wrought in the 
Earth, and that among them that profefle the 
faith? And it fortifyeth and defends it felf: It will 
noflfeeitfelf, nor bear with the means that {hould 
difclofeit. It hateth faithfull neceffary plainneffe, 
and loveth fooiifh daubing flattery. Wuh humble 
words, will men be proud: with formal confeffi- 
ons and daily reprehenfions of the Pride of others, 
and complaints of the abounding of Pride in the 
world ^ with high applaufes of the humble , and 
zealous exhortations to humility, will men be proud 
and not obferve it. When they read their condem- 
nation in the Scripture, as that God abhorreth the 
proud, and knowcth them afar off, and humbleth 
them that exalt themfelves. When they read the 
Prohibitions of Chrift, againft fitting down at 
the upper end, and feeking honour of men, a- 
gainft defpifing of Dominion, and fpeaking evil of 
dignities, and refilling the higher Powers as fet over 
them by God ^ they read all this as if they read it 
not : They perceive not the fenfe of it : They 
know not that it fpeaks to them: But as the igno- 
rant unrenewed foul doth hear the fubftance of the 
Gofpel , but as a lifeleffe empty found , as not un- 
demanding or favouring the things of the Spirit, fo 
ufually do Profeflbrs hear or read Texts that con- 
demn the fins that they are guilty of. 

4. How dangerous a thing is it, to growftrange 
at home ? and fo unacquainted with our own hearts, 
as not to know their errours and enormities ? It 
we (hould but long negled our Watch , and grow 



unobfervant of our hearts, how vfle will they \fe 
when we think they are upright ? and how hypo- 
critical!, when we think they are fincere? and 
what horrid things may we attempt with good 

5. How deceitfull a thing is the heart of man ? 
when after (o much light and means, after fo much 
teaching and enquiry, after fo long felf-obfei;van- 
cy and ufe of means, and fo many difcoveries and 
confeftions of finne , moft odious finnes fhould fo 
eafily cr£ep in , and be indulged and undifcerned, 
yea befriended and maintained, as if they were the 
holieft Works ? How deceitfull is that heart, that 
cannot difeern the moft ugly mountainous tranfgref- 
fions ? Yea that entitleth them , the Work of 

6. How dangerous is it for men to lean to their 
ownunderftandings, ortohearnone but thofethat 
are engaged in their own Caufe ? and to loofe and 
rejeA the advice of impartial ftanders by , that 
havejbad better opportunities of knowledge then 

7. And how dangerous is it to live under 
ftrong temptations ? and to have a potent carnal 
Intereft before them ! What a byas will fuch an In- 
tereft be to the underftanding, when it (hould try 
the good or evil of their waves ? After great 
Vi&ories, Renown and Honour is become mens In- 
tereft : and how odious is any word or way that 
would eclipfe their honour ? if feme of the Vi- 
ctories of Alexander or Cafar had been obtained 
by perfidious Rebellion, how hainoufly would they 
have taKen H to have been told (o 9 and called to 



Repentance , for that which was the matter of their 
Renowne, and to have their a&s of higheit Honour 
numbred wich the moft odious crimes ? What caufe 
have we daily to pray, that God would not lead us 
into temptation? When Honour, and Dignity, and 
Command and Wealth, are become a mans 
Intereft, what will he not believe, anddotoferve 
it, if wonderfull grace do not preferve him ? Any 
caufe (hall feem righteous that promoteth -that -Inte-* 
reft- & any Arguments lhall feem valid that do main r 
tain it ; Gain (hall become Godlinefs : For nothing 
fhall be Godlinefs that fuiteth not with their gain* or 
other ends: and Paulftnd Peter fhould noc be godly, 
if they crofle their Intereft, and efpecially if they do 
it plainly and faithfully. And the Herod th&t hath re- 
verenced fohn Baptift , and heard him gladly , will 
yield to the cutting off his Head, if Herodias be once 
dearer to him then the Lord. How excellent and ne- 
ceffary is f elf-denial ?How dangerous a (landing have 
the Rulers and Commanders of the world ? What a 
follyisit toenvy them, ordefiretobe in their Con- 
dition ? What wonder, if few of the great and rich 
arefaved?andifitbe as hard for them to enter into 
Heaven, as for a Cornell to go through a needles eye^ 
how little caufe have the low and poor to murmur at 
their condition ? Experience hath taught me to re- 
folve , that I will never put confidence in my neareft 
Friend, nor the beft man that I know, if once he have 
a potent carnal Intereft, and dwell among great and 
ftrong temptations. Though I doubt not but God 
hath his humble ones , whom he preferveth even in 
fuch affaults , yet how rare is it for Cedars loflg to 
ftand,on the tops of Mountains IMan kmgif honour 



and not underftanding, is like the beafts that peri/h , 
Ffal.4.9. 20. 

8. How dangerous a thing is it to be once enga- 
ged in a finful way ? The further they go , the 
more their engagements will increale : How hard 
will it be to return/ when once they have let foot 
in a courfe of finne? Their intermit then will lead 
them to impiety, and even to perfecutionkfelf^ 
and to take Chrift , and Scripture , and faithful! 
Minifters for their enemies. For all thefe are in- 
gaged againft finne ; which the guilty foul is in- 
gaged in , Chrift and Scripture do condemn it : 
Minifters muft ( as they have a Call ) reprove it ; 
and taithiull Chriftians muft difown it : and this 
will enrage the guilty foul. The guilty have riot 
the patience of the Innocent. Hadlwrocethat to 
the view of ten thoufand that are Innocent , which 
hath fo exafperated the guilty, it would not fo much 
as have offended them. AsSetecafouh, Ithurteth 
them that have fores , tothink^that they are touched, 
though joh touch them not. fear makes them com- 
plain as if they were hurt: The fiek and fore are 
impatient and querulous. And all that defendeth 
them in the finfull way that they are ingaged in, 
they like and own i And fo they go on from 
finne to finne, deceiving and being deceived. And 
if God have fo much mercy for them , as ro recover 
them by Repen r-ce^ How dear muft it coft 
them, incompari v«ri of what a prevention would 
have done? 

9. How dangerr 1 ?n, fo 

dream that ever\ < 
with things abov^ 



fices winch they are unfit for ? When men that 
have not had the inward and outward opportuni- 
ties and helps for holy knowledge • which Mini- 
sters of Chrifl: muft have , will invade the Office 
upon a proud conceit -of a fitnefs which they 
have not-, or will be more peremptory in their 
judgement in Theological difficulties , thenisfuit- 
able to the proportion of their knowledge ; and 
when men unacquainted with the true Principles of 
Government, will be rafhly condemning the ani- 
ons of their Govarnours, and turning them be- 
fides the Saddle^ that they may get up them- 
felves , when ever they have a conceit that their 
Governours erre, and that themfelves are wi- 
fer, and can govern better ^ what an Ocean 
of iniquity doth this prefumption plunge them 
into ? 

10. What delufions doth i galled Confer- 
ence betray men to? When they have done 
evil, in ftead of Repenting, they would fain 
bring others to approve their deeds, and fain 
have them juftified before the world / And what if 
they were ? Doth this conduce to their Juftificat ion 
before God ? Is this any falve to a wounded foul ? 
Will God abfolve them \ becaufe men do it ? What 
figg-leaves are thefe , that will not hide their 
nakedneffe from Pofterity, much lefle from 

11. How abundantly hath experience fatisfied 
me of the blefTednefle of Peace , and the mifchiefs 
of Warre , from the ordinary effe&s of them up- 
on the foul. In Peace when we live in quiet 
Neighbourhood , and in Church-order , men are 



efteemed among us according to their real worth : 
A poor Chriftian that is of excellent parts , and of 
a holy exemplary life , is he that bears the Bell a- 
mong us, and the fcandalous are prefently disco- 
vered , and noted to their juft contempt and fhamc, 
(Pfal. X5.4. 2Theff.i. 14 J and froathy^ wrang- 
ling, proud Profeflbrs , that know nothing but dote 
about words that gender itrife , and edifie not, are 
looked upon as the lpotsinour Affemblies : fo that 
Humility, Innocency and Edification here, bear 
ail the glory and the fway. But in the Armies, 
fome ot our hopefull Profeflbrs turned Drunkards 
(and when they came home, we could fcarce 
recover them-,) fome turned away from Mini- 
fters , Ordinances , Scripture \ Godlinefle , from 
Chrift j and from common Sobriety and Civility : 
Some that fped beft, lament their coolings, di- 
ftempers, and difcompofureof foul , and are other 
men in Peace, as to the beauty and integrity of 
their lives, than they were inWarre. And (which 
is the thing I aim at) true Godlinefle and Vice are 
feldom rightly eftimatedmWarre. A flip into ex* 
ceffe is excufed there as a neceflaryevil A railing 
Word ^ or rude behaviour and unfeeftily carriage , is 
accounted not much unbefeemiagSouldiers for the 
moftpart: A great deal of humility and real worth 
in a private Souidier is buried , and too little ob- 
served or operative on others : When an ha!£. 
wittcd Officer, or one that is notional , and em- 
pty ^ and ignorant , may be heard and regarded, n$ 
if his erroneous words were Oracles. So great i$ 
the Iiitereft of Commanders in their Souidier^ 
that thofe have been there honoured and followed 



as men of notable parts and piety, and born much 
fway, that when they have returned to their Trades, 
and lived among their able, humble; upright Neigh- 
bours, have appeared to be of the loweft forme. I 
doubt not but Armies, have perfons of the highefl 
worth: But I have feen that ignorance^ pride and 
errour, have far more advantage to gain reputa- 
tion, and play their game, to leaven others, and rule 
the roft in a military ftate, then they have in peace- 
able Church-ftate. 

12. I fee more and more, how impoffible it is^ 
that honeft, plain, and faithful dealing, in fvlinifters 
or others , fhould ordinarily find acceptance in the 
world! We muft expeft to difpleafeGod or men, 
when men will fwerve from the wayes of God : 
God or the guilty will condemn us : Confidence 
or engaged galled perfons will cenfure us, and 
fvyell againft us. While their Do&rines or Pra&U 
ces are unreconcilable to God , our Do&rineand 
reproofs will be offenfive unto them. And whofe 
pleafure and favour fhall I chufe ? Not mans, but 
Gods: For thy pleafure, OLord, was I crea- 
ted: In thy favour is life: Or if men be permit- 
ted to deprive me of my life ^ thy loving kind- 
nefle is better than life. Men are corrupt: and 
honefty will not alway pleafe j when they pretend to 
honefty: They .are giddy, and will not be long 
pleafed with one thing : And I cannot change as 
faft as they. Their Interefts call for that to pleafe 
them i which is againft the Intereft of Chrift, the 
Church, and my own, and others fouls. And (hall 
I fell all thefe for the favour of man I Of a lump 
of dirt , that fhortly will be loathed by thofe that 



cow flatter them? Men are fo many, and of fo 
many contrary Intcrefts and minds , that I cannot 
poffibly pleafe all , or many : and which then fhall 
I pleafe ? Nay one mans mind is fo contrary to 
it felf , that if I pleafe him in one thing ; I muft 
difpleafe him in another. The holieft Apoftlcs and 
Paftors of the Church, have not pleafed them. Chrift 
did not pleafe them : God doth not pleafe them : 
and how fliould I ? 

My God 1 I am fatisfied I May I but pleafe thee, 
I have enough. How eafily may I fpare the fa- 
vour of man , whofe breach is in his noftrils , if 
I have thy favour ? He that cannot be fatisfied 
in thee , will never be fatisfied. I covenanted not 
with thee, for the favour of the beft of men, 
when I became thy fervant : but that thou fhouldft 
be my God in Chrift. Let me have this, and I declare 
to all the world , that thou haft made good thy 
holy Covenant , and I have that which I agreed 
for. O that I had more faithfully pleafed thee, 
though I had difplcafed high and low, Princes 
and Armies , and all the world . The favour of man 
cannot continue my foul in life : I muft be fick, and 
die, and rot in the grave , if I have the favour of all 
the world . But if God be for me, who fhall be againft 
me / All things fhall work together for my good; Be- 
came Chrift liveth, I (hall live. The wounds of my 
foul arc not for difpleafing men,but thee / The frowns 
of the greateft leave no fting behind them in my 
heart ; But who can bear the frowns of God ? My, 
God / it is not earthly men , that I muft live with 
long I How long have I looked for thy Call / It is 
thee that I muft live with for ever. And therefore, 

LI hqt£ 


how little doth it concern me, whether I be loved or 
hated here/ Thofe that {hall live with me in thy 
prefence , will ail be reconciled by the light of 
thy Face , and the power of thy Eternal Love. 
The reft are not of my Communion. Itwoundeth 
not my confcience that I have honoured thy Pro- 
vidence, which preferved this Nation from fo 
much guilt : nor that I preferred the honour of 
thy Caufe and Churches , before the honour of 
finning men. Wifdom and Holmeffe in any of thy 
feryants, defire me not to defend their Neighbour 
enemy-, nor to preferre their Honour before thine, 
much lefle to juftifie their finne , which hath di^ 
{honoured thee , and which they muft condemn 
themfelves, that they may not. be condemned for 
it. And the demands of folly and Impiety are not 
regardable. I thank thee for weaning my foul from 
man! but let it not now be eftranged from thee. 
I ftand to my Covenant / I give up all 1 for all is 
nothing : But then let me have thee, that indeed 
art all ! Forfake me not , that confent to forfake 
all for thee, and ikould not have confented, if thou 
hadft forfaken me. The darkneffe and diftance ©f 
thy foul from thee, is more grierous to me than 
all the frowns of men ! Alas my God , that I can 
know thee no more , after fo many and gracious 
difcoveries / That I love thee no more , that by 
fo many mercies haft teftified thy love^ and done fo 
much to convince me that thou art moil Lovely - 5 
this«> this istheprifon, the famine i the fickneffci 
and I had almoft faid the death of my languifh- 
kg j drooping^ fainting foul / That I have thought, 
and read , and heard i and faid fo much of Heaven, 



the Reft of Saints , and yet my foul can reach no 
higher, and get no nearer, and believe \ and love, 
and long no more •, thefe , Lord arc the wounds 
andfcourgesthatlfuffer .' I may not open my breft 
wiih Camero^ and fay, Feri mifer • but I may fub- 
mic with Luther , and fay , Feri Domine , cle- 
menter feri , ill had but more of the apprehend- 
ons of thy love , and more of the tafts of Heaven 
upon my foul. I reiufe not theftocks of P^/and 
SiUs , nor their fcourges neither, fo I might have 
their heavenly vifits and elevation , which ipight 
tune my foul to their delightful melody. Were 
I but free from the Prifon of my ignorance \ unbe- 
lief, and other finnes , how eafily could I bear 
the imprifonment of my body I Were I with foh'n in 
Vatmos , fo I might alfobe with him in the Spirit, 
I would rather call it a paradife, than a Banifh; 
menr. What can it be but thy prefence or ab- 
fence , that may denominate places and conditi- 
ons , a Homo , or a Banifhrnent y Libert j or Im- 
prisonment, Sweet or Bitter , Huppj or Mifer able. 
Were there a Countrey on Earth that had more of 
God, and where the Sunne of his face doth ftiine 
more brightly, and where Heaven Is opener unto 
earth, and the Spirit hath more illuminating, quick- 
wing influences on the fouls of men ; O that I were 
banifhed thither / How cheerfully ; how fpeedily 
would I go feek that place? But while I carry my 
Gaoler and my Prifon about me, and am fettered , in 
my own corruptions and infirmities , alas * in Li- 
bert) I am not free ^ while I am honoured and ap^. 
plauded, I am afliamed of toy felf: While i am 
Loved of others; I loath my felf: Though my bo- 
L 1 z dv 


dy be affiifted by none without me, {but by thy 
juft and gracious cafti gat ions , which I have born 
even from my youth) yet how can it chufc but 
droop and languid* , that is animated by an affli&ed 
foul ? How oft do my Bodily pains feem nothing 
being over-fenfed with my fowls more grievous 
languilhings ? So long have I been a Prifoner at 
Home , that I could long for a Prifon that would 
but bring me nearer Home. The darknejfe that I 
live in in the open light , doth make rne think 
that Dungeon happy , where fouls are more open to 
thy celeftral Rayes. I wonder not at the Labours 
and Patience of holy Paul , when I confiderwhat 
Spirit dwelt within him , and what a fight he had 
had of Chrift f and whither ke was wrapt , and 
what he faw. The fight of Chrift in his Humi- 
liation was much:, but the giimpfe of a glorified 
Chrift was more, though mixt with fomcwhat 
of rebuke and tcrrour. To be taken up into the 
third Heavens, and there fee things to usunutter- 
able, muft needs be an effe&ual Motive, to all that 
holy diligence and patience, and a reward exceed- 
ing all that we can do or fuflfer. Much more unwor- 
thy are the fufferings of this prefent life, to be com- 
pared with the glory that fhall be revealed. It 
will be a fmall thing to him to be judged of men, 
that knoweth that there is one that judgcth, even 
the Lord ^ and feeth by faith , the Judge even at 
the door. Were I fully certain that my finnes 
could do no more againft me , at the barre of 
God, then all the cenfures,difpleafures^ reproaches 
or perfections of men can do , how little fhould I 
fear that dreadful day / Might I but finifb my eourfe 



with joy, why (hould I count life or liberry dear ? 
Let me be equal with the moft affii&ed of .thy Saints, 
fo I may but believe, and ;ove as much as the hoficft. 
Might I but have their meafure of the Spirit, how 
gladly fhould I fubmit to their meafure of perfecti- 
on ! Might I fee what Stephen faw, how gladly would 
I fuflfer what he fu ffered i But I dare not, I mull not 
thus capitulate with God/ The times andmeafures 
of the Reward are in thy hand. Much lower termes 
are very high. Difpofe of me therefore according to 
thy gracious will. Thy wiil is the Original and the 
End, of me and all things. Fromitlfeekfor 
guidance , fafety , ftrength and happinefs. 
By it let me be dire&ed and difpofed : 
In it alone let my foul have Reft. 
Not my will , but thj 
will be done. 


A Catalogue of the Chief eft of thofe Books , as 
are Printed for Thomas Underhil!. 

By Col. Edw. LelghEfqxdre. 

ATreatife of the Divine Promifes in five Books. 
The Saints Encouragement in Evil Times. 
Critica Sacra, or Observations on all the Radices 
or Primitive Hebrew words of the Old Teftament, in 
order Alphabetical. 

Critica Sacra , or Philological and Theological 
Obfervations upon all the Greek words of the New 
Teftament,in order Alphabetical. 

By Samuel Gott Efquire. 
Nova Solym<z,Libri /ex } Sive Infiitutio Chrifttani. 
I. De Pueritia. 

2. De Creatione JMundi. 

3. De Juventute. 

4. De Peccato. 

5. De Virili imitate. 

6. De Redemptione Hominis. 
EfTayes concerning Mans true Happinefs. 
Parabola Evangelica Latin* redd'rt a Carmine Pa- 

raphrafiico varii generis. 

Morton , His TouchftoneofConverfion. 
Mr. He^ekiah Woodward. 
Of Education of Youth \ or, \ The Childs Patri- 

The Lives and Ads of the good and bad Kings of 

A Treatife of Fear. 

A Thank-offering. M. Samuel 

M. Samuel Fijher. 
A Love-Token for Mourners, being two Funeral 
Sermons, with Meditations preparatory to his own 
expected Death , in a time and place of great Mor- 

M .Herbert Palmer, and M. Daniel Cawdrey. 
ATreatife of the Sabbath, in four Parts. 
Memorials of Godlinefs and Chriftianity, in feven 
Treatifes : 

i. Of making Religion onesBufinefs- With an 
Appendix applied to the Callingof a Minifter. 

2. The Character of aChriftian in Paradoxes. v 

3 . The Chara&er of vifible Godlinefs. 

4. Confederations to excite to Watchfulnefs, an$ 
to fhake off fpiritual Drowfinefs. 

5. Remedies againft Carelefnefs. 

6. The Soul of lading 

7. Brief Rules for daily Converfation, and parti- 
cular Directions for the Lords-day. 

His Sermon, entituled , The GLifs of Gods Provi- 
dence ttivard his faithful ones. 

His Sermon, entituled, The Duty and Honours of 

M. William $arton. 
His Pfalms. 

His Catalogue of Sins and Duties, implied ine*ich 
(Commandment in Verfe. 
His Scripture Hymns. 
M. Vicars Chronicle, in four Parts. 
M.Samuel Clarke 
A general Marty rology, or, AHiftofy of all the 
great Perfections that have been in the world to 
this time. Together, with the Lives of many eminent 
Modern Divines. 


His Sermon at the Warwickshire mens Fcaft, enti- 
tled, Christian Good Fellow/hip. 

His Cafes of Confcience. His Golden Apples. 

M. Kings Marriage of the Lamb. 

M. Shorts Theological poems. 

The Trench Alphabet. 

fas Divinum Mini Sierii, by the Provincial- Af- 
fembly of London. 

M. Thomas Blake. 

His Anfwer to Blacky ood^ of Baptifm. 


M. Coe^ His Font uncovered. 

D. John Wallis, His Explanation of the Aflfcmblies 

M. AuStins Catechifm. 

M. Vicars Catechifm. 

M. John Pagits Defence of Church-Government, 
by Presbyterial, Clafiical and Synodal Affemblies. 

M. Thomas Paget , A Demonftration of Family-f 
Duties. *% 

M. Anthony Burgejfe. 

Vindicit Legis^ or 5 A Vindication of the Law and 
Covenants , from the E r rours of Papifts, Socinians 
and Antinomians. 

A Treatife of Justification, in two Parts. 

Spiritual Refining, Part i . or, A Treatife of Grace 
and AfTurance ; Handling the Doftrine of Aflarance, 
the life of Signs in Self-examination •, how true Gra- 
ces may be Siftinguifhed from counterfeit , fevcral 
true Signs of Grace, and many falfe ones : The Na- 
ture of Grace under divers Scripture Notions, viz* 
Regeneratioa,the New Creature, the Heart of Flcih, 
Vocation, San&ification, &c. 
Spiritual Refining, tkc Second Part, or, A Trea- 

life of Sinne , with its Caufes, Diflferences 3 Mitigation§ 
and Aggravations, fpecially of the Deceitiulnefs of 
the heart, or Prefumptuous and Reigning Sins, and 
of Hypotrifie and Formality of Religion. All ten- 
ding to unmask counterfeit Chriftians,terrifie the un- 
godly, comforc doubting Saints, humble man, and 
exalt the Grace of God. 

His CXLV. Sermons upon the whole 17th Cha- 
pter of St. John, being Chrifts Prayer before his Paf- 

The Difficulty of, and Encouragements to Refor- 
mation, a Sermon upon Markj. . «r/.2,4.before the 
Houfe of Commons. 

A Sermon before the Court-Marftiall, P/W. 106, 

. The MagiftratesCommiflion, upon Rom. 1 3 .4. at 
the Election of a Lord Maior. 

RomesCmzky andApoftafie, upon Revel. 19.2. 
preached before the Houfe of Commons on Nov. 5 . 

The Reformation of the Church to be endeavou- 
red more than the Commonwealth, upon J^.6.27, 
28. preached before the Houfe of Lords. 

Publique Affections, prefled upon Num. 1 1 . 1 2 .be- 
fore the Houfe of Commons. 

Self-judging, in order to the Sacrament, with a 
Sermon of the Day of Judgement. 

A Treatife of Original Sin. 

An Exposition on 1 Cor. 3 . 

The Godly Mans Choice. 

M.Richard Baxter. 

Plain Scripture-proof of Infant-Baptifm. 

The Right Method for getting and keeping Spiri- 
tual Peace and Comfort. 
The unreafonablenefs of Infidelity, in four Parts. 

1. The 

i. The Spirits Intrinfick witnefs to the truth of 
Chriftianity, with a Determination of this Queftion, 
Whether the Miracles ofChrifi and his Afofiles^do ob- 
lige thofe to believe , who never faw them ? 

2. The Spirits Internal witnefs of the truth of 

3. A Treatife of the Sin againft the holy Ghoft. 

4. The Arrogancy of Reafon againft Divine Re- 
vela t ion reprefied. 

The Chriftian-Goncord, <?r,Thc Agreement of the 
A (Tociated Minifters of XVorcefterfhire, with M. Bax- 
ters Explication of it. 

A Defence of the Worcefterjhire Petition fo* the 
Miniftry and Maintenance. 

The Quakers Catechifm. 

An Apology againft M. Blake y D. Kendal \1A,Lodo- 
vicHs Molinaus, M. Aires, and lA.Crandon. 

His Confeflion of Faith. 

The Saints EverlaftingReft. 

The fafe Religion, a piece againft Popery 

His prcfent Thoughts about Perfeverance. 

His Holy Commonwealth. 

M, Lukin^lhc Pra&ice of Godlinefs. 
1 M. Langly. 

HLs Catechifm. 

A Treatife of Sufpenfion. ' 

T>.Teat. His Sermon at the Funeral of S. Charts 

M. Bur j. The Defircs of Foreign Divines , of a 
Eody of Divinity from Englilh Divines, with an Ef~ 
fay of a Model, 


Thefe fever al Booths following are Printed 9 and to be 
fold by Francis Ty ton, at the three Dag- 
gers in Fleetftreet. 

M. Baxter. 

SAints Everlafting Reft. 4 P 

His Apology , containing Exceptions againft M. 
The Digreffion againft M. Kendal. 
Animadverfiohs on alatcDifTertationof Ludiomem 

Colvinns, alias Ludovinus Molineus. 
An Admonition to Vi.Eyrs : With M. Crandons A- 
natomy. 4° 

Confeflion of Faith. 4° 

Christian Concord. 4° 

Defence of the Worce&crJbireVctition. 4° 

Advice to the Parliament. 4° 

Letter to M. Bury for Pacification. 4° 

Concerning the Saints Perfeverance. 4° 

The Quakers Catechifm. 4° 

Of Infant-Baptifm, againft M, Tombs. 4° 

The Unreafonablenefs of Infidelity. 8° 

Thirty two Dire&ions/or getting and keeping Spiri- 
tual Peace. 8° 
Againft Popery. 8° 
Holy Commonwealth. 8° 
M. Lawfons Examination of the Political part of 
Hobbs his Leviathan. 8®. 



Thefe fever d Bookj of M. Gilberts, Minifter of 
Limrick i» Ireland. 

THe Libertine School'd: or , A Vindication 
of the Magiftrates Power , in Matters of Re- 
ligion. 40 
A Sovereign Antidote againft thofe finful Errors than 
are the Epidemical Difeafe of our Times. 40 
A pleafant Walk to Heaven , on Ephef 4.1. 40 
The Bleffed Peace-maker, or, A ChrifKan Reconci- 
ler, intended for the Healing of our Divifions. 4 
' Innocents, no Saints : or, A Pair of Spe&acles for a 
dark fighted Quaker, By E. Bod. 40 
Man's Duty, in magnifying God's Work : A Sermon 
preached before the Pariiamenr f on the occafion 
of the Vidory obtained againft the Spmijb Fleet: 
By John How, Preacher of the Word at the Abbey ~ 
Church, WeHmintter. 40 
The Perufal of an old Statute of Death and Judg- 
A Funeral Sermon, By M. Bedford. 4© 

Thefe feveral Books following of M. Strong. 

HEavenly Treafure : or, Mans chiefeft Good. 1 2 
Communion with God,the Saints Privilcdg and 
Duty. 12* 

Thirty one Sermons, preached on feJed Occafions.4 
The Will of man, fab jeftcd to the Will of God, 8« 

A Commemoration Sermon, preached at Paulson 
the 5 th of November, 1 646. 40 

A voice out of the Temple : Being alfo a Sermon on 
the5thofiVW0z£/ 4 

A Confeffionof Faith, of the feveral Congregations, 
or Churches of Chrift in London, commonly called 
Anabaptifis. 4 

A Difcovery of fome troublefom Thoughts. By 
Daniel King* 4* 

Gofpel-Glory , in the Vifibleandlnvifible Worfhip 
of God. By Edw. Drapes. 4° 

Common-Good : or , The Improvement of Com- 
mons,Forrefts and Chafes,by Inclofure;By S.T.4 
An Aflize Sermon^ Preached by Tho. Gilbert. 4 
The Word of Faith : or, The Collection of the Ser- 
mons of a Moneth, preached at Martini iftihe 
Fields methodically. ByM. Sangor. 
Bartons Tranflation on the Gnging Pfalms, 1 2 

His Scripture Hymns. 1 z° 

Sydenham ; for Infant-Bap tifm. 8° 

Remdeus Difpenfatoiy. Tol. 

Spencers Similies. F&L 

D. Robinfons Eiidoxa. 8° 

D. Harrifons Spiritual Logick. , 8° 

The Hiftory of Dreams : By M. Philip Goodwin , Mi- 
nitter at Watford. 8°. 

The Three Theological Graces : By M. Ward: 8° 
2?^W/fdifpoffeft,in Anfwer to his Challenge. 12 
Habbington'% Edward the Fourth. Fol. 

His Observations onHiftory . 8° 

Aliens Henry the Seventh. 8° 

Back, on the Beatitudes. 4° 

Eurialns ajid Lucretia , . 8? 

Herbert** Henry the Eighth,' _ Tol. 


Englifh Law : By Charles George-Cock^. JfoL 

Par on the Romans, Fol. 

Hackjvels Argument for the Liberty of the Sub- 
ject. 4° 
The falfe Brother. 40 
M.Obadiah Sedgwick* Sermon at H. Strongs Fune- 
ral. 4 
Duke Hamiltons Cafe, argued by M. Steel 9 now 
Lord C hancellour in Ireland. 4 
Gofpel-Miniftery, and Gofpel-Light and Liberty, by 
Dow ford. 8° 
The Rife, Fall, tnd Ruine of Antichrift, By 
Haughton. 8° 
Orders of mhancery. 8° 
Illuftrious Bafhaw. \ FoL 
The Bloudy Inquifition 01 Spoilt. i^° 
Hughs Abridgment of the coramonLaw. Ear. 4 
His Abridgment of all the Ads and Ordinances. 4° 
Several Works of M. Murcot , Minifter of Dublin in 
Ireland ^ with his Life. 4 
A Catalogue of the Chancellours of England. 4^ 
A Scripture Chronology, B M. Allin Minifter. 4° 
A Catalogue of moft Books vendible in England, of 
Divinity, Hiftory, Law. &c. / 4 6 
Annotations mpon Job, Pfalms, Proverbs, £ctleji^ 
afies , Song of Solomon , By Arthur Jwkjon, 
Preacher of Gods Word at Faiths under /W^* 


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